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Cable “OUR NEIGHBOR ON The | NORTH” By HARRISON GEORGE understands the value of 1s, when on Noyem ber 23, he launched a lying document inci 6 against the National Hunge d calling upon congressmen. to outlaw Party, he referred to Canada for proof th it can be done,” and said Fortunately, our neighbor on the north has t to do and how to do it.” precedent was then only ten days is not exactly time to judge 1e outlawing of a Com John Reed wrote shown us wh ay: alone t urn out of € day ook the world. abie bootlicker of jalism, the bribed fog-horn of the American Fed d ce-president. of hari e to clain before had “se ween the capi and small farmers not a a, well door,” but Mr. Hy; who leader” in the the blow to the working class of bla chairmanship the deep a a, churek "‘twould do. and able labor light eput he cover reaction al der his ad ed by Federation Ame of the ni which nder ame of authority to fol n 5 bor on the Nor It was not the first time Matthew Woll had used a Canadian precedent. Earlier in 1931 Woll iad led the hue and cry against “Soviet dump: ‘Our with especial reference to pulpwood. bor on the North” had decreed that the Union could neither buy nor sell any in Canada, though the immediate result crease unemployment among factory workers who otherwise work on Soviet. machinery or- at was to Sanadian have had the migh What Mat ‘ood? ew Woll's complaint about viet pul F , said he, “It deprives American workmen of their jobs. But this was exploded when it turned out that America pro- duces not a dime’s worth of the kind of pulp- wood the Soviet was exporting, or very little of ny kind of pulpwood, in fact—most of which ed from Canada in the already worked- n of pulp or paper. est of Woll in Canadian pulpwood and manufacture was, however, not off the a perfectly “kosher” interest in sup- porting American capitalists. have no less than $280,000,000 in- “Canadian” pulp and paper indus- was line i anti-Soviet in the ger March in his 23 clamor for outlawing the Commu- nist Pa. in the United States as “our neighbor on the North” had done—were actions in sup- port of American capitalism. Indeed, Woll’s actions should call attention to ctions of Woll Novembe: Because American | } investments in Canada have gone up from $750,- 000,000 in 1913 to the huge sum of $4,436,011,000. Well, workers, when Wall Street has that much | | kale invested in Canada you can expect Matthew | Woll and all other “labor” agents of Wall Street | to be the watchdogs of “our neighbor on the | North” and to celebrate, as Woll did, the im- | prisonment of the leaders of the Communist Paty in Canada It was November 2 when Tim Buck, Secretary ct the Communist Party; Tom Ewen, a member of the Central Committee and Secretary of the Workers’ Unity’ League (the red trade union jovement); Malcolm Bruce, editor of the Party an, “The Worker”; Amos T. Hill, John Boy- k, Sam Carr, Matthew Popovitch and ‘Thomas Cacic—went on trial at Toronto, Onte~ rio, Canada, on three charges, the moet im portant, at least for our inquiry, being under | what is called “Section 98” of the Criminal Code, gainst what are called “Unlawful associations.” Where did this come from? ‘You American | workers should remember where “Section 98” | came from! For, away back in 1919, when the workers of Canada were rebelling against wage- cuts and al the other capitalist repressions being piled on them, there was @ historic General » at the city of Winnipeg, in Manitoba, and | Street, headed by the Morgan Bank, which has and had literally billions invested in Canada, became frightened The Winnipeg General Strike not only gave Wall nightmares about the “Bolshevik” menace to their Canadian investments, but the menace threatened to spread wide across the border. Seattle workers had a General Strike, too. And Morgan was nervous. It was then | that the pressure of Morgan and Wall Street upon Canada brought about the passage of the Unlawful association” act known as “Section 98"—under which the eight Communists -men- tioned above were judged “guilty” on November | 12, 1931 Not only that! Street ‘The Communist Party of Can~ ada was declared “illegal,” all its members sub- | ject to imprisonment, all the property, “belong- | ings and facilities” subject to seizure! The eight leaders mentioned were sentenced to prison for terms up to five years as “members of an un- lawful association and parties to a seditious con- spiracy.” The attack upon our brother Party of Can- ada is'‘still being pressed. Everywhere the police are searching for and rounding up “suspects” for jail or deportation or both! But this does not “settle” matters! The work- ing class of Canada is fighting’ back! Rallying to the Labor Defense League, the workers and militant farmers are battling every inch of the | | way. In fact their rising tide of battle it was, which, as in 1919, excited this attack under Mor- gan’s “Section 98!” In this fight the Canadian workers and farm- | | ers must find the most active support from the | workers and farmers of the United States. We are, so to