The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 11, 1931, Page 4

v ! Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co, Ine. daily except Sunday, at 5¢ East Cable “DAIWORK.” Address and mai} all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 Hast 13th Street, New York, N. Y. 13th St, Page Four New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonaquin 4-7956. SUBSCRIPTION RATHR THE LINE OF THE 13 PLENUM IN THE STRUGGLE IN TAMPA By N. SPARKS uggies now going on in Tampa, t the attack of the bosses and the splendid militancy. ow of and continued im- embers of the Tampa s Industrial Union and the Com- wraced-over 7,000 workers. ‘The throughout Ybor City (the Spanish of Tampa) closed up for the entire’ 72 number in sympathy, others under boycott. During the strike, 3,000 1 struck and paraded through the t the of the Tobacco Work: munist Party which is hauling the iting the bosses from schemes for wage-cuts r factories, is unques 3th Plenum lutionary movement co workers is not new heir n the workers have supported ympathy the Daily 1 of the Trade >wn. the finest trikes led by the T.U.U.L. ‘The revolutionary although based did not bear an months ago an and a short with the s of the country n Tampa, however the shop workers, eter. But a few sent inte Tampa, movemer ely or ime later special efforts were made to bring he line of the 13th Plenum direct to the Party inits and to the non-Party workers in Tampa. ‘The task of putting into effect the line of the Plenum (“Face to the shops! For the organ- zation of mass struggles against the offensive of the capitalists!”) meant first of all the over- coming of both the right and “left” opportunist tendencies the Tampa section—opportunist endencies existing partly due to the fact that the movement was not benefiting by the active in eadership of the Communist Party. First, a endency among some elements of unwillingness © develop mass struggles altogether, and to ori entate upon agitation in the Labor Temple rather than upon organiation in the shops; second: no ampaign (at that time) against wage-cuts and mass lay-offs; third: passi and inaction on the most burning question—unemployment; fourth: a conscious neglect of work among the yvomen cigar Workers; fitth: white chauvinism— 2 tendency to “leave the Negroes alone until we get stronger”—failing to realize that united or- ganization and struggle of white and Negro workers strengthens the working class as noth- ing else; sixth: language sectarianism—a most dangerous tendency to keep the movement a Spanish movement, to neglect the work among the native American workers who are being used by the bosses more and more to replace the Spanish-speaking workers in the factories at lower wages, and who wouid give the movement a more solid base ig Tampa. (It was pointed out that it was precisely because we were doing nothing against wage-cuts ahd unemployment that the bosses were not using terror and the movement was “peaceful”) the tobacco workers in | TAX PAYERS IN REVOLT IN PHILA. UNSPIRED by the various local hunger marches and especially by the National Hunger March to Washington, the tax’ payers in Philadelphia have organized marches of their own. On Mon-~ day about a thousand tax payers stormed the City Hall and the session of the City Coun- cil. Seeing the mass protest and indignation of the tax payers, the City Council abruptly ad- journed its session and left the meeting room. Why The Tax Payers Revolt? The corrupted politicians of the City Council have increased the city budget by twelve million dollars. This therefore presents the City Coun- cil with the problem of raising 19 million dollars. above its income. To raise this money the City Council proposes to raise taxes on property by 35¢ per each $100 of assessed valuation of prop- @rty. The present tax rate is $2.77% per $100. If this increase in the tax rate would be carried through, then it would be $3.12 per hundred. In addition the City Council also proposes to imcrease the tax on water by 50 per cent. Due to the present unemployment tens ‘of thousands of workers are not in a position to Pay their taxes nor the interest ori mortgages on their property. The result is that every month thousands of workers homes are being sold by the sheriff. For the month of Decem- ber 2,000 homes will be sold for failure to pay taxes. For a period of 12 months, 50,000 sheriff sales took place. The worker tax payers know that if the tax-rate is increased more of their homes will be sold. Because of this situation the tax payers who are in majorty workers and peoples of small means are revolting. Tax the Poor—But Do not Tax the Rich The economic crisis, the sharp decline in the value of real estate, the closing down of num- erous banks, began seriously to effect the petty bourgeoisie and the small business men. The big real estate operators and capitalists are try- ing to utilize this mass movement to avoid higher taxes on thelr property and income. The move- ment so far is in the hands of republican poli- ticians and big textile manufacturers who want to avoid a higher tax on their property, and for this purpose they utilize the discontent and revolt of the small tax payers. It must be clear to the workers, that we must be