The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 15, 1931, Page 4

New 3th St, Published by the Comprodatiy Publishing Co, York City, N. ¥. Address and mail all checks to the Dail daily Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable Worker, 50 Bast 18th Street, New York DAI eT TS A LE “st B | 3 Pa By DR. 1}. KATZ NUMBER of newspapers in Germany have A ted a new feature: “The Small Civil Wa The capitalist press, especially the gutter heets, carry in this feature, news of bloody clashes between “political opponents. ‘The list of the dead and wounded is large. Every day 2 or 3 dead, often up to 2 dozen seriously wounded These “clashes” occur between National-So- Fascists) and Communists but among found many Social-Demo- shes” the police c ery seldom does he Social-Democratic police succeed” in cap- esting the National-Socialist ban- y do succeed in seizing many Com- munists and also Social-Democratic workers all Civil War” taking place? A us In Germany meets in the ‘ant. In gen- that is the with the back ted, a group of ionaries of a e back room of aloon in one of n districts of Berli We are dis- of a m of the nucleus for At the present time plans not be made because every- rapidly and the changes from day to day. The comrades give their repor Each about his The ‘“op- functionary (in eve there is t job it is to watch the op- posing parties) relates that 2 days ago a group of Nazis moved into the district. He has learned that this is the fascist murder “brigade 33.” This bandit division is one of the most notorious one of Berlin. Up to now it has murdered 18 revolutionary workers and active Communist comrades. ponent” one comrade For us it is clear that the moving of “brigade | 33” into our distric no accident. We must [ ely inform the Party buro and decide : nucleus should do. We must be pre- pared for a t from this outfit any day. As we are discussing the matter, a non-Party work- er runs in and informs us that “they” are coming. We don't have to ask who “they” are. Every one of us knows that. We did not reckon, how- ever, that they would come so soon. situation | We are a | ee TTER FROM ERMANY | group of 12 men and 5 women. How many of them dre there? We send out a patrol of 3 comrades; they come back and report that there | are 40 men with revolvers, knives and other weapons. They have besieged the entire district around the meeting place. ‘We telephone the Party buro, the buro of the Anti-Fascist Fighting League. But we can’t get any connections. This evening there is a whole series of meetings and since t sudden raid was unexpected we are unable to get help. A half hour passes, three-quarters of an hour. We are sitting in a besieged fortress. It is mid- night. Suddenly, bang, bang. One stone, an- other. They have gone over to the offensive. We must not remain in the local any longer. It is true, that they outnumber us by almost | such a condition? a a 4tol They have arms, we have not. But we must take up the fight. After all, we are in a working class neighborhood. There isn’t much time to ponder the matter. We break a table, benches and sticks are grabbed and we go into the street “Red Front!” “Hail Hitler!” “Workers’ Murderers!” “Commune!” One shot of a revolver, a second. We fling ourselves to the ground. One comrade suc- ceeds in twisting a gun out of the hands of a fascist. We also have arms now. In the houses, meanwhile, they have heard the cries “Red Front” from one side, “Hail Hitler” from the other. The workers understand what is taking place. Windows open. Workers, half dressed, still partly asleep, come out of the door- ways. And they don’t come empty handed. When the battle is at its height, we already in the majority, and a few of the Nazis are lying on the ground, the Social Democratic police ar- rive. They recognize the Nazis in their uniforms and take them under their protection and with whips and revolvers, the police hurl themselves upon the workers. Now the war is not between us and the Nazis any longer. The Nazis are already incapable of fighting. Now the fight is between the “impar- tial” Social-Democratic police and the workers. Now not merely a few Communist functionaries are fighting, but the street, the working class street. The Nazis have provoked. The workers’ street has answered. Among the fighters are Communists, Social-Democrats and non-party men, women and children. The next day one reads in the capitalist press in the section “Small Civil War”: “Again there was a battle between the radical groups, 2 wounded workers and 12 seriously wounded Nazis. These figures speak clearly. One sees from these figures, that it was a prepared attack on the part of the Communists. One asks: How long will the government and the police allow We ask: is it not the highest time, that the Communist Party should be banned? Or does the government want to wait until the Communists will control all the streets?” And the Social-Democratic press? It finds it- self in a not too comfortable position. The Social-Democratic