speak, responsible for J. P. Morgan and | “Section 98!” From the United States must go | up a gigantic protest against the persecutions “our neighbor on the the fact that capitalism in Canada is more | being carried on by American than “Canadian.” The Wall Street North!” HE; recent tlocd of conferences between Hitler and foreign bankers and diplomats, and the | Party.” (Emphasis ours—D.W.) tremendous count of publicity given every move of the German fascist leader, is evidence that international capital is prepared to accept | Hitler. a Hitler government in Germany. This although Hitler's program includes the cancellation of the war debts, expansion of Germany partly at the expense of France and the nuliification of the Versailles Treaty in general, At the recent convention of the fascists, a number of the leading bankers and industrialists were honored speakers. This although Hitler’s internal program includes the confiscation of all industrial plants and the banning of all pri- vate trade with the death penalty as punish- ment for violation. It is quite clear that neither the foreign bank- ers who have billions invested in Germany nor the home industrialists are ready to commit suicide. The Communist Party of Germany has always contended that the program of Hitler was demagogy of the worst sort, a pack of lies intended to convince the workers that not Com- munism but fascism, was the way out. The Communists also stated that Hitler was actively supported by these very same industrialists whose factories were to be confiscated and that Hitler never intended carrying out his foreign policy. The New York Times recently wrote: “When reminded that dozens of Nazi pamphlets adyo- cate abandonment of the gold standard and abolition- of interest on state loans, one Nazi leader shrugged his shoulders and said that might be their philosophy, but they were prac- tical men.” Now “The Annalist,” in an article called Hit- ler’s “Nazis” As a Political Instrument of the German Industrialists, brings us some extracts from a German book entitled “Monéy in Poli- ties,” which exposes the financial backings of Hitler and proves the correctness of the Com~ munist contentions. The sudden growth of the Hitler movement was not an accident and not spontaneous. At the close of the war, with proletarian revolution threatening German capitalism, Hugo Stinnes, Germany’s richest man, led the financing of the various reactionary organizations, such as the Black Reichswehr and the Stahlhelm. Also Frit ‘Thyssen, the steel magnate, is a leader in the Stahlhelm. At that time, social-democracy was able to smash the revolution, The shock troops of fas- cism were held in readiness for use when the proletarian revolution would threaten to blow the dam of the social-democratic party into the ocean. ‘The deepening of the crisis and the growth of the Communist Party, which as- sumed mass proportions about three years ago, was the signal for the reappearance of Hitler (in 1923 Hitler attempted @ putsch in Munich) as the rallying point for all German reaction. “The Annalist” writes: “Hitler's advent coin- cided with a tensely expectant time. The Mes- siah of Absurdity was welcome, the Bible of Hatred wes his Writ. Out of the bondage of Versailles the New Man was to lead his flock into the Iand qiljfreedom. The antagonism of ker and capf f accentuated the conflict. vism has been a nightmare for the heavy | became tired of the temporizing of the Socialist According to Morus, the author of this book, | Bavarian industrialists were the first to finance Privy Councillor Aust, head of the Bava~ rian Federation of Industrialists, has been the leading financial agent of German fascism. Others are Hornschuh, prominent manufacturer of Kulmbach and Consul General Scharrer. The auathor names a whole list of dukes, princes and other nobles of Bavaria. whose money has backed the Hitlerites. A recent investigation py the German Reich- stag disclosed that the Federation of the Iron- masters of the Ruhr and the machine industry of Wurtemburg were heavy contributors. “The Annalist” states: “Some of the other Ruhr mag- nates proved to be just as sympathetic toward | the National Socialists, willing to take # chance on their program of nationalization.” Foreign bankers and industrialists have also added their mite to make Germany safe for themselves. From Switzerland came 330,000 francs. In Holland, German patriots collected for the folks at home. And most important in| showing up the misleading foreign policy of Hitler, was the contribution made by the Skoda Works, the largest munition factory in Czecho- slovakia, which is partly controlled by French capital. Outside of the direct financial aid given by German capitalists, they have thrown open the factories to fascist agitators and invited them to “organize” their men. The large Siemens plants and the Borsig Works were among the first to do this. Another large backer of Hitler | is the general director of the United Steel Works, In view of this concerted effort of the capi- talists to sell Hitlerism to the German workers, it is a credit