against higher taxes upon the workers and peoples of small means. However we must de- ™mand a higher tax on property and incomes of the rich in order to feed the unemployed. Build a Workers Tax Payers League In face of this situation, it becomes necessary for the workers and small merchants to build a movement against high taxes of their own. This movement ts not to be under the control of republican politicians and various neighbor- hood business men’s associations, but under the direct control of the workers and workers’ or- ganizations. The various Chamber of Commerce and busi- ness associations who now pretend to be against the increase, were the ones who were respon- sfble for placing the higher-tax Republican City Counell into power. Precisely because the po- Mtietans are afraid that the workers and the small merchants may organize a movement of their own in the struggle against higher taxes, to tax the rich and not to tax the poor, that they have tried to assume leadership of this movement in order to behesd it. ‘The workers must see this poloy of the bewnes and berild 2 Ooerkere ‘Ter Bagees Teen, Tt is clear that these right-wing errors com stituted the main danger in Tampa. In addi- tion there were “leftist” tendencies towards in- dividualism, “left” sectarianism, anarcho-syn- dicalism, ete. No one can doubt that the present struggles could have developed only through a determined attempt on the part of the Tampa comrades to oyercome these opportunist tendencies. The more organized character of the work and the orientation towards the shops led in the last Tobacco Workers’ Industrial Union and is un- doubtedly responsible for the firmness of the present struggle. The importance and value of the unemployed work can be gathered from the fact that when the workers’ committee went to the mayor for @ permit for the Nov. 7 meeting, he demanded that above all they “stop these unemployed demonstrations.” It would bé foolish to claim, however, that in such a short time all these deviations have been. overcome. It is precisely in the course of strug- gle, however, that opportunist tendencies can be decisively overcome, and-it is also precisely in the course of struggle that opportunist tenden- cies constitute the greatest danger and must be fought with the utmost ruthlessness. It is in this connection that it might be well to mention the letter sent by leading comrades in Tampa to the Havana (bourgeois) Diario del Matino. “We need not quarrel about whether it is fitting to use such phrases as “your esteemed journal” since they are after all more or less conventional, but it is unquestionably incorrect to state in the name of the Communist Party that we are “only fighting for our constitutional rights,” a statement which might be made by any bourgeois liberal. The Communist Party fights for all the basic rights of the workers, some of which—the right of free speech, of free assemblage,eto—are contained in the constitu- tion, but it knows what a mockery such “con- stitutional rights” are under capitalism, and it is necessary to bring out the class position; to show that the Party fights for much more than “con- stitutional rights”—that it fights against wage- cuts, for. unemployment insurance and for im- mediate relief, for defense of the Soviet, Union. It was for these demands that the Nov. 7 meet~ ing was organized. It is when the workers want to use their constititional rights for thely class aims that the bosses reply with fascist attacks, shootings, frame-ups and raids, and this should have been brought out in the letter. To say less than this is unquestionably opportunist—regard- less of whether the bourgeois journal would print our letter or not. ‘The lying provocation of the Tampa police and the false charges of “assault with intent to kill,” on which they are holding 17 workers in prison as a result of the police and fascist at~ tack on the Nov. 7 demonstration, should draw the special attention of the ‘Tampa comrades to “eftist” errors of individualism and playing with revolutionary phrases. The position of the Com- munist Party on armed demonstrations is well known. To quote from an article by Comrade Alfred in the September Communist Interna- tional: “The slogan of an armed demonstration means the same thing as the general slogan of the arming of the proletariat. To raise the slogan of an armed demonstration without any anticipation of a speedy transformation into an armed revolt and before the pre-conditions for a successful revolt exist, is to be guilty of playing \with revolution (our bold fate—N. &). If cer- tain impatient elements demand the arming of demonstrators, it is necessary to look ¢arefully to see whether there is not an attitude’ of panic behind-the demand.” = . What is the-role ef the present ‘political pro» test strike movement in Tampa? The political protest strike was undoubtedly the correct. tactic to use to mobilize the masses against the frame- up. Owing to certain historical conditions, and the close association of the Spanish-speaking workers with the anti-imperialist revolutionary movement of Latin-America, they are more con- scious politically, more familiar with forms. of Political action than most American workers, But can we say, since