The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 30, 1931, Page 4

‘ Wabdlished by the Comprodaily Publishimg Cn, Toe, Golly oxesp? Pandey, at 6 wast New York City, N. ¥. Address and mail all checks to the Dally Worker, 50 Bast 18h treet, New, York, R. ¥. Page Four Usth Bt. Telephone ALmonquin 4-7956. Cable Party Recruiting Drive January 11 - March 18, 1932 "DIRECTIVES ON THE RECRUITING DRIVE ISSUUED BY THE CENTRAL com MITTEE, C. P. U. 8. Ao Peorsitment.: - (Gonclusion) 7. MATERIAL FOR MASS TION. entral Agitprop Department shall work AGITA- ( Outlines om the political importance of his campaign. ers outlines b) Discussion outlines, | (2) The forms of mass agitation for the came | paign including: | (a)) One national poster by one of the revo- lutionary artists dramatizing the campaign. (b) Stickers containing the slogans of the campaign and linking up the campaign with the mass political campaigns of the Party. (c) Leaflets, agitation material for the cam- paign. Copy of # national leaflet to be drawn up in the Center, the Districts to adapt it to their own conditions and issue leaflets themselves. (da) Methods of chalking and stencilling slo- gans on the sidewalks, factory walls, also within the shops, to dramatize the campaign. (3) Methods of utilizing the Daily Worker and language press for the campaign (a) Special feature articles on the in a particular shop of concentration. b) Regular conferences with the Party edi- | | conditions ws on the campaign, Tao darecseapae of broad workers workers’ ce, ar corner in all Party press with 1ews and statistics on the drive. e) Workers’ correspondence should be sys- | ematically stimulated for new members to write mn, and also those members who are successful ng recruits, the former to write on why ied, and the latter on the methods he is | 4) A series of small, four-page popular | a leaflets dealing with the typical | our Party, circulated by our enemies, | i v class-conscious workers | | Drafts to be drawn up To give every possible assistance to the [| ¢ in working out leaflets and folders ad- to special sections of the working class— women, youth, A. F. of L. workers, steel workers chemical workers, rail- etc., in accordance with the points of con- centration of the Districts. 6) The issuing of a popular pamphlet—Why y Militant Worker Should Join the Com~- munist Party—in the form of # conversation on the basis of the daily demands ahd the fole of the Part; 8. IMPROVEMENT OF OUR OR- GANIZATION IN THE COURSE OF THE CAMPAIGN IN ORDER TO | KEEP THE NEW MEMBERS. | ler to carry through the recruiting drive | and keep the new members, we must take steps to improve our inner Party organization. ‘The improvement consists of taking the follow- ing political and organizational measures: (2) We must carry on & systematic struggle | through political clarification against the exist- ing tendencies that trade union work and the work in other mass organizations is not Party | ‘work. More comrades shall be assigned for ac- tive work in the trade unions and other mass organiaztions. All these comrades assigned shall be released from daily inner Party work, but these comrades engaged in mass organiza- tions must participate in the life of the unit. (2) Without the most stubborn struggle to root out every trace of white chauvinism in the Party and mass organizations, we cannot ex- pect to keep the Negro workers in our Party. | Every Party member must be taught to under- stand the deep and justified suspicion and doubt at Negro workers have gained from bitter op- pression, Jim Crowism and discrimination suf- fered at the hands of white workers also, Party | units must learn to pay special attention to the drawing in of Negro comrades into the leader- | ship of the units and leading committees. | (3) We shall establish in all Districts pos- sible the holding of semi-monthly unit organ- izers mferences in the Sections with the Sec- on Buro for the purpose of control of the work and to give direct leadership and guidance as 11 as outline the tasks for the following two | peks. In large cities we shall establish sim- | lar conferences between the Section Organ- | izers and the District Org Department. To these meetings leading functionaries of the unions and the unemployed shall be drawn in. (4) We shall aim to abolish by January 8th the detailed weekly org letters from the Dis- trict and Section to the units and in place of these to issue brief semi-monthly summaries of the directions given at the conferences of the unit and section organizers, paying special at- tention to the politicalization of our directives, oral and written. 