to the working class that Hitler has not been able to break into the working- class front. Every capitalist analysis of the Ger- man situation has admitted that although Hitler has succeeded in smashing the other bourgeois parties, i. e., of rallying all the forces of reac- tion around him, the Communists are steadily winning the working class, ‘The Hitler party has one aim—to save capi- talism from immediate death by smashing the organizations and the resistance of the working class. The case is so urgent that the doctor has had to make utmost demagogic use of slogans aimed to win the support of the working class while really aimed against the interests of the workers. The wolf in sheep's clothing has been recognized by the German workers. The mask has been ripped away, During the past few weeks Hitler has been forced by his foreign backers to reassure the world that the debts would not be cancelled, that the German masses must continue to bleed for Morgan and Young; to German capitelism he has sworn that “these Jewish institutions, the trade unions,” would be smashed. Hitlerism stands in the light of day with the leer of death for the workers on its face, Join the Unemployed Councils and Build Block Committees In Your Neighborhoods daily except Sunday, 50 Hast 15th Street, New York, N. T at 60 Mast “DAIWOUK.” #IBSCRIPTION RATES: New York City. Foreign: one yea: Hy mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhatinn and Bronx. r, $8; six months, 34,60, “To protect the social and political structure of American civilization from persons who seek to come here with strange, new: doctrines of government which threaten the institutions and practices that we in this country regard as essential to the onward progress of our SUICIDES &£ PiRrison et ae A J.P MORGAN PROPRIETOR, people, whether native-born or naturalized!—Sec’y. of Labor Doak in his message to Congress. The Labor Movement in Southern “Manchuria } By BURCK. | | | | | | au Ge, By SATOMI MANCHURIA AS A SEMI-COLONY. |. pisebine is rich in raw materials 4nd food products, which the imperialists are anxious to control. In addition, it is a most important strategic point in the struggle for the Pacific and its coasts, and as a military base against the | Soviet Union, Japan has long maintained mo- nopoly rule through her transport and indus- trial combine, the South Manchurian. railway; owns numerous enterprises—railways, the Fu- shun and Yentay coal mines, the Anshan iron factories, electric stations, Port Dairen, ware- houses, hospitals, sthools laboratories, experi~ Mental stations etc. ete. Manchuria for Japan is the source of raw ma- terial and food and her market for industrial commodities. The Japanese here get more profits from exploiting the fabulously cheap local labor power, the Chinese; they exploit the peasantry, by buying up their agricultural produce and raw materials at unbelievably low prices, through middle men and usurers. At the same time they sell their commodities in the towns and villages of Manchuria at high prices through the mo- nopoly. During 1930 alone their net profits in Manchuria were over 12,000,000 yen. As for the other imperialists, neither are they greatly inclined to be pushed into the back- ground in Manchuria, so promising with profits. They also want to suck the blood of the tollers. Such is the nature of parasites, They gradually penetrate into Manchuria in railway and port construction, industry, mining, banks, gold mines, etc., pursuing at the same time the competition and the struggle for greater profits one going the better than the other in the innumerable ways of exploiting the toilers. The local get-rich-quick capitalists, desiring to compete with their more primitive technique, with the imperialists, make up their losses at the expense of the workers, Such is the environment of the 200,000 strong Chinese proletariat in Southern Manchuria! ‘ The position of the Chinese workers is most unenviable. More often than not they work un- restricted hours. Even where the working day is restricted, it is as long as 11 and 14 hours. The miners begin their working day at three in tne morning. ‘Wages are incredibly low. Skilled workers do not get more than 10 American dollars a month, and usually, the wages are as low as six dollars with deductions for food and crude lodgings in the barracks. The imperialists pursue their na- tional policy in fixing wages. For instance ,for performing the same work on the South Man- churian Railroad Japanese get about $1.50 while the Chinese only get 45 cents. { _ Wages are frequently not paid for months, and when they are paid it is in Chinese currency, “finpao”, and not in yens or silver dollars, For any bad quality production, even if not caused by the worker, the employers do their best to lower wages or to impose fines. There is no in- crease in wages, Quite frequently new impositions are introduced. There is also compulsory “sav- ings” out of the miserable earnings of the work- ers, and the employers knowingly cheat the workers of part of their wages. The workers know practically no rest