a political protest strike is a more advanced stage than a purely economic strike, that the movement is more advanced, is more revolutionary in Tampa than in the rest of the country, that it has advanced “beyond the stage of economic strikes”? No, it would be im- possible to say this. This would be a “leftist” error ofathe worst kind. The movement in Tampa cannot be carried forward indefinitely on the basis of a series of protest strikes. It ‘has not yet rooted itself sufficiently in the every- day life of the workers. The workers have not yet learned from experience that even the small- est struggle against the boss or for a crumb of unemployment relief can only be won through revolutionary organization under the leadership of the Trade Union Unity League and the Com- munist Party, Above all, the movement ts still limited largely to the Spanish-speaking workers and has not yet drawn in the native American workers and the Negroes. To have refused to utilise the tactic of the political protest strike would have been the height of dogmatic stupidity. But the key to the entire situation now, the point by which the mass movement wil! either grow or die down, is the linking up of the straggle with the econ. omic demands the bringing of the coonomic relief and embracing the native American white and Negro workers, This is the only way which the struggle can attain a secure manent base in Tampa and defeat the the bosses and the government. The Tampa factories are now about to down for a month or so for their yearly stocktaking. ‘The workers of Tampa must prepare now to find the factories re-opening with hand-work replaced by machinery, with the bosses attempting to replace the Spanish-speak- ing workers by American white and Negro and women workers at lower wages, with a ‘wage-cut—in other words with s sification of the whole process have been carrying on gradually during the past couple of years. The only way to prepare for this is increased organisation, ‘Tobacco Workers’ Industrial Unton in and terror i peat again, increased organization among the native Americans, the Negroes and the women. Whether a political or an sconomic strike, Com pored of dolevatas ntactad trom the factories WW Preparation for strike action, above all, we re-| couple of months to the launching of the Tampa | By BURCK. Negotiations of the New Union Agreements in the Building Trades ot N. Y. and Vicinity ce By A. PETERSON. + 2 PART L -May, 1932, existing union agreements in the building trades of New York and vicinity ex- pire and negotiations for new agreements are how in progress. As usual, in these A. F. of L. ‘unions, these negotiations are going on behind élosed doors in the true spirit of class collabora~ tion, for “the welfare of the industry.” While the A. F. of L. building trades craft unions have constant jurisdictional fights, the bossés in the building trades are well organized én &n industrial scope into the Building Trades Employers’ Association. And it is this employ- ers’ association, together with the real estate investors, the bankers who have a great money interest in buildings, 4t is this capitalist family, in collaboration with the union officials in the building trades, who shaped the policies for the Previous union agreements. It is they who are now shaping the policies for the new union agreements for the carpenters, bricklayers, plum- bers and other crafts. Union Officials Help Cut Standards of Living. From the official information to: us’ carpen= ters at our local union meetings through the minutes of the Carpenters’ District Council we see the following: The employers’ association (tlie Master Car- Penters’ Association) is for a direct wage-cut; (the rumors are that this wage-out is to be 25 per cent). Brother Hanson, in the name of the Carpenters’ District Council, proposed a three- day working week with the present scale of wages ($13.20). This is as stated officially in the minutes; unofficially, wa union carpenters are already given hints by union officials that the carpenters’ District Council is going to sub- mit to this wage-cut proposition. The business agents’ meeting proposed a two-shift wéek, each shift to work two and a half days. It is char- acteristic that these union misleadets are silent about the 6-hour day proposition. It is worth while to figure out what standard of living the union carpenter would get at best under these proposals by the carpenters’ so- called “union leaders.” Building is seasonal work, and, according to the figures of the U. S. department of labor, released at the height of the building boom, the average a building trade worker put in was 34 weeks in @ year. Now let us figure it out at best. Thirteen dollars and twenty cents a day, 2% days a week, makes $33 a working week; $33 for 34 weeks during the year makes a total of $1,122 a year in wages; divide it on the 52 weeks in the year, it makes $21.65 a week wage income—which means to live below the stand- ard of living as recognized even by the depart- ment of labor. - And this is the best interpreta- tion, not the actual probability. A Policy Which Means More Starvation. In the real estate section of the N. Y. Timés, Nov. 22, 1931, there is a column of publicity on the arguments presented