5) We shall regulate the concentration of the Party and Young Communist League wher- | er possible on the same shop or neighborhood So as to increase our forces of concentration. (6) We shall institute in the principal dis- tricts the issuance of membership books by the Section Committees in those sections which in the opinion of the Districts are strong enough to carry this through (Milwaukee, Los An- geles, Anthracite, Eastern Ohio, etc.). <1) The cutting down of the present number of inner meetings in all Districts, the assignment of more mass activities to every Party member. The following steps shal] be taken (a) The cutting down of the number of func~ tionaries in the unit. Special directives will be supplied. (b) In Detroit the units shall meet twice a month, $ (c) In Chicago, the Unit Buros shall meet the same night as the unit meeting, and once a month on a separate night, to review more elab- orately the work of the unit, The results of these changes will be studied by the Central Org, .Department and on the, basis of the experiences, a final plan be adopted. (8) We shall institute a plan of handling applications to insure a’ minimum of lapsed time between the filling in of the application and the actual attendance at unit meetings of the new members. The plans will be supplied. (9 We shall hold the Unit Buros responsible for the careful investigation of the work the mew members are best fitted for and for draw- Ing them into different phases of activity. 10) Regular reports at the unit of the mass ~vities of the individual members, fractions, | * In | of L, unions and the similar assignment of un- | and fraction he has to join. | to newly formed units to insure proper lead- | should be the methods used to draw them in. | the unit shall if possible take personal interest | District Organizer or other leading comrade of | ton, the following points must be considered: | the organizational measures in the drive. Q@b On the basis sé seuteatlons, we must insure the carrying through of the proper divi- sion of work im all units, looking toward the activiaation of all members and preventing the ete. and in connection with this the results of overburdening of few comrades in the unit, especially not overburdening the new members. (12 We shall insure the immediate organ- ization of all new members recruited who are employed into their respective revolutionary trade unions or opposition groups in the A. F. employed new members into unemployed com~ mittees. (13) In order to facilitate this, every new member shall fil] out « registration blank at the first meeting he attends, on the basis of which the Buro shall give him his assignment to Party work and tell him what organization (14) Special directives shall be issued to the Districts on the activization and leadership of the units which will be set up in the course of the drive, particularly the shop units, and show- ing concretely how the Party registration must be used in the assignment of leading comrades ership, (15) The Districts shall conduct six week-end classes for the new members in the sections fol- lowing the plan prepared by the Central Agit- prop Department. We shall establish in the principal districts six week-end classes for unit leaders. In the principal districts we shall also conduct six week-end classes for our most ac- tive comrades in the big shops on how to build and activize shop units. Emphasis should be placed in connection with the new members’ courses that while it is compulsory for the Dis- tricts to organize these courses, it should not be made compulsory for the new members to at- tend these courses. Persuasion and conviction 9. ACCEPTANCE OF NEW MEMBERS. In the past new members coming into the Party did not receive sufficient attention either from the unit or from the section or higher bodies in the Party. This created a situation that a new member did not feel that he com- mitted a revolutionary act in joining the Com- munist Party. This must be changed. ‘The fol- lowing steps shall be taken: (1) When s member comes into the unit, the unit organizer shall explain thé role of the Party and be officially accepted a8 & memiber of the Party by the unit. (2) After the meeting, & leading comrade of in the new member by. visiting him in his home and by a talk with him on the tasks of » Party member. (3) At the Lenin Memorial Meeting, public acceptance of new members: shall be carried through, accompanied with a speech by the theParty, and other ceremonies. 10. REVOLUTIONARY COMPETI- TION. Revolutionary competition shall be regarded as one of the most important phages of this campaign and shall serve in bringing out the vital forces of the Party in this recruiting cam- paign. The competition shall be between: CHICAGO—PITTSBURGH—MINNESOTA DETROIT—CLEVELAND PHILADELPHIA—NEW XYORK—BOSTON CALIFORNIA—SEATTLE KANSAS—COLORADO BUFFALO—CONNECTICUY CHARLOTTE—BIRMINGHAM MONTANA—DAKOTAS In carrying through of revolutionary competi- () The methods of competition to be worked out at conferences of the competing, districts. (2) Exchange of District Representatives at important inner and mass ‘meetings. (3) To develop revolutionary competition be- tween sections and units. (4) That the competition shall be given lively expression in the columns of the Party press. 