workers are daily witnesses of the struggle that is taking place. They see in what manner the struggle is taking place, they e part in it. They feel on their own backs the “impartiality” of the Social-Democratic police. “It is no wonder,” writes the Social-Democratic press, “that in such difficult times the police loses its orientation. The radicals of the right and the left are a danger to the Republic.” Such notices in the Social-Democratic press make better propaganda for us than 100 pamph- lets. The working masses recognize, thanks to the “Small Civil War,” that Social Fascism is the active helper of Fascism. The “Small Civil War” also shows this: that the great majority of the working class is more and more coming over to the side of the Com- munists. To the Rank and File of the : Proletarian Party (The following article by a former leading member of the Proletarian Party is an appeal to the rank and file members of this party to follow the example of the members of its Cleveland and New York locals. These locals voted to join the Communist Party because they haxe become convinced that the Prole- tarian Party is not, as it claims, the only truly C@nmunist Party in the United States; that, om the contrary, the Proletarian Party has never in its entire existence undertaken a singl) battle for the working class and is in fact no} a Communist but an anti-Communist, social-€rmocratic sect. These workers now reatizg ihat there can be no trae Communist Party eutside the ranks of the Communist In- ternational; they see that the Communist Party is really a party of revolutionary action in the interests of the working class—the only party to which revolutionaries should belong. —Fa.) At the last convention of the Proletarian Party, its leadership definitely showed itself incapable of understanding significance of the present world situation. They regard the crisis as mere- ly a phase of the recurrent, business cycle. ‘Their position was clearly expressed by the phrase “may be so, may be not,” which the National Secretary of the Proletarian Party used in reply to the question as to whether the crisis would be over- come and a new era of prosperity would develop. 3n line with Proletarian Party policy, they vigorously oppose attempt to do more than repeat abstract phrases. Any endeavor to rec ognize the advances made by the Communist, Party in its work among the mass of the work- ers is misinterpreted and minimized Never in its entire history has the Proletarian Party risen above the repetition of elementary ideas of Marx and Engels. A political party represents the economic and political interests of a class or section of a class. In the case of a working class party, it must represent the economic interests of the working class as a class. This naturally involves such @ party in economic and political battles. Has the Proletarian Party ever entered or led any of the batiles of workers for better working conditions or of the unemployed for relief from masterclass imposed conditions of misery and degradation? No, absolutely not. Not only have they never participated in such battles, but they sneer at any such action on the part of the Communist Party. The only phrare that fitting- ly characterizes them is social democrats who camouflage themselves with Marxist phrases. The Proletarian Party has never risen above lip service to the Communist International. ‘They invariably pass resolutions in support of the Communist International and continuously fight the United States section of the ©. I. ‘They ex- tend one hand in friendship. The other hand they hold behind their backs to wield the en- omy’s club. Only recently they passed # resolution urging *he workers to miter the Red Trade Union In- | cision ternational and at the same time passed a de- prohibiting Proletarian Party members from belonging to Unemployed Councils or labor unions led by the Communist Party. Double dealing is the only fitting phrase to characterize such reactionary policy. ‘When asked as to the C. I. view of the Pro- letarian Party, your speakers evade and fool you every time. They tell you that the only expres- sion in this matter was received some years back in which the C. I. praised your Marxism educa- tional work. They never tell you that in the report on its activities for the period 1924-28, there is a sub section, headed SOCIAL DEMO- CRATIC PARTIES. One paragraph deals with the Proletarian Party. Do you need any more? The C. I. classifies your party as a social demo- cratic party, a party of traitors to the working- class. Quite true. Not all of you adhere to the view- point and policy of your party leaders, Far from. it. In recent months, growing numbers have ex- pressed. themselves in no uncertain terms. Some of you wish to maintain the Proletarian Party. These comrades wish to activize the Proletarian Party, They want their party to en- ter into the movement for the release of Mooney, into the economic battles of the working class, into the movement of the unemployed; they wish