The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 28, 1931, Page 4

—— ee Published by Sth St, > Address and m: Page Fonr We publish this statement as representing the experiences of the biggest district in the Party. Other districts should send in their experiences and plans in preparation for the presidential election campaign of e By Communist Party, District Commitics, District of New York EVER before were the conditions for mobiliz 4% ing the workers of New York for struggle so favorable as this year. With mote than 1,000,000 unemployed in New York City, with hunger and starvation widespread throughout the city, with the Negroes and Latin Americans of Harlem battling egainst death by starvation, with wages being cut over and over againsi—with the work- ing class demonstrating a mood to fight—the Communist Prty never had a better opportunity to register a big vote in New York City. More than 35,000 workers signed the petitions to place the Communist Party on the ballot. All of these workers were approached and spoken to by members of the Communist Party, Young Communist League, the revolutionary unions, Unemployed Councils and other revolutionary organizations. To them was explained what th Communist Party stands for—and the response was splendid on the part of the workers. Th u knew the Reds and would support them. This was a year when the Communist Party should have been able to count upon a mass support in the election in opposition to the Tammany machine, the republican and socialist parties. The meetings of the Party were well attended and enthusiastic. As a whole, the sections show ed great initiative in organizing meetings, pa- rades and marches, some of the marches and demonstrations showing the mass response of the workers (Section 1). By the use of modern methods (oudspeaker) the scope of the meet was increased, some of the meetings reach- ing thousands of workers as well as the work- ers in the homes who gathered at the windows. in the needle market, the loudspeaker was used with fine effect. re workers responded to the platform of the Party, because they realized that it was based upon the immediate needs of the workers, lead- ing to the ultimate program of the Party. Mil lions of leaflets were distributed, 50,000 plat- ms sold and distributed. Shop papers, al- 1 not too numerous, carried on t prop- The mass organizatio: did a fairly od job, among theix membership and some of them through indoor and open air meeti The Unemployed Councils, Workers Ex-Serv men’s League did militant work. The response days was fairly good, with the sympa- frequently doing more energetic work ithe Party members. All in all, more agitation and propaganda w: carried on so that the results should have corre “ There was a decline in the votes—about 100 a very serious matter in such a favorable We must therefore look into the on tag votes i. The District Campaign machine was poor- ly organized. It was a one-man machine. This was due to the failure of the District to organize a proper Party election machinery, as part of the united front. By showing no perseverance and taking the necessary organizational steps, the machinery remained very narrow. In the sec- tions this was somewhat better, but it was not what it should have been . The result was that the work that was done was not properly or- ganized and to a degree was greatly spontane- ous, with all the serious weaknesses, shortcom- ings and dangers of spontaneity. The D ict, must accept full responsibility for this situation. 2. There was @ scarcity of speakers. Some of the leading candidates did not participate in the campaign whatever, not even speaking in their own districts. During the campaign too few speakers were developed, and many of those who participated completely misrepresented the line of the Party. 3. The platform ef the Party appeared late. Tt was concrete for New York, but the sections and units—and the speakers particularly—did not use local neighborhood material to bring the issues closer to the masses. Failure to con- eretize the issues on a local scale is a serious forthcoming in all our work, as demonstrated in the election campaign. In one section where a family was burned to death, the section did not use the happening to show up the system and gain the support of the workers. 4. Some speakers emphasized the “useless- ness” of elections, made light of the election it- ely ,and thereby did not win the workers for voting for the Party, but rather for making the workers stay away from the polls altogether. There remains in the Party a serious underes- timation of parliamentarism, which has not been clarified either by the Central or District Com- mitice. This is a shortcoming that must be overcome if the Party is to participate in parlia- mentary campaigns and try to get its candidates elected so that they may carry on revolutionary work also.in the halls of government 5. The main shortcoming in the campaign was that confronting the workers, namely unem- ployment. Prior to and during the election campaign, the unemployment work sagged seri- ou! so that the unemployed could not be mob- itized for the election campaign of the Party for all the campaigns of the Party are based issue upon struggle 6 The T.U.U.L, and the revolutions which support the Party, conducted many gles. But these struggles were not politicalized. ‘They were struggles for economic demands, but the Party was rarely brought into the stru: either through participation of the Party di: or through the union leaders themselves. 