by the Employers’ As- sociation “Organized efforts to effect wage-cuts in all branches of the industry have culminated in the proposals from the Building Trades Em- Ployers’ Association to the labor organizations, ete — “Among the arguments presented, according, to Christian,G. Norman, of the Building Trades Employers’ Association, were the lower prices prevailing in building materials, rent and com- Opportunities for Organizing ‘the Farmers By A. LERNER. continued deepening of the economic crisis is forcing the poor farmers more and more to real militant action in order to get relief. In those districts of the country where the Commu~- nist Party is actively engaged in agrarian work these struggles are being concretely directed against the local government authorities, the landlords and the bankers. In Houghton County, Michigan, a leaflet was issued by six Committees of Action calling a demonstration for Dec. 1 on the occasion of a. postponed, and that the rich timber and mineral lands of the Copper Trust, heretofore almost tax-free, should be heavily taxed. ‘The farmers, having become wary of the demagogy of the of- In Alger County, at a session of the “Unem- ployment Commission of the Board of Super- visors” on Nov. 17, 60 farmers demonstrated for the rank and file workers. The comrades in must pay the greatest attention to the the recent strikes led by the Trade 53 munist Party, carrying forward the line of the 13th Plenum, the Tampa workers, with the splen- aid mitttaney they have already shown, will sirengthen their revolutionary organizations, df the attack of the bowes and theme. onen the peteon ceflg-ey com 17 copneades, Mone relief under the leadership of their Committee of Action. In Toivola, a mass meeting of farm- ers held on Nov. 15, drew up a list of demands and instructed a Committee of Action to present. these demands to the next meeting of sthe Houghton County supervisors. - In Mountrail County, No. Dakota, where the farmers are actually famine-stricken, a meeting of the county commissioners on Oct. 6 found the town filled with farmers who came to demon- strate for relief at the call of the United Farm- ers League. In Plentywood, Montana, 1,000 farmers came in trucks from three counties for @ meeting called by the United Farmers League to expose the fake relief measures of the local Red Cross. They paraded in the Sheridan County court-house, and at the head of this parade there were carried two red flags. In Avondale, local bankers and business men are so frightened by the response to meetings called by the United Farmers League that they are taking measures to prevent the U. F. L. from securing a hall for its meetings. These are but a few indications of the rising revolutionary temper of the small and middle farmers. Where the United Farmers League and the Agrarian Depts. of the Party districts are functioning, these actions are organizationally being turned into account. What splendid re- sults might we not have achieved had the U. F. L, or the Party been present last year in Eng- land, Ark., and Henryetta, Okla., and in Iowa recently when the poor dairy farmers of that state put up actual armed resistance to the militia sent to enforce the Tuberculin Test which killed their cows without compensation? All of these incidents call for a more active and concrete approach by the Party districts to work among the poor farmers. Every district must establish a functioning Agrarian Dept.. whose job it is to build (according to the char- acter of agriculture in the district) trade union organization of agricultural wage workers, ten- ants’ leagnea, croppers’ unions, or Committees of Action of small and middle farmers azonnd some modities. generally; possible increases in con- struction which might take place with wage re- visions, and unequal compétition faced by those payihg the regular scale from builders able to obtain workers at lower rates.” ‘The lower prices prevailing in building ma- terials have served well the interest of these big shots from the Employers’ Association to pile more profits into their pockets. In spite of the general crisis, in spite of their cry about the high prevailing rates of union wages, the finan- cial section of the N. Y. Times, June 11, reports for the Thompson Starrett Co. for the year ended April 23, 1931, net profits for the fiscal year higher than in the previous years. It is a net sum of $1,785,703. Similar are the reports in the Moody investment records for the Fuller Co. and the others of these big shots, In order to fool the building trades workers they are making the careful statement that a revision in wages (wage-cut) might possibly bring increases in construction. (Possibly! Our union officials seem to be more shameful fakers to tell us that an adjustment. of working condi- tions with the Building Employers’ Association will stimulate construction.) Prikeca The real facts are that these big shots who control the policies of this employers’associa- tion have in their interest the discouragement and elimination of building construction. Let us look at some of these big builders who are the controlling factors in the employers’ asso- ‘Clation. 