to burst the narrow bonds of the study class and propaganda; they wish to extend their ac4 tivity to embrace the objective actualities of the ¢ struggle, But, if you wish to do the things the Commu- nist Party and the Communist International are doing, why maintain an independent party? Either you belong to and support a social demo- cratic organization or you belong to the Commu- nist Party and work with and through the Com- munist Party. “Ah!” you will say, “after we have either captured the Proletarian Party or organized a new party, our party will be no social demo- cratic party.” Don’t fool yourselves, comrades, outside the rank of the Communist Interna- tional, there cannot exist a truly Communist Party. Any groupings of workers wishing to act as the political expression of the working class will sooner or later find its membership in the ranks of the C. I. or will degenerate into anti-C. I. or reactionary activities. Only in pipe dreams, only in so-called pure thought, in a logic divorced from objective reality can there be room for two Communist Parties. ‘You comrades in the Proletarlan Party who still think of that “party” in terms of Marxism, measure your party in the light of Marx’s guid- ance. Is your party a party urging and leading the working class into battle for their immediate and ultimate interests? No! On the contrary. Tt acts as a brake. Does the Communist Party and the C. T. urge and lead the workers in battle? Undoubtedly yes. Then follow the examples of Locals Cleve- land and New York. Join the Communist Party. Join the International of Revolution. B. TAMARKIN, For Majority of Former Local Cleveland Proletarian Party \ SUBECRIPTION RATES: Ey mail syerywher © Year, 36; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, $6; six months, $4.50. ea —————— = | | HOSIERY WORKERS MOVE AGAINST SOCIALIST OFFICIALS NEW YORK.—Forced back into the mills by the officials of the American Federation of Full Fashioned Hosiery Workers under a wage cut agreement, hosiery workers of this district and New England are smoldering with discontent against their wage-cutting socialist and Musteite officials and are preparing for independent struggle to protect their interests, ‘Workers of the Propper McCollum mills at Elmhtist, Long Island, and at Northampton, ‘Mass., the former comprising Local 5 of the A. F. F. F. H. W. have refused to pay dues to the national organization since they were forced back to work under heavy wage cuts. ‘Three weeks ago the workers of these hosiery mills put up a fight to regain the differential pay for footers and forced the employers to agree to a return of 12 to 15 per cent of the wage cut the union put across. The national officials of the A. F. F. F. H. W. immediately brought pressure on the bosses’ as- sociation not to permit the concession to the Propper McCollum hosiery workers and insisted on maintaining the average 35 per cent to 50 per cent wage cut. Rieve and Smith national offi- cers of the Hosiery Union, appealed to the im- partial chairman of the industry to force the Propper McCollum bosses to recall the partial return on the origina) wage cuts. When the members fo Local 5, A. F. F. F. H. W. heard of this treacherous move of their of- ficials they voted by an overwhelming majority at a meeting held Wednesday, December 2 to immediately secede from the American Federa- tion of Full Fashioned Hosiery Workers and strike should the so-called impartial chairman rule against the return of the differential wage for footers. Such a strike and secession move- ment would affect the two Long Island mills and the Northampton mill. Officials in’ Treacherous Move. William Smith, secretary of the AF.F.F.H.W., paid a personal visit to Local 5 and sought to cajole the workers into paying dues to the Phila- delphia office and to drop their struggles in the mills for the maintenance of the differential wage return that they had won. Members of Local 19, workers of the Meritt mill of this city have also decided not to pay dues to the National Office of the union and are waiting for developments among the Propper- McCollum workers. Rank and File Moyement., So far has the estrangement of the New York hosiery workers from the company union offi- cials gone that the national board of the Amer- ican Federation of Full Fashioned Hosiery Work~- ers (controlled by such Musteites and socialists as Emil Rieve, William Smith, John Edelman, Carl Holderman, and Alex McKeown) has re- fused to recognize the duly elected representa~ tive of the New York district. ‘The socialist sell- out officials fear that a rank and file movement is now taking form and that their company union tactics. would soon be challenged by the masses of hosiery workers. The new representa- tive elected by the New York District Council meeting, replaced that demagogue and leader of the Conference for Progressive Labor Action (Muste group) Carl Holderman, who was re- moved by the workers. Rieve and Smith are now negotiating for a truce with the New York District