2 is best demonstrated in the fact that the strike struggles resulted in very little recruitment for | the Party, although the workers showed splendid militancy. 7. ‘The unions participated little in the elec- there were no struggles on the main | STATEMENT ON ELECTIONS IN NEW YORK | Daily Worker, | clearly that the work of the Party has borne tion campaign. Although it was planned for the | unions to hold meetings of their membership and among the workers of the trade, this was hardly done. The District was slow in check- ing up, and in making the Communist leaders of the unions ‘recognize their revolutionary duty in the election campaign. 8., ‘The sections and,units failed to connect up the election campaign with the regular work of the Party. Many of the units did “election cam- paign” work as something separate and apart from the general work of the Party, so that the workers did not see the Party in the struggle and in the election campaign, but only in the form of street corner meetings. This did not make the election campaign: a campaign of struggle, but one of competition with the othcr parties, with a Communist line and Communist speakers. ‘This attitude was strengthened by the | the strike the Election Campaign should have n 4-7956. Cable Sxcept Sunde¥, EY sb Best Worker, 50 East 18th Street, New Yo BOBSCRIPTION RATES? a ee By mat! evePfwhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two monthy, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhatian and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, $8; six months, $4.50, rty press, p: Very few shop meetings were held, connect- | ing the rapidly lowered conditinos In the shops ‘hb the election campaign. The result was that the rs were reached on the general issues df the Party, but not through agitation on the concrete conditions of the shops in which they worked. 10. The District failed to make revolutionary use of the Tammany graft exposures. This was an issue by which the whole rotten system of capitalist government could have been exposed. The other parties made good use of this issue, raising it to the main issue, in a demagogic manner, 11. We failed concretely to expose the social- ist party. As in the past, we applied the proper names to the social fascists, but did not expose on the basis of concrete acts and facts the treach- y of the socialist party. It is not sufficient to call the S. P. the third party of the capitalists, but to point out concretely how in policy, pro- gram, and practice, the S. P. is a party of capi- Nor does it suffice merely to point out what the socialists do in other parts of the country. Although this material must be used, it must be connected up with the actions of the 8. P. in New York. This was done late in the campaign, but it came too late, which indicates the owing danger of the S. P. which is being pushed forward more and more by the bosses clearly noted in the capitalist press) as their rd party, to do their work when the workers turning to the revolutionary, party. As a result of our failure to expose the S. P. (and some comrades declared that the “S. P. is | talism, dead,” thereby showing serious underestimation the growing role of social-fascism in the ted States), the S. P. was able to make full of graft and corruption (with especial ef- against the republican Carrington), thereby ag the support of many who were made to believe that this was the main issue. 12. Social demagogy was widespread. The riation of “relief” by the state legislature through Roosevelt; the proposed appropriation the Board of Estimate, the charity relief cam- gn which began before the elections, bolstered the weakening faith of many workers in the capitalist system. Our failure to expose it and to unmask the socialist party and to take ad- vantage of the exposure of the republican party, the workers only one way to vote—as they n England—for the fascist party—Tammany Hall. 13. Thirty-five thousand workers signed the petitions of the Party—but little effort was made to reach these workers during the campaign to | ‘ally them for activity. They were not can- d, or at most in few instances, to mobilize them for voting. The Party has not yet learned the ng ty of continual follow-up, as the re- sults show in all fields. 14. The Party did not have sufficient watch- | ers, nor were they trained in their rights and | duties. This is a serious weakness, and merely | opens the road for wholesale stealing and terror by the ruling party and its gangsters. 15. The Tammany machine and its police and gangsters feared the Communist Party and the vote that the workers would poll for it. ‘There- fore gangsterism, with the open support of the police, began early in the morning of Nov. 3. Beating up Communist watchers, throwing them out of the polling places, refusal to allow Ne- groes to act as watchers (until they were forced to do so by workers’ delegations), repeating, jamming of the voting machines and of resultant open wholesale stealing of votes cast for the Party were some of the features of boss “democ- racy,” which must be a lesson for the Party and the workers. This will grow and the Party must be prepared. 