days, with the exception of two or three holidays dur- ing the year: On the state holidays they are com- pelled to work, getting paid as for ordinary days. They do not get any vacations, not even for the most essential visits to their home places. The workers justly remark—‘“Once you're here, you die here.” The treatment of the workers is absolutely brutal—the overseers, foremen, and petty offi- cials beat the workers, and no where can any “Justice” be found. All the burdens of the workers are beyond enumeration. The workers are colonial wage slaves, brutally anven and exploited by impe- rialism. FIRST STEPS OF THE LABOR MOVEMENT In the conditions of unsurpessed exploitation, since the world war when the expansion of Jap- anese imperialism in Manchuria, particularly, began, we see spontaneous and unorganized strikes of Chinese and Japanese workers break- ing out for improved material conditions—wage increases, reduced working hours, etc. ‘The banner of struggle was first raised in 1916-1917, and is still kept flying by the workers in the railway shops of Shakako in Daireno and by the miners in the Fushung mines. The next wave of analogous strikes was to be noticed in 1919-1920. These strikes involved a wider circle of participants and enterprises—the railwaymen in Dairen, the tobacco workers in Inkow, the miners in Penchin, ceramic workers in Mukden, tramwaymen of Fushan, etc. Despite this all of the strikes were of a local character, and conducted exclusively in defense of the work- ers’ economic interests, They were, carried out without any preparations, without ‘any trade union organizations existing, and in most cases ended in defeat for the workers. THE CHINESE WORKERS’ UNION ‘Was formed in December 1923, in the “Sha- kako” railway shops in Dairen, numbering 300. men, and was called the Chung-Hua-Gun-syua- hut. The object of the organization was extreme- jy moderate—mUtual aid, and the maintenance of an evening school.” Later on this union was joined by the workers of other factories and Hunger Marchers Must Keep On Marching By W. C. McCUISTION. \VER fifteen hundred marchers have marched to Washington and back to their starting point. "Thousands of workers have greeted them in the cities enroute to and from Washington. ‘Hundreds of thousands have followed their pro- gress in the capitalist press and the workers’ press, ‘Twelve million unemployed workers are de- pending upon the hunger marchers for organ- ization, for struggle, for leadership to lead them in their battle for Unemployment Insurance. Forty million unemployed workers and their families, facing a winter of misery and starva- tion hail the militant hunger marchers as fight- ers against hunger, as class-conscious champions of the working class. ‘The hunger marchers must keep on march- ing, they must lead the struggles of the unem- ployed, and part-time employed. ‘The fight against wage cuts and lay-offs, the fight against the Hoover stagger system and the fake char- ities. The fight for bread and life, for unem~ ployment insurance and immediate relief, for the defense of, the Soviet Union. ‘The Hoovers, Mellons, 'Grandis, Lavals, Mac- Donalds, Bruenings, all of the international grafters' have watched the hunger march. In the swelling ide of working class solidarity they see the death of their imperialist oligarchy. Quaking with fears they are feverishly prepar- ‘ing another imperialist slaughter, © wer directed « against the workers’ fatherland, the Soviet Union. A war to empty their glutted ware- houses and open new markets for their whirling machinery. Another war “to end wars,” another “blood bath” with workers furnishing the blood. More empty sockets where eyes should be, more empty sleeves where arms once hung. “Free- dom,” imperialist freedom purchased at the price of maimed bodies, freedom symbolized by the demented howl of shell shocked workers and the dying groans of tens of thousands on the battlefields. Senseless mutterings of degener- ate medicine men, calling themselves Priests, Preachers, Rabbis and Chaplins, thousands of Meaningless crosses, All of this has been re~ hearsed throughout the ages and is again being prepared. To stop it the marchers must keep on marching, fighting against imperialist greed and wars, In the Soviet Union, 160,000,000 workers who have cast off their chains, also watched the hunger march. Millions of workers in the Soviet Union listened eagerly for news of the National Hunger March of their American comrades. ‘They continue to make greater and greater strides in building socialism, in completing the five year plan. ‘They are fighting for us, we are fighting for them. Our struggle is a com- mon struggle, our goal is a common goal, The Hunger |Marchers must keep on marching, marching and fighting for the International Soviet, for the world-wide freedom of the work- fog cle, va \U he: boenbardment of: the ‘Muladen. arsenal; the workshops of Kwangtung numbering 3,000 men, Gradually this union began to assume an in- creasingly class character, and to become a mass. organization. It carried on agitation for the uni-~ fication of the workers in the union, and for the strike struggle against. the employers, to im- prove the workers’ position (free food and house ing, double pay for Sundays and holidays, recog= nition of the Workers’ Union, etc.). It was for these demands. and under the leadership of the union that the strike broke out in the Fuku- sima weaving mill, near Dairen. Seven hundred workers participated in the strike, which lasted from the beginning-of April to July. Despite suppression by the police, the union. strength- ened, and strikes rapidly spread to. many new enterprises. In 1927 as many as 25,000 workers participated .in strikes, and several enterprises were on strike for 30 days at a time, ‘The union set up connections with the Chinese Communist Party, which undertook the leader- ship of the work of this univn, which was pre- paring for the general strike of the Kwangtung workers. This object, however, was not carried out. The Communists and leaders of the union were arrested. The police staged the trial of the socalled “Dairen Committee of the Communist Party” in 1927. The union and other organiza- tions of the workers were broken up, but they were not liquidated, they went underground, and continue to maintain connections with one an- other, though considerably weakened. Later, a Postal Workers’ Union was formed, and was officially broken up, though.in many | districts of Manchuria it continues to exist m° fact. True, it is a Kuomintang organization, but the rank and file is extremely anti-imperialist. STRIKE MOVEMENT The dynamics of the strike movement are plainly demonstrated by. the following official figures (actually they are considerably higher), given by the Japanese police: Number Partiei- - Duration Strikes pants a, 959 12 days 125 4,021 93 days 27 4,177 80 days 29 5,256 °128 days +59 8,889 225 days * 67 12,642 325 days 94 23,539 383 days 1 17,845 376 days 6,507 217 days There is a temporary drop inthe number of Strikes, although there are sufficient reasons for this (temporary improvementof the economic situation in South Manchuria, which started only in 1929, several enterprises going over to pay~ ment of wages in Japanese currency or silver dol- lars, the raging white terror, etc.), but never- theless, increasing forces are being drawn in. By studying the materials on the strike move- ment in South Manchuria we can ascertain that the chemical, food and drink, mining and build- ing workers are particularly active in the strug- gle. There are strikes in which there are more than 1,000 involved, but most involve from 100 to 500 workers, chiefly in such centers as Inkow, Dairen, Mukden, Most of the strikes were for’raising wages or regulating same, and most of them ‘did not end in the workers’ favor, while repressions. were applied against the strikers, despite their relent- less resistance to the employers and the strike- breakers. The struggle of the strike committee during the strike in the Japanese “Da-an-yan” tobacco factory in Mukden is particularly in- dicative, the workers, under the leadership of the strike committee, defeating the strikebreakers by force. THE CRISIS AND OCCUPATION. South Manchuria, like the whole of the capt- talist world, has entered upon the third year of the crisis. The activities of practically all enter- prises in this district have been restricted, un- employment increases, while foreign trade has dropped by 45 per cent, the active balance has fallen by 19 per cent, the receipts of the South Manchurian Railway have fallen by 34 per cent, while the stocks of beans have increased to 450,- 000 tons, and of salt to 240,000 tons, 1.e., to 50 per cent of the yield; building works are being re- stricted, ete., “The armed occupation of-Manchuria by Jap- anese imperialism has still further intensified the oppression of the workérs and toilers—“acci- dental” murders of: Chinese workers, as during Forced Labor | Let's see, was it not Mattie Woll and Bint | Green of the A. F. of L. who have been ; & lot About “forced labor” in the Soviet ‘Onion? ‘We think so, But here. comes some clippings {| from the Los Angeles “Citizen” an A. F. of Ie | paper, reprinting circular letters of A. F. of Te | officials. One, signed by F, C. MacDonald, General Pres | ident, and J, J. Swanson, General Secretary | Treasurer of the State Building Trades Counci¥ | of California, in part says: s .