Council and have called a meeting in Paterson Saturday, December 12. A motion at the New York District Council of the AF.F.F.H.W. that no dues from the New York, New England and New Jersey hosiery workers be paid’to the national board was lost by a vote of 6 to 9. In other hosiery districts of the country, pri- marily the Reading (Berks County) district con- ditions for the hosiery workers continue to grow worse. In the “unionized” districts as Phila- delphia, New Jersey and Milwaukee the process of the merging of the union apparatus with that of the organized manufacturers grows at a rapid pace, especially as the socialist officials of the AF\F.F.H.W. are forced to rely more and more on the bosses in beating back the rank and file movement against them, as in the case of the Propper McCollum workers. Seabbing on Unorganized. The Hosiery Worker, edited by John Edelman, former socialist candidate for Congress from Philadelphia, sardonically enough reports that the union forced such wage cuts in the union- ined mills that the Berkshire Mill at Wyomissing (outside of Reoding, Pa.) the big open shop » | Misery Among Coal Miners (By Labor Research Association.) OADERS average from $10 to $12 a week, and cutting machine men average barely $20 a week, according to a recent field study by the Labor Research Association of New York City. The 141 workers interviewed in August and September represented 18 companies and 25 mines, chiefly in Western Pennsylvania. They included non-union workers who had no part in Jast summer’s strikes, some United Mine Workers of American members, some men who had struck with the National Mine.s’ Union and were back at work, and some who had been evicted and had nothing but strike relief between them and starvation. Facts about earnings and hours and other working conditions referred in each case to the latest weeks of actual work. Among the 96 loaders, 25 or about one-fourth were averaging less than $10 a week; 21 were averaging from $13 to $18 a week; 50 were aver- aging from $10 to just under $13. They all re- ported “good” weeks above the average and bad weeks trailing down to even $3 or only $1. Only 20 thought that any recent week had gone so high as $20, while 75 of the 96 spoke of weeks when they had earned less than $5. Cutting machine operators have been the most highly paid tonnage workers. Only one of the 13 who were interviewed thought he was aver- aging now as much as $22 a week. Two reported an average of $15, four an average of $18, six an average of $20. Their weeks had varied greatly, with each of them reporting an occa- sional “high” week, running from $20 to $35, and bad weeks when they got only from $4 to $12. Most of this group had not been involved in the recent struggle, but all were fully con- scious of the sharp worsening of their condition. Apart from two tracklayers, one barn boss, and a pumper steadily employed in a closed mine, the 32 company men (on day rates) who happened to be interviewed were even worse off than the loaders. One motorman was averaging $18 a week, but the others—loaders, snappers, slate pickers, blacksmith, tipple men—reported averages ranging from $15 down to $7. All groups stated that short time and wage- cuts had brought their earnings down to less than half of what they used to get. Several workers said that even when they have the same number of working hours in a week, they get only half as much as formerly, Miners Pay Company Expenses. None of these figures represent the amounts. that, mine workers actually have to live on, for the company makes deductions for doctor, lights, smithing, etc. All but four of the 18 companies were making the workers pay for the company doctor. This varied from a flat 50 cents every half-monthly pay for all workers of certain companies, to $1 for married men and 75 cents for single men at three mines of the Valley Camp Coal Co. Work~- ers af Pittsburgh Coal Co., Pittsburgh Terminal Coal Co. and Indian Creek Coal Co. mines re- ported deduction of 75 cents for married men and 50 cents for single men, as doctor's tax from every half-monthly pay check. ‘The use of large lamps costs the underground worker amounts which range from 4 cents for each day when they are actually used to a steady tax of 10 cents a day, including days when the mine is not at work. Workers who use a drill or a pick have to pay the company for sharpening their tools. Semi-monthly pay checks showed deductions for smithing that ranged from 12 cents to 50 cents, For loaders who shoot down the coal explo- sives are the largest working expense. The work- ers’ checks showed deductions from this item ranging from $1.50 to $4 for the half-monthly pay period. Pittsburgh ‘Terminal Coal Co. was taxing the workers at Coverdale 50 cents a pay period for the wash house. Six companies were taxing the center of the industry, is hard hit competing with the “unionized” mills. The tone of the article is that organized wage cutting can’eyen beat the vicious non-union shops at the game of low