16. The ¥. ©. L, hardly participated in the campaign, only. holding some street corner meet- ings and rallies. The failure of the Y.C.L, in the election campaign is the responsibility of the Party, The young workers, many of whom can- not vote, cannot yet rqcognize the importance of election campaigns, even less than some Party | members do, The Pioneers were not mobilized for activities that they could carry on in the campaign. It is the duty of the Party to edu- cate the ¥.C.L. membership in the meaning of elections, so that the young workers, who should be the most energetic, will be drawn in effec- tively into the election campaign of the Party. 1%. One of the sorest spots in the election campaign was the Party press, particularly the ‘The Party press should be the mobilizer and organizer for the Party. It should reach workers who do not so readily participate in the activities of the Party. The Party press, particularly the Daily Worker, which should have helped to mobilize the Party members and all workers and should have linked up all the struggles with the election campaign, failed com- pletely to do so.’ The District, on the other hand, did not furnish sufficient material on the cam- paign, did not collect it from the sections and units, The weakness of the press is one of the most serious shortcomings that must be over- come, 18. The campaign in New Jersey suffered from the same general defects and shortcomings as the campaign in New York. The Party succeeded without great effort in getting on the ballot, both for the candidate for governor and in the muni- cipal and county elections, which indicated good results in New Jersey. Although the State Convention was a good con- vention and committees were set up, these did not function. The machinery in the section did not carry on work and the Election Campaign was, isolated from the general work of the sec- tion. In Paterson, in particular, where during been brought to the fore, it was completely ne- glected and only long after the strike was it brought forward. One of the main shortcoming of the campaign was the fact that the candidate for Governor was only able to be a short time in the state, so that the workers did not see the main candidate of the Party. As a result many meetings ar- ranged were not covered, the district failing to supply speakers, In some cities the speakers sent by the district did not show up at all so that as, for instance, in Linden, where there was a disappointment three or four times in succession, the movement was to a great extent taken over by the social- ists. The membership of the Party in New Jersey suffer from the same shortcomings as in New York--misunderstanding and underestimation of By BURCK. FRanc€: FIGHTING THE NEW OFFENSIVE AGAINST THE FOREIGN BORN (The following are the directives of the Central Committee on the Foreign-Born Campaign) By F. BROWN PART fT i hee campaign for the protection of the foreign- born in this country is not a new event in the history of the revolutionary movement in the United States. In 1923-24 a mass movement was created around the slogans (for the protec- tion of the foreign-born in the U. S.) against the proposed restrictions in the immigration quotas, against the reactionary measures pro- posed at that time by the Federal Government. and the different states against the foreign-born workers—the most advanced part of whom were in the forefront in the strikes of this period— in the forefront of the class battles. Again at the end of 1929 the campaign for the protection of the foreign born was revived. In this period (starting of the new economic crisis, the wave of renewed struggle by the workers against capitalist rationalization and its effects, wage cuts, etc., with the first unemployed bat- tles, with the direct attack against the foreign- born started by the Labor Department under the leadership of Davis)— further attack was developed by the Fish Committee. The Fish Committee one and a half years ago pointed out very clearly that one of the attempts to solve the unemployed situation was to deport the masses of non-naturalized foreigners in this country—especially the most class conscious of the foreign-born workers, many of wham were in the leadership of the revolutionary move- ment in the United States, in the leadership of our Party. This was a blow directed specifically against our Party and the Revolutionary Unions, revolutionary parliamentarism. This must be clarified in the section and in the units, so that in the forthcoming campaign for 1932 the Party membership as the driving force will be rallied to mobilize the workers for the campaign, ‘When one remembers that 100,000 workers demonstrated on May 1, 30,000 on Noy. 7, then one realizes that the Communist Party is a growing power among the workers of New York —a power that must be organized and mobilized for all the campaigns of the Party—a power that must be recruited into the Party and made a force in organizing And mobilizing the workers for struggle. The Party must learn from the errors, shortcomings and weaknesses of the elec- tion campaign of this year, in order properly to prepare for the national elections of next year, which will be of the greatest significance. The preparations