11. PARTY MOBILIZATION FOR THE CAMPAIGN. In order to secure the maximum mobilization of the Party for this campaign, the following should be carried through: (1) In the Center: (a) A statement of the Central Committee shortly before the campaign starts, (b) A series of articles on the importance of the campaign by leading comrades of the Cen- tral Committee and co-workers, in the Party press. (c) Central Committee Org. instructors to the principal districts to insure the carrying out of (d) The Org. Department shall issue an in- formation bulletin to inform the Districts of the experiences derived in the campaign. (2) In the Districts: (a) tees. (b) Meetings of the Party actives. (©) Confererices between thé Org. Depart- ment of the Districts’ and the leading Party tractions in the trade unions and mass organ- izations. (a) ° Discussions in the units. (e) Meetings of the fractions bed a mass ore ganizations. (£1) "A series of articles by District funcilon- aries. (g) A series of articles by new members on why they Joined the Party and their impres- sions of the Party. 12. CHECK UP. (1) The Central Committee Org. Department shall prepare a special article once @ week for the Party press summarizing the results of the drive in.the Districts, pointing out the good and bad points in these districts, giving suggestions for the improvement of the. work. (2) A chart of the progress of the drive shall’ be printed weekly in the Party press, ennumer- ating the total membership, factory workers, Ne- gro workers, women workers, unemployed, etc. (3) In the Districts the Org. Departments shall be responsible for the campaign. In the Sections, the Section Org. Departments where such exist and are strong enough and where they do not exist, the Section Buros shall be aesponsible, In the wnits, the unit buros, Special meetings of the District Commit- | “DAIWORK.” “They Deport Me” (Wrem an interview at Ells Island with Patrick Devine, te appear im the January issue of the Laber Defender.) a United States Government boasts of be- ing @ ‘merciful jailer” ‘In reality it is a vicious, merciless dungeon keeper. Conditions are so bad in the federal penitentiary at Atlanta that st this moment there is a near epidemic of srinal meningitis.” =-Ntde: Patrick Devine, secretary of the National Textile Workers’. Union, speaking. He has just been released from the federal penitentiary at Atlanta, and now he is penned up at Eilis Island, soon to be deported. International Le- bor Defense representatives meet him in the large, wire-fenced room on the Island, where visitors huddle in small, gloomy knots. around a few of the 500 foreign-born workers who are being shipped out of the country by Doak’s de- portation squads. He will leave Saturday on the 8. 5. Ascania, together with scores of these victims of the Doak's drives. Landing at Liverpool, he will be sent on to Scotland, his native country. When we first see him in the deportation pen this militant leader is without money; for clothes he wears a shabby prison suit and shoes that threaten at every move to fall apart. “The Atlanta prison is: supposed: to be a model institution, under the direction of Sanford Bates, ‘The lucky ones are in dormitories which house 400 men toilets, two of which are always out “The food is a.scandal. Beans—beans—and There is an efficient officer named Boyle in charge. Boyle prides himself on saying $24,000 last year on the food appropria- That means that $500 a day was taken the prison’s food! What went from the same fund to graft, nobody knows. “Because of these terrible conditions, there is ®& hear epidemic of spinal meningitis in the penitentiary. From July, 1931, to the time I left, there were about 30 cases of the disease. Nine of them died. “A window dreasing clean-up of a few of the worst evils is going on—on the surface—to try to prevent the spread of the disease. But the inmates know that this is a farce and they are scared to death.” Devine spoke of the rigid discipline in. the penitentiary, which stili clubs prisoners, or puts them “in the hole’—solitary confinement on bread and water—for slight violations of prison rules. He himself was arrested in prison and punished on @ charge of “inciting to riot” and “boisterous conduct” for some offense which he did not even know he had committed. Speaking of the horrible conditions of United States prisons, Devine called the Federal De- tention House on West St. in New York “a gold brick which Al Smith sold to the government. It used to, be an old garage from Smith’s truck- ing. company. He had the government take it off his hands for more than « million dollars,” | says Devine! Devine. was active in the Lawrence textile strike, and, prior to that, in the Pittsburgh coal area. He was sentenced to Atlanta for a year in ‘connection with his strike activities, and served seven months. Immediately upon his release, he was arrested for deportation. Br 0e8 lh a statement for the Daily Worker today, Pat Devine says: ‘The year 1931 will forever be 2 landmark in the revolutionary history of the United States and the world at large. It marked the confirmation, for all who wish to see, of the correctness of the Comintern analysis of the third period post-war crisis of capitalism. For the American Party, particularly, 1931 has especial significance. In no uncertain manner, this, the third winter of the crisis—with’ its clear disintegration of seemingly all powerful U. .S.. imperialism, ‘and its rising militancy of the working class as expressed in the Hunger March on Washington, the innumerable strikes, and the ever growing Communist election vote— has. demonstrated the counter-revolutionary character of the Lovestoneites and Trotskyites, and the:cleer cut and correct Leninist line of the’ Party. ~ The Lawrence textile strikes, the Pennsylva- nis, Ohio, West Virginia and Kentucky miners’ strike and the magnificent march on Washing- ton are splendid examples of our orientation to mass work in the unions and among the un- | employed, organized and unorganized. ‘We are definitely reducing the gap between abstract propaganda and concrete mass work, with its concretization into organization in the unemployed councils, revolutionary trade unions and the Party.: ‘There are still many weaknesses, however, especially those expressed in Lawrence in Feb- Tuary, viz, lack of preparatory work, insuffi- cient attention to the organization of basic com- mittees in the factories, a hesitation to spread the struggle—in itself an expression of our un- derestimation of the radicalization of the masses —a failure to ‘recruit members energetically enough during strikes, and a lack of connec- tion between our organization centers and their periphery. ¥ ‘The local and district defense organizations must be strengthened enough to make them competent to carry out the necessary defense moves both agitationally and technically. ‘The practice of spectacularly and sharply bringing forward special cases, such as Scotts- | boro, Kentucky miners, etc., must not be allowed to crowd out attention to less important cases. Nineteen hundred and thirty-one has brought our Party to maturity. This growth must and will, be continued in 1932. Bigger struggles are shead. ‘The present session of Congress eccentuates the inherent contradictions of capitalism and exposes the plans for » further reduction in the standard of-living of the workers, and the prep- arations for war in defense of the foreign in- vestments of Wall Street. ‘The guns are turned on the Soviet Union, and our Party, as the leader of the working class, must be prepared to do, its share in defense of our Fatherland. In leaving the United States for new struggles in an old field, I.send revolutionary greetings to all the comrades and urge that they intensify their activities, build our Party and march for- ward to the final overthrow of capitalism and the setting up of a workers’ and. farmers’ gov- ernment. (4) ‘The drive shall also be contro‘led by the Institution of: (a) Weekly reports by the Districts. (6) The sending out of Central Commitiee Org. Instruetors,, District Committee Org. In- structors, to the principal districts and efties in the couree ofthe drive, om ts, Wy mall everywhere: One year, $6; siz months, § of Manhatten and Bronx, New York City. Fighting the ‘New Offensive SUBSCRIPTION RATES: wo months, $1; excepting Boroughs Foreign: one year, % ae te 3 @ix months, $4.50. Against the Foreign Born (This is the conclusion of the Central Com- mittee directives on the struggle for the pro- tection of the foreign born.—Editor.) o, ee By F. BROWN Mew to Correct Our Shortcomings. Xs it possible to correct the shortcomings and develop the campaign to a tremendous move- ment that will defeat the Hoover-Doak offensive and at the same time rally round the Party large masses of foreign-born workers who through this ‘campaign can and must be drawn into the daily struggle of the American working class? No- body can doubt that. It is the problem of in- volving the Party as a whole in this struggle, as one of the major siruggles, that we are facing. ‘The proposals of how to overcome the short- comings, how to conduct the campaign, etc., are already embodied in the positive side of the seven major reasons registered, which explain the weakness of the campaign, and which are contained in many Party documents, in the in- structions of the National Committee for the Protection of the Foreign Born worked out espe- cially after the last Party Plenum. Nevertheless, I am enumerating those which are the most important. In order to revive and develop the campaign for the Protection of the Foreign Born, it is necessary: 1, Development of the campaign against the new offensive of the Feteral government. This must be connected and dramatized through local struggles against the discrimination by which the foreign-born workers are affected—on city and neighborhood scale, and at places of work (for example, refusal to hire foreign-born workers on public works, discharging foreign-born workers in the construction of public works, road con- structions, etc., if they are not citizens; depor- tations’ in connection with strikes or militant participation in the revolutionary movement; discrimination in the distribution of relief, as- aignment of jobs, revocation of citizen papers, etc.). The campaign has to be connected with the struggle against wage-cuts, with the campaign against the terrorization of the Negro masses, and, in general, with the struggle in the shops and the struggle of the workers as a whole against the capitalist offensive on the standard of living of the American workers. 