wages, etc. Wage cutting in the Berks County mills con- tinues without let-up with the Berkshire bosses leading in forcing down wages to new lows for the hosiery industry. More wage cuts are openly threatened early in January after work for the Christmas trade is rushed out workers 50 cents or more for “insurance.” At least three companies were deducting 50 cents or 75 cents for “relief.” One big deduction from tonnage workers’ pay never appears in figures on the pay check. It is difficult to prove. But several miners among those employed by 11 of the 18 companies were outspoken against the unfair short-weighing of their coal. They estimate that they are losing from 20 per cent to 30 per cent of the pay that belongs to them at present wage rates, Miners working under recent U. M. W. A. dgreemenis in the Scotts Run district (northern West Virginia) stated that the newly set-up checkweighmen are playing up to the operators and cheating the workers by allowing short-weighing of miners’ coal. Unfair docking for dirty coal and the fact that tonnage workers get no pay for dead work were also frequently mentioned as standing grievances. Much of the miners’ pay goes back into the company’s hands—or never reaches the miner at all—because rent for a company house and purchases at high prices from a company store are deducted from his pay check. Not all of the workers in this region live in company houses or get their supplies at a company store. But at least 53 of the 141 workers interviewed were not only living in a company village but were tied up to the company by a burden of debt. More than half of these 53 owed the company sums ranging from $25 to just under $100, and eight of them owed the company from $100 to $200. Burden of Debt Increases, The fact that 53 workers were in debt to the company is only part of the story. Debt or starvation—or slow starvation along with a bur- den of debt—this is the hard situation in most of the mine workers’ families. ‘The 141 workers included 124 families and 17 single men without dependents. The mine worker was the only wage-earner in 59 families. Only ten of these 59 were not in debt, but even this figure is more favorable than the facts: ‘One of the 10 had almost doubled his income by bootlegging. Another family had had $50 help from relatives whom they did not have to repay. A third had saved’ up. when wages were higher and had drawn out several hundred dollars-—all he had—to pull through the year. In 21 families the wife or mother of the mine worker was helping out by keeping boarders or lodgers. In one of these families and in 44 others at least one person besides the mine worker was also # wage-earner outside and shar- ing in family support, For all of them, as for the miners themselves, work had been irregular and earning’ extremely low. So most of these 65 households which were not depending entirely on one coal mine worker also carried a burden of debt. Only 18 had been able to make out without borrowing, but at least 8 of these 18 had had gifts of money from relatives or friends. ‘Thinking back over the past year most of the workers said they had had no savings left to draw upon. With the one exception noted above, the 17 who had recently drawn their last penny of savings had not been able to keep themselves clear of debt. The small number of workers who owned their homes saw no prospect of paying off their mortgages, and most of them stated that taxes were overdue. About half the families had some garden or chickens, but most of them got too little from these efforts to make a real addition to the fam~ ily income. Rough estimates of the value of their produce during the past year were as follows: $5 or less—10 families. Over $5 but less than $25—33 families. $25 but less than $50—15 families. $50 or over—-6 families, 10 to 12-Hour Day at Some Mines. Only one of the 109 tonnage workers reported a day as short as 8 hours. Along with operating the mines usually less than four days a week, coal operators are expecting the miners to put in a day of 9 or 10 hours. A day longer than 10 hours, running up even to 12, was reported by three or more workers at several mines, includ- ing the Rosedale and Maiden mines of the Val- ley Camp Coal Co., Pursglove No. 1 and No. 2, and the Cedar Grove mine of the Carnegie Coal Co. When no fixed day is required of tonnage workers, operators often set a stint which must be finished before the machine miner or the loader leaves the mine. Also, low tonnage rates . and very irregular work by themselves drive the By JORGE “Reputable” Robbers | The Chicago Daily News of Dec. 4, mates @ rather late discovery that “some” employers arg “profiteering in low wages.” It quotes a De, Martin Hayes Bickham, of the “emergency rex liet fund” to the effect that “exploiters” are | demanding wage reductions “from 50 to 80 pes cent.” They send in to the “emergency fund™ and hope to get starving workers to work for | next to nothing. “These offers do not come from concerns eco~ nomically in