for the national campaign of 1932 must begin immediately. The capitalist parties, republican, democratic and socialist, are already preparing, for this is their only method of “ap- pealing” to the workers. This necessitates not only organizational but particularly ideological preparation—beginning with the Party member- ship, 1. An ideological campaign must be started in the Party press on the signifigance of revolu- tionary parllamentarism. ‘This is seriously mis- understood both in the Party and among the revolutionary workers, who! regard the carrying on of the election campaign and the easting of votes of no weight in the revolutionary struggle. ‘This must be cleared up if the Party is to con- duct its work properly and be able to mobilize the widest section of the workers to support it in the work of the campaign. 2. A series of articles for the Communist must be written by leading comrades. 3. The machinery must be established for preparing the campaign not only in the Party, but in all the mass organizations, so that when the campaign is in swing all the working class revolutionary organizations will be keyed up to the tasks. The District Org. Department will take the necessary steps to establish this ma- chinery and through the fractions in the unions and mass organizations begin the work. 4. The results of the elections of 1930 and 1931 must be carefully analyzed, so that the Party will know where to concentrate its work, in order to obtain the best results. In these preparations the whole Party must be mobilized, from the Central Committee down to the units, with the Party press thrown completely into the work, so that the best revolutionary results may be achieved not only in the campaign, but in building the Party, the revolutionary unions, un- employed councils and other revolutionary or- ganizations. Only thus will the Party be making the proper preparations and get the proper re- « It was. made clear, two years ago, that the aim of the capitalist class and of the U. S. Government was to check the growing unity of the workingclass and continue the division of the American workingclass, to terrorize at the same time the foreign born workers and the Ne- gro workers in this country and on thi§ basis make a free road for lowering the living stand- ard of the workingclass as a whole. At present under the pressure of the develop- ment of daily struggles, of the development of the struggle for unemployed insurance (with the perspective of still lowering the standard of liv- ing) the capitalist class in the United States and the Federal Government, inside the frame of widening the reaction against the American workingclass as a whole, are launching a new ‘wave of terror against the foreign born workers. This can be seen by the Labor Secretary's re- port and especially in the Hoover message, and simultaneously from the new wave of terror against the Negroes in the South, as expressed in the lynchings that took place in the last few weeks. How was the campaign for the Protection of the Foreign Born conducted in the last two years? At the time of the first offensive launched by the Fish Committee, a real move- ment Was bu’ that culminated in the success- ful Washington demonstration which succeeded in drawing the attention of large masses of for- eign born to the campaign for their protection. But cur weakness at that time consisted in the fact that we were unable to use the influence our movement ‘had created, and transform this influence in organizational form, namely into a real mass movement of the millions of foreign born workers in this country, also using this in- fluence for deepening our roots in the basic in- dustries which still employ 60% foreign born workers. Mr. Doak, Secretary of, the Labor Department in his last statement, remarked that this year 18,000 foreign born workers were deported. But we must not forget that in his statement of last year, he announced that 16,631 were deported. Through El Paso and other cities on the bor- ~ der, 40,000 Mexicans passed on their way back to Mexico. Inside the frame of the general deportations we find that the line of the Federal Goyern- ment is to hit the most class conscious of the foreign born workers. These methods are used especially in the case of strikes, as may be seen in Western Pennsylvania, Paterson and Law- rence, in order to terrorize the masses of foreign born workers. During the Jast two years dozens of Party members, leaders in our language mass organizations and the revolutionary unions were deported, and others are still in jail waiting for deportation. Thru the development of a real struggle by the LL.D., by the Council for the Protection of the Foreign Born, we succeeded in saving these comrades who were to be turned over to the hangmen of their original countries. Deportations to China, to countries of Latin- America and to the fascist countries of Europe ‘were prevented, Under the pressure of our mass struggle, Sec- retary Doak of the Labor Department seeing that some of the Courts were finding the de- portations unconstitutional months ago, ad- vanced the proposal that if the different organ- izations would discontinue their cases in court, the Labor Department was in favor of gratiting free departure of the undesirable elements. Un- der the pressure of our