2..A vigorous, wide, agitational campaign must be developed in our press against the new wave of terror launched by the Hoover govern- ment. 3. To strengthen the National Committee for the Protection of the Foreign Born, drawing in more representatives of the mass organizations, of the revolutionary unions, iocals of the A. F. of L. and other organizations which we are drawing into the campaign, 4. To strengthen the Districts and City Com- mittees for the Protection of thé Foreign Born through conferences in all those districts where the committees disappeared—conferences called in line with the revival of the campaign against | the new offensive launched by the federal gov- | ernment. 5. The language mass organizations must be awakened to the realization that this is their ma- jor campaign at the present moment, through the activizing and enlightenment of our Party fractions within the mass organizations. 6. The I. L. D. shall work hand in hand with the Council for the Protection of the Foreign Born. The tasks of the two organizations have already been laid dovn. While the major task of the Council for the Protection of the Foreign Born is to conduct a wide, continuous, agita- tional campaign to lead the struggle for the pro- tection of the foreign born in general, in giving legal advice, ete., the I. L. D. is to participate in the campaigns and to take care of the legal de- tense of the individual cases. Certainly the de- velopment of the campaign will enable the Coun- cil for the Protection of the Foreign Born in supporting the I. L. D. in its campaign for funds concerning the defense of desperate cases. already established in New York and Michigan. These have shown good results in the develop- ments of the campaign, im making known the organization to large masses and dramatizing the campaign through the investigation of de- portation cases, through giving legal advice to alien workers’on different problems (citizer papers, legal stand in this country, etc.). 8. Organizationally, the Council for the Pro- | tection of the Foreign Born must not become a rigid organization but continue to base itself on affiliation, The efforts of the District and City Committees, especially now during the renewal of the campaign, must concentrate on reaching the masses of new organizations. Certainly, if the campaign is properly conducted these masses will achieve the affiliation of the organizations to the Council for the Protection of the Foreign Born, will create the basis for the development of the struggle ot the masses against the fascist and social-fascist leadership in many mass or- ganizations. In the organizational measures elaborated by the Council for the Protection of the Foreign Born, it is already established that the District and City Committees are to appoint special small committees whose task it is to visit and bring the campaign into the hundreds of mass or- ganizations that were never reached before. 9. The District and City Councils for the Protection of thé Foreign Born from now on, un- der guidance of the Party fractions, must react quicker in cases of deportations, discriminations, etc.—in calling of mass meetings and demonstra- tions before the immigration authorities, before the places of work where cases of discrimination occur. Most attention in these cases must be given to drawing into protests American workers, Ne- gro and white, and especially the youth—the new generation of the foreign-born workers which must be drawn into the struggle for the protection of their parents, in this manner giving to the demonstration 2 real character of united front against the offensive of the capitalist class. The Campaign Must Be Discussed! The entire Party must be made conscious of the importance of the campaign through dis- cussion; functionaries’ meetings on district scale and discussion in the units must be arranged, at which not only the importance of the campaign is to be taken up, but also the organizational measures must be brought into the forefront— how the struggle is to be conducted and de- veloped, also the problem of the millions of for- eign-born workers (employed in all kinds of in- dustries) who have to be drawn over to our cause. The fact that the federal government, the states and cities are dealing with these problems, the fact that a new offensive against the foreign- born workers is on its way, show us that this problem does exist and that it is one of the most important problems that the Party must face. In drawing large masses of foreign-born work- ers into this campaign, we must contrast the situation in the United States with that in the Soviet Union. Here, in the most powerful imperialist country, in the country of “prosperity and democracy,” the workers suffer mass unem-~ ployment, starvation, terror against the foreign born and against the Negroes, discrimination on all sides and a constant lowering of the living standards. In the Soviet Union, not only has unemploy~ ment been abolished and the standard of living continuously raised, but all forms of discrimina- tion have been abolished. The workers and farmers rule the country—they are building a new society from which exploiters are disap- pearing completely. Not only must we bring before’ the workers the immeciate war danger, the feverish preparation by the imperialists to attack the Soviet Union; but we must show them that it is in this im- perialist country, the country of bourgeois dem- ocracy which means liberty only for the capi- talists to oppress the working class and squeeze out higher profits, that the working class, for- eign born and Negro and American, will be free from capitalist oppression only by following the example of thefr Russian brothers in establish- ing 8 workers’ and farmers’ government, a real | democracy, real freedom for the majority from 7. Building of Legal Advice Departments as | el the exploitation of the few. Only in this way can. the unemployment, discrimination, lynch- ings, deportationr, etc., be abolished forever and @ new society—a Socialist society—be established. Some Mistakes in the Theoretical and in the Practical Work ot the Communist Party of Germany By ERNST THAELMANN (Berlin) ‘The November-December number of “Die In- ternationale”, the theoretical organ of the Communist Party of Germany, contains a long article by Comrade Thaelmann on some mis- takes which have appeared in the theoretical and practical work of the C. P. of Germany in , the year 1931. We give below, in condensed form, the main contents of this article. PART 2. Weaknesses in the Fight Against National Socialism. Great weaknesses were also revealed in the fight against national socialism, In our own ranks the false theory of the “inevitability” of the fascist dictatorship under monopoly capital- ism made its appearance. There was not always ® sufficiently sharp struggle waged against this Right-opportunist theory. But the expressions of an overestimation of national socialism were not the only kind of mistakes in regard to the problem of national socialism. ‘There weve also serious Lett errors, expressed in an underestima- tion of the importance of fascism in general in the class struggle and also of the special role of the national socialist mass movement. We can~- not exonerate the whole Party and its leadership in regard to this mistake. We have regarded fascism, including the growth of the national socialist movement, too one-sidedly and too me- chanically, only as the antithesis of the revolu- tionary upsurge, as the defensive action of the bourgeoisie against the proletariat. This esti- mate, was correct, but it was inadequate by it- welf and, thus became 2 scheme which did not do justice to the dialectical process of class re~ lationshipe. We have not taken sufficiently into two elements, the element of the offensive of the ruling class and also the element of its dis- Integration; that the fascist development can Jead to a victory of the proletariat, as well as to a defeat of the proletariat. Here the question is decided by the subjective factor, the class strug- gle of the proletariat. It is absolutely necessary for the Party to con- duct a fight on two fronts: against a certain sectarian fatalism, and also against the oppor- tunist panic mood towards the fascist develop- ment. The ideological mass fight against the Hitler party must be considerably strengthened. Unclearness in the Question of the Perspectives. Tendencies to Resort to Individual Terror. ‘With individual workers, both inside and out- side of the Communist movement, there have been seen tendencies to allow themselves to be diverted by the deliberate provocations of the national socialist terror from the line of the rev- olutionary mass struggle and more or less con- sciously to become entangied in the social-revo- lutionary ideology of individual terror. ‘These workers depart from the principles of Marxism- Leninism in regard to the methods of the prole- tarian fight for freedom, for individual terror- ism has just a little place in the system of Len- inism as the coward!y liberal babble of the social pacifists. These workers have not understood the Marxist analysis of the present situation and the perspectives of development! they have not realized that we are in that stage of the revolu- tionary upsurge in which the immediate fight for power itself is not yet on the order of the day, but the prerequisites of the revolutionary crisis in Germany are rapidly maturing. Those who recognize this perspective of the ©. P. of Germany and of the Comintern must also un- derstand that today every revolutionary worker, also the Party ae @ whole, te faced with the By Jones We’ve Suspected It No doubt William Randolph Hearst don’t aes it, but there is 2 Communist Party nucleus im’ York. Furthermore, it strives to do its duty wy putting out a shop paper. We said “strives,” because the comrades it are somewhat confused on what's what. first, they thought they knew. So, in thelr shop paper, they spoke of how the capitalists sub» sidize their class papers by acres of paid advere tizing, and from this the comrades drew @ lease | son for the workers, to the effect that the worlss | ers should support the Communist press, 2a explanation it was said: ‘ | » “Therefore, until such time when the werles | ers gain power and establish 2 State monopoly of newspaper advertisement, it fs our duty amd | necessity to support the Commanist prema, which {s the organizer of the vanguard ef the | working class, the Communist Party.” The comrades thought that was all right. Bug « from somewhere in the superior apparatus above their humble nucleus, there came criticism. They were and still are glad to get criticism. And mesé of what they got was acceptable. But they halted at the following: “When you give the reason why the workers should support the Communist press, yor make your main point (?) that some day the work- ers will establish a state monopoly of newBe paper advertising, and thus (7) will contre! its papers. This is not Communism and the workers should not be given such an Mea of Communism.” Firstly, we have put after the misinterpreds ations by the critic of what the nucleus said, a question mark. Because it is questionable thaé it was 2 “main” point, and they certainly did NOT say that the working class would obtais “control” of its papers by control of advertising, but clearly by “gaining power.” However, they were puzzled more by being told that this idea of SUPPORTING newspapers by means of a state monopoly of adt was “not Communism,” when then had that idea from a “non-Communist” by the name of Lenin, who wrote (Page 39-40, in “Prepare ing for Revolt”) on Sept. 18, 1917, the ronwngt “There exists a very simple method andl perfectly legitimate one which I indicated. long time ago in the Pravda... ought never to lose sight of cause it is almost certain that compelled to make use of it when the power. This method is the State monepoly of newspaper advertisement.” The comrades don’t know whether the tion, District, National or other peers’ manded that they “lose sight” of said. But they are of the opinion that body in the superlor apparatus might ably study Lenin 2 bit before taking up of critic. It occurs to us that you folks who are subscribers, might follow the advice of the nucleus and aid the press of the working by subscribing to the Daily Worker, pending establishment of the dictatorship of the tariat when, of course, there will be no but working class papers to lay hands on. ‘ ebla seUlet i Ce Werke eee Seen by Hunger Marchers:—On the road, unemployed worker, not connected with the March, was hiking with this sign on his back: “Don’t give me a lift—I voted for Hoover!” ’ ’ * ; A Real Red Red:—Mayble you didn’t it, bu tthere were some sure enough American Indians in that Hunger March to Washington. One of these genuine 100 per cent Americans (wonder where the Doak would deport him!) from the West, yelled from the leading truck when they stopped at Bellaire, Ohio, “Get your copy of the Daily Worker!” and distributed about thirty of them before somebody noticed that it was the Freiheit. The steel workers and coal miners turned it sidewise and downwise up but couldn't make anything of it. Then they fig- ured that it was printed in Indian symbols, ‘The reason that the Daily Worker failed to show up was, we are told, that bundles had to be paid for when ordered, and this little proe tective regulation was forgotten by the local comrades. However, the Freiheit was not bute dened by such troublesome rule, so it put on # wow of an advertising campaign. | | zs main task, namely, tenacious, indefatigable struggle to win the majority of the proletariat, and, in addition, to win allies for the proletariat } from all sections of the working population for © the common fight against capitalism under the hegemony of the proletariat. This means: to ore ganize and to bring to full development the fights of the working class, the strikes of the face tory workers, the mass actions of the unem- ployed, the mass struggles of all sections of the working population, the mass struggle the emergency orders of the bourgeoisie, the political mass strike, The important adopted by the C. C. of the C.P.G, on Nov. against individual terror was' by no “tactical maneuver” aimed at saving the from being prohibited. On the contrary, the reason for this decision was the mittee’s conviction that any neglect to conduct s. Bolshevist fight against individual terror and ariy’ toleration of the same would only facilitate the national socialists, and thereby also the bour- geoisie, in their game of diverting the working class from the decisive revolutionary tasks of the mass struggle. i aly Conclusions. retical level is insufficient and requires an essen~ tial improvement. If we wish in our revolution- ary practice to Hquidate the Party's lagging be- hind the objective possibilities of the revolution- retical level of our Party, it is also at the same time work among the masses and for the’ masses in order to make the Party, and with it, the working class, more capable of realizing the great