distress, but from those whose standard indicate affluence and a measure of prosperity,” said Bickham. The wages offered at the present cost of living is at the sacrifios of all American standards of living. Some per~ | sons say they want to ‘do something for a poor girl,’ and when the girl gets to the home for domestic service she finds that she must do menial work for-from $2 to $3 a week, whereas bs employer paid as high as $18 in former ‘imes, “The same system is used in hiring office help. T send girls to REPUTABLE firms at a stipu- Jated wage of $25 a week and when the girls get there, they are given $15 instead of the agreed wage.” ‘Well, all we have to say is that when it gets so rotten that the finks running these “emer- gency” organizations can’t stomach it, it’s about time that something is done about it by the workers. The revolutionary trade unions and the unemployed councils ought to work together on this thing, and raise a little supreme hell. But they'll have to get in touch with the workers BO ing out from these offices, ee Se On Having a Bit of Imagination The Los Angeles “Record” is forehanded in speculating on the 1932 presidential election and running blanks for a ‘straw vote.” A comrade sent in the latest “returns” showing Norman Thomas running ahead of Hoover—but nary an honorable mention for our last candidate for president—William Z. Foster. What's the why of that? Well, a comrade in- forms us that the local comrades, by and large, when asked why they didn’t chip in a few votes and gather in those of their friends and sympathizers, answered: “That's the bunk! There ain't nothin’ to it; forget it, we read the Daily Worker!” Which is a splendid sentiment, but why negleat any chance to agitate? If they read the Daily Worker, let's hope they read this comradely counsel not to be so formal Shop work is the main thing, of c:urse, but without neglecting other work we ought at least to poll more votes than the “Socialists” in any straw voting any- where—and bring our Party's candidate to the attention of the workers. ‘The Org. Dept. suggests that perhaps the com- rades had* “received no instructions” for whom to vote—but why not vote for our past candi- date? There'll be a lot of “straw votes” being taken around ‘the country, so let a word to the wise be sufficient: Until further notica, vote for Foster, our 1928 eandidate. . * Lese Majeste in Free America “Thanks for the tip on ‘The Strange Career @ Mr. Hoover; Under Two Flags.” I would never have known of it had it not been for you. 3 bought it. But I had some difficulty getting it. ‘The salesman looked quite shocked when I asked for it. He tiptoed to the rear of the store and fished it out from an obscure place and whise pered apologetically—‘We're not pushing it,’— A Reader.” ‘We gave a thumb-nail review of that interest- ing book on Hoover some time ago. It is written by a strictly capitalist author, and worries a lot about Hoover being a British citizen (A supple- ment to the book gives photographic reproduction of Hoover's registration as a voter in Kensington, England, from 1911 to 1914 as sworn by the Eng- lish keeper of official records), and it is kinda funny, isn’t it, to know that all the 100 per centers are whooping it up for a British president, of the good old U. S. A, But what we are concerned over, is that Hoover is a capitalist—that’s his nationality, whether British, American or Chinese. And you and I and the rest of us are on the other side of the barricades among the world-wide nation of the workers, * when—as today—it seems to be lese majeste to speak right out and call a stock swindler a stock swindler, is one of the interesting symptoms of what's going on, workers to earn as much as possible oh when the mine is running, even at the cost of an unbearably long day underground. Company men who work on day rates on the whole, shorter days than thé tonnage workers, but most of these men also work at least 9 hours. | Accidents Increase. ‘ “No, I haven't had any accident lately. Noth. ing but cuts and bruises.” I was out a year ‘ago when my back was hurt from falling slate, Only cuts this year.” “I sprained my back spring, but I’ve been lucky about accidents.” Serious accidents are so frequent in coal that minor sprains, cuts and bruises are counted. Several crushed feet, smashed crushed hands, and sprained backs were by the 141 mine workers interviewed Research Association. When asked about accidents and safety sures, the workers generally volunteered statement that with machine and speed-up hazards have increased, and that economy paigns have cut down such safety measures ag rock dusting. | Workers are fully aware of the hazards of | falling roof, heavy motor trains, unguarded pow- er lines, and explosive gas. Neglect of safety by the companies and very low wages are the basic grievances to which almost every mine worker refers. Similar first-hand surveys of conditions of | industries workers in the textile and automobile have been made by Labor Research Association,