movenient, the Wicker- sham Commission was fored to give to its re- port, a bourgeois, liberal tinge. Nevertheless, our movement (Protection of the Foreign Born) is organizationally very weak. Only in Michigan have we succeeded in building a real movement around the struggle against the Alien Registration Bill. An organized move- ment exists in New York where some hundreds of orgenizations with thousands of members are affiliated to the Council, also to some extent in Philadelphia and Boston. But in other districts as in Chicago, Cleveland, Pittsburgh, ete., in spite of the instructions, in spite of the fact that or- ganizers were sent to the spot, the movement, does not exist at all, or only now beginning. Besides, the movement is still composed of pure~ ly language mass organizations, while our un- jons and locals of the A. F. of L. are still not involved. Also in those places where the move- ment is organized we succeeded only in a small measure to penetrate into organizations outside of our influence. Still the Party does not realize that beside the fact that a mass movement of the foreign born will strengthen the Party’s in- _ fluence and organizations, this campaign is ab the same time a struggle for the defense of the Party itself. In the last two years we can say that the campaign for Protection of the Foreign Born in- volved from 200 to 300 thousand foreign born workers, The workers to a great extent besides participating in the campaign for the protection of the foreign born, participated also in the campaigns of the LL.D., in the Scottsboro cam- paign, and in the other campaigns led by the Party. The possibility of creating a tremendous moye- ment is before us. But this possibility will be ; realized only if the Party, as a whole, will really understand that the problem of the foreign born in this country is one of the major problems facing the Party. Until now the campaign was conducted in a poor manner. The agitation was increased—conferences and mass meetings were called, and organizational measures taken only in such cases as the Michigan Alien Registra- tion Bill or before new deportation cases; but not conducted in a persistent and systematic manner, The National Committee elected at the time of the Washington Convention, because of its poor composition disappeared very soon. Since then the National Committee was reorganized twice. The last event—the Hoover message, which came at the same time that the Alien Registra- tion Bill in Michigan was declared unconstitu- tional, also the report of Secretary Doak of the Labor Department, shows very clearly how at the same time that the Michigan court was forced to repeal the reactioncry bill, under pres- sure of the masses in Michigan, the Federal Government is making this Bill its own. ‘The reason given by the Michigan Court for declaring the Bill unconstitutional is that such Bill can only be passed by the Federal Govern- ment. Both declarations—Hoover’s and Doak's, to which has to be added the latest decision of the Supreme Court which declares all non-nat- uralized aliens subject to deportation no mat- ter how long they are in this country—reversing all previous laws, show us very clearly that we are confronting a new wave of terror against the foreign born in this country and that our duty is to develop a real mass movement for the protection of these workers. Can we conduct this campaign on the basis of concrete issues? Yes. We have the proof that the foreign born workers, not only are deported en masse, but those who remain in the United States are discriminated against on every side— discrimination on public works as construction of new buildings, roads, etc. discrimination in the assignment of jobs, in the unions of the A. F. of L., discrimination in relief distributed by the charities, distribution in schools, etc., etc. For example, in New York City, in the element- ary schools, 60 per cent of the children are of foreign born parentage, but in the high schools the children of the foreign-born represent only 10 per cent, which shows that a large percent- age of the child labor army in industry is com- posed of children of foreign born workers. Finally, we must not overlook that all the re- actionary measures against the foreign born and against the Negro masses ate in line with the war preparations. It is the old policy of all capitalist countries to try to crush the revolu~ tionaty movement as one prerequisite for war preparations. For this reason we are compelled to pay more attention to the problems of the foreign born in this country. (TO BE CONTENTED)» Workers! Join the Party of. Your Class! P O Box 87 Station D. New York City. Please send me more information on the Oum- munist Party. A ececccccrecvocce on. aeecececceee, StMtl «ss ecereeee OCCUPAUOD .. 26. seereesevereeeeees-, ABC ceceee -Mail this to the Office, Communist Communist Party 0. 8. A 0. 87 Btation D, Now York City, | eyes of the capitalists, By Jones “Dumb Beasts” Are Protected From the Minneapolis “Star” we quote the {if following: “Detroit, Dec. 4—(United Press).