| “Public officials. are. making arrangements’ tom | work camps wherein non- resident unemp! | ‘Workimen will,be forced te work for their meals. ident, and Thos, Doyle, Secretary, of the Sav | ‘Francisco Building Trades Council, affirms the | same by saying in part: | “Public officials are establishing work camps, | where men will be forced to, work without, any | } Auother, signed by James B. Gallagher, Prese | pay except a meager meal.” Are the A. F. of L. officials writing in protest at this forced labor? Biess you soul, of course NOT!. These extracts are from letters sent out by them. to stop workers coming to California. , Far be, it from these supporters of the. besses "to protest against forced labor where it really exists. Indeed, MacDonald attended a confer= ence of “mayors. and other. representative ci vens” at. the Los Angeles, City Hallon Nov... 28, at. which this forced Jabor scheme was’ proposed and approved! No, indeed, the A. F. of L..is horrified about forced. labor only where it don't exist—in the Soviet Union! Now What hue It? We refer io ihe screaming headlines and wild yarns of the past two months, cooked up by the Japanese imperialists and eagerly featured in the Amierican capitalist pepers, to the effect that “Red Russia” was “Arming: the Chinese”, “Rus- sian munitions Going to General Mah”end so on, Now look what is admitted from the Japanese themselves, who. rule Dairen, in South Manchair ria, as completely as they rule Tokio! Here is @ dispatch from Shanghai, printed, of .course, om page 29 of the N. Y. Times of December 13: “Shanghai—Dairen telegraphs that the po- lice bureau there officially states that nineteen Japanese, including two young employes of tne (Japanese owned) South Manchurian Raiiway, have been arrested for the illegal importation ef arms and ammunition, wh'ch were, perhaps, sold to Chinese in North Manchuria.” ‘This is just a small sample of capitalist crook- ~ edness. Here are Japanese selling munitions to the Chineze with which to kill Japanese, though we must say that they had it coming for in- vading China. Capitalists will murder their, blind grandmoth- ers to make an “honest penny”. From our know]- edge, we are convinced that Chinese charges are true, that say the Japanese themselves arm and finance the “bandits” that “attack” the Japancse and thereby furnish afi excuse for Japan’s troops to “fight bandits.” ‘There is no perfidy or deceit too low for capi- talists to use to make money or justify some thievery. It is well to recall that, just before America entered the World War, the British were searching ‘American merchant vessels going to Scandinavian ports, regardless of the fact that such searches were in violation of international law. Woodrow Wilson was forced to register a strong kick against England for this reason. But England ancwered by, showing that. Amer- ican shipments: to the “neutral”. Scandinavian countties was big beyond all. proportion to the shipments sent there before the war—the in- ference being that what America was shipping “to ‘Scandinavia”—was.. really being shipped through Scandinavia to Germany and thus was defying the Allied blockade, And what was America’s answer to this rather “conclusive proof that it was making money out of the war? It was nothing less than a counter- charge against Great Britain that it, too, was selling a whole lot more munitions to Scandi- navian countries than before the war—and thus. the British capitalists were making money by selling munitions to. Germany that Germatm troops were using to shoot down British soldiers! -Of course, shortly afterward, America went to war. to save Morgan’s four billion dollar loans to the Allies, and the little quarrel was forgottem -But we presume that both continued arming “the enemy”—and making money for the capitalists. But. what now has become of the fairy tales about “Red Russia, arming the Chinese”? Do you think they are finished? Then you're ‘foolish. For we'll bet our left eye that this same old lie’ will -be dug up next Spring, or whenever tmperialism. finds itself ready to use it as an exctise to selze the Chinese Eastern Railway and attack the Soviet frontier! eee > ilitary. regime and ruthless treatment of the Chinese by - the. Japanese, etc. Ail this has come pelled the ‘Chinese to leave Manchuria by the ; thousands, -- This is how thé “Bintsyanshi-bao” Hage the economic situation of Manchi |. tion with the occupati x “Economic life in Mukd has died out. ‘The representatives of foreign firms have left. Bome enterprises, under the pressure of the ie ese authorities, have opened up, but not. Big speculation is going on in the currency and food markets, The Mukden monetary unit, the “Finpao”, is accepted at a rate six times below the quoted rate, established by the Japanese command, Food prices have increased several times, while the purchasing capacity of the population has | fallen greatly.” All this has only tended to still further in< crease unemployment, poverty, and the | sega tion of the Manchurian toilers. ‘Thé workers hay | endeavored to show resistance to the im} who cast the entire burden of the crisis intervention onto their backs. The silk y of Andung, numbering 15,000, went out on strike. ‘The Chinese workers.in the Anshang iron and steel works, have declared a strike, which is ticipated in by 2,000 workers. The results of struggle are not yet known. It should be noted that the organizational state of the ‘workers in South Manchuria is still very weak. ‘The order of the day contains the question of organizing the workers of Manchuria into reyo- lutionary trade unions, Only united in revolu« tionary trade unioris. Only united if revolu. tionary mass trade unions, and under the lead. ership of the Chinese Communist Party, will the ‘workers of Manchuris, triumph over imporialicms. 2 t ,