2 ‘The Manhattan Leasing Co. in years past built blocks of great apartment houses in all sec~ tions of Manhgttan and the Bronx, sold them on easy payments by financing the first, second and third mortgages. Now in this crisis they get these same houses back by’ the hundreds by foreclosures and become the greatest land- jords in Greater New York. As builders of new houses, they confine themselves to an insignifi- cant number in the Bronx. But their main at- tention is concentrated on the alteration work in the foreclosed apartment houses, ‘This work is, by the way, done by non-union iabor, be- cause our officials did not encourige the or- ganization of the unorganized in the.building trades. tee Now, as landlords, this company’ has ‘surely no interest in encouraging building construction while many of the apartments in the hundreds of the houses they acquired are vacant: The - liabilities and circulation capital. of ‘Thompson Starrett and the others of their kind (as stated in the Moody's Investments Informa- tion), proves that there are at present more landiords and rent collectors than promoters of new construction in New York and vicinity. And these big shots have a good, substantial in- terest in banking institutions. ‘To what an extent this limitation of new building construction is actually going on in Manhattan Borough is proven in the following announcement made by Samuel Fassler, superin- tendent of buildings, on Dec. 3, 1931: “The filed plans for project on new buildings for Manhat~ tan Borough for the current month is $1,501,100, as compared with $21,662,280 in the same month il ell By mati everywhere: One year, $6; six monthe, $8; two months, $2; ewcepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City, Foreign: ome year, $8; six months, $4.86, By Jones A Very Good Idea Tt is suggested only for New York, but we sam no reason why other cities where thé Uneme Ployed Councils are organized should not take it up—and probably beat New York’s Unem= Ployed Council. Let’s see what happens: “Dear Comrade Jorge:—I have just been ag by an idea. Will you help me to put i inég action? It is simply this: “I want to see all members of the Unemployed Councils get free dental services; which, ¥ sure, most.of them are in need of. I offer my services to the Unemployed of Greater New York, and call upon all dentists who are members or sympathizers of the Gorm: munist Party to do Hkewise, : “The uneinployed workers must be taken -cas@ of... Perhaps some. Communist. physicians may be able’ to work out a plan for free. medical service along similar lines, The’ workers cannot afford even the fees of so-called ‘free’ clinics. . ,’. “Until such time as other dentists in ottved boroughs come along, I am ready to help mere bers of the Councils of all boroughs, All I ask is that such workers (and members of their fama ilies) BRING A NOTE SIGNED 8Y THE src RETARY OF THE PARTICULAR COUNCIL RE OR SHE BELONGS 'TO—Maximilian Cohen, Dental Surgeon, 638 Carroll ‘Street, Brooklyn. 10 8 m. to 8 p. m. except Fridays and Sundays.” Now there’s an offer that the Unemployed Council ought to tie into, and which should be matched by other dentists and a doctor or two in every borough. Any of these who. don’t. know where to register’ their offer with Uhemployed organizations in their neighborhood, should drop a line stating what they can be counted on for, to the Unemployéd’ Councfi of Greater New York, Carl Winter, Secy., 5 Kast 19th Street, which we expect will inform the committees im their locality. But outside ‘of New York, we think ‘that the plan of such sympathizers and Patty ‘mbmibers giving what attention they can to members of the Unemployed Councils should be pushed. Now that it “settles the whole question,” becaiise # doesn't. Yet it will help some, Let’s see what can be done! e e/e Mr. Hubbard Is a Liar The Bridgeport, Conn, “Herald”: of Nov. 2 was forced to apologize for E. Kent Hubberd, bresident.of the Connecticut Manufacturers’ Ase sociation because Hubbard teld a jie about the Putnam strikers. ._ 3 3 Like the Hoover. secret service fairy telé of an Yea invasion” of Washington by the Huns ger Marchers, Hubbard cooked te give his fellow bosses the cold ae uae that “@ consignment of rifles aid machine gums on its way to the strikers was halted in transit,’ ‘The “Herald” apologizes for him by saying was “misinformed” or “tried to be dramati Hubbard himself says nothing, apologizes nothing. And wé want to say that this kind damn liars is the same kind who themselved are getting rifles and machine guns ready te shoot down the workers. At the very least, % is an incitement’ to the watch-dogs of the bosses —the police—to attack the strikers and mass sacte them. ‘We recall that in the Lawrence strike of 1919, “age werd the manufacturers made many charges of namiting” against the strikers, explosions, too, But a short was found out that the head of the sociation, a guy tamed. Wood, had sters to do the dynamiting so he sould onto the strikers. He was indicted for t% committed suicide. Will My. follow Mr. Wood’s example? ° © Some “True Facts” of the A. F. of L. - ‘The “Cleveland Federationist,” the sheet which the American Federation of Labow is responsible for in Cleveland, Ohio, is a series of articles entitled “True Facts of « La en | & ¥ i é if Hi i ft i Hi ; i i |