—An ate tempt to feed his destitute wife and childres with stolen pigeons today landed Louls Schmidt in jail for the second time on a charge of cruelty to dumb beasts. He was released last month with a warning. Michigan lawa provide a $100 fine or a 90-day jail sentence: as a maximum penalty,” Now it is evident that the “stolen” pigeond are those which flutter around the ¢ity street “following the ponies.” So Schmidt was not doing so much as “stealing” something upos which another person was depending, but meres ly making use of sqmething otherwise going te waste, ( Capitalism has laws to protect “dumb beasts” but no law to protect wives and children of the workers. And when it comes to the choice of either one or the other, it’s the dumb beasts who || |) Set protected and the wives and children starved, {{/) peri wane v Defend Your Dignity We are overcome with a great pity at the plight of British judges, who, according to the N. Y. Post of Nec. 21, are threatened with @ loss of dignity and are moving to defend it. It seems that the judges, who get a rake-off ranging from $25,000 a year up to $40,000, for Sending British workers to jail who protest against cuts in the unemployed dole and im wages of the employed—are getting a cut theme selves of 20 per cent. And there is weeping and wailing and gnashe ing of false teeth in the land. The dispateh says they are protesting that “their dignity cane not be supported.” Further, they say that the cut will “put thens in such a condition of anxiety” that “it may im- pair the calmness of mind which is essential to the discharge of their judicial duty.” There's mutiny for you! One might suspect that they will be unable to send Communists to jail, so upset they may be. But have no fear! They say that while it is true that the uneme Ployed got their dole cut, and the workers an@ sailors got a wage-cut, that mere workers “have no expense in maintaining their dignity.” In fact they have no dignity to maintain, in the Unemployed workers particularly, who here if America are treated like criminals, should ree member this lesson given them by the British judges. They should not be satisfied with a mere miserable charity handout, but should demand unemployment insurance. As for workers who are getting wage-cuts, they have an excellent precedent in the judges of the High Court of England, who refuse to lose their dignity by a ‘wage-cut. . . ’ Coming And Going The racketeers get you coming or going. We have been sent a chunk of “come-on” circulara sent out asking for money by an outfit which claims to be in the business of keeping people from committing suicide. That's one way of racketeering on the miseries of the workers. Since it is run by @ preacher and decks itself out as “philanthropy,” it hee the O. K. of capitalist society and gets writter up in the World-Telegram. But while that layout is racketeering on save ing people from killing themselves, we have ane other one which cashes in when the first outfit fails to save them. This is a new wrinkle and we might ask Soviet papers to copy this item! as “proof” that capitalists will insist on making money even if they have to fry their grand& mothers for soap grease. In the city of Rochester, N. Y., there are somé high bridges crossing the Genesee :Gorge, and one of them has become known as “Suicide Bridge,” so numerous have been the people kilke ing themselves by leaping from it. But recently a new bridge has been built, known as the Ridge Road bridge, a new chance for the workers driven to desperation to leap into death at once rather than die a lingering death of starvation. So some slick guys have fixed up a lottery, with printed chances issued that sell for 50 It is called the “Double Action” lottery, Andrew J. Racarie is noted on the tickets to “president” of the concern. It offers a first “capital” prize of $10,000, ten prizes of $500 and altogether is supposed to have 1,111 But who is the loser? Well, the blanks on the lottery tickets tell you. It is the “First Suicide who goes to death over the Ridge Road And the buyer of a Four Bit ticket has the of guessing. “(A) Date of month; (B) for height (C) for weight; and (D) for age’—of the firey victim of capitalism that hurls himself or self to death! Now, however, you've only got started on the crookedness in this game. It seems, according to the “Times-Union” of Rochester, that the lobe tery isn’t even on the square. Tt says: 5 “With killers available at as low as $25 a a man could be slain and dropped into the. so some one conhected with the lottery would win the grand prize.” Now you go ahead and roll your own ‘jokes about the flourishing ethics of capitalist “ctvile ization.” ° . . ' A Big Question:—“Dear Red Sparks:—Would singing ‘Big Rock Candy Mountains’ at an en- tertainment and social given by an Unemployed see be belittling the working class?"—From Seattle. ki Well, if the Rock Candy Mountains are big enough, it wouldn’t. However, it all depends who does the singing. Seriously, we see no in Rock Candy Mountains provided the rock candy is properly dissolved in the rye of working class tunes, * 8 «6 Glad to Hear It:—About that complaint from @ worker that no meetings were held on Sixth Avenue in New York: We're informed by the Midtown Branch of the Unemployed Council at 301 West 29th Street, that in the last six weeks | daily meetings ARE being held in four places. ‘You see, we were trying to be christly particular and kept that complaint “on investigation” Jong that by the time the Big Shots upetatro seve ns the word to xyp tidings had qhamaet |: