The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 2, 1931, Page 4

uF w Published by the New Page Four 33th St Comproda York City, N. ¥ Address and mail all checks to the Dally Worker, 50 Hast 13th Street, New York, N. Y. Publishing Co., Inc., daily Telephone ALgonauin 4-7986. Cable except Sunday, at 50 Hast “DAIWORK.” of Manhattan and Bronx, wORBCRIPTION RATES: New York City. By swil everywhere: One year, $6; slx months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs Foreign: one year, $8; six months, $4.50, SPECTS FOR THE THIRD HUNGER WINTER Reseerch Association.) ty Labor PART L ER a eviod of discreet silence, Presi- te Ro uraed his optimistic upturn in wheat, cotton announces, heralds ‘This cheerful hooey inated by the capitalist press, jumns and exuberant head- z the imminent arrival of a big- r period of “prosperity.” the capitalist press have not been ly successful as economic prophets; so out ot enthusiastic hopefulness be taken seriously. It is important, to take’ stock of the economic situation whether or not the recent rise in a ity prices denotes any real ange in the basie economic situation or holds the slightest hopeful prospect for the work- 4 ass during this winter. A glance he business statistics and indices, published by the more serious bourgeois research d periodicals, reveals that the econ- far from showing any signs of nent, is becoming more and more crit- shows that workers, instead of leoking crwai © a period of increased employment, as 's would have them believe, must a winter of increased jobless- rvation. Instead of showing ovement, the basic industries deeper and deeper into crisis, The e in the price of wheat, cotton and war speculation and hooey cted any improvement in Already the prices are beginning to turn ase of wheat, the declines e € yy days have wiped out more than he gains of the past five weeks. market prices are again resuming their ne, after a slight rise at the end of he proudly crisis e official li sed on Ocicher. On Nov. 9 the Dow Jones average for industrial stocks mounted to 116.79. Stnce then it has dropped steadily and on Nov, 18 fell to rermore, the months of September and witneced the development of a new 3 in the United States—the be- us financial crisis. Weakened Fut October stage of th nning of a ; by the continued depreciation of stecks, bonds and mortgages, banks began to crash on an un- precedented scale, Panicky depositors withdrew their money from the banks. Hoarding reached enormous proportions, exceeding more than a billion dollars. The United States, formerly re- garded as the bulwark of the capitalist world, | began to lose tremendous amounts of gold on account of foreign withdrawals. From Septem- er 20 to the beginning of November,.the net loss in.gold. reached the unprecedented total of $731,000,000. Alarmed by these developments, Hoover, at the dictation of leading bankers, embarked on | an inflationary program in an effort to check bank failures in catastrophic proportions. The National Credit Corporation was organized to advance loans to shaky banks on paper now in- eligible for rediscount by the Federal Reserve Banks. Soon afterwards Hoover proposed a sys- tem of “Home Loan Discount Banks” to redis- count mortgages held by banks and loan asso- ciations. Hoover, who refuses to grant one cent of re- Hef to starving unemployed, does not hesitate to recommend that Congress appropriate millions | of dollars for “home loan banks” to aid his banker friends who hold depreciated mortgages. Despite Hoover’s frenzied efforts, bank fail- ures continue on an enormous scale, During the first week of November, 67 banks closed their doors, bringing the total suspensions for the year to date to approximately 11,200 and the total amount of deposits involved to more than a billion and a half dollars. The rapidly declin- ing savings of hundreds of thousands of work- ineg-class families were virtually wiped out by these fallures. In the month of October alone, the Federal Reserve Board reports, there were 512 bank suspensions involving deposits of $566,- 686,000, the highest total ever registered in the history of the United States. Bank suspensions in the first ten months of this year exceeded by more than 20 per cent suspensions for the en- tire year of 1930 and involve liabilities nearly twice as large. Failures of a number of giant banks were undoubtedly prevented only because of timely aid extended by clearing houses which sought to avert the catastrophic failure of y institutions. | (To Be Concluded.) Do Communists Participate in Election Campaigns? By I. ABITER. 1E results of the election campaign in Novem- ber shor that the Party members have a com- olote misunderstanding of revolutionary perlia- tarism—and as a consequence, completely sults generally showed an advahce—in York- Ohio. ‘lle. coives tm New York, there was an actual «'ire in the vote, due to many reasons—stealing, ex—but this cannot account for the wide gap between the support thet the Party receives in its campaigns of struggle and the election vote. This must. be examined, for otherwise the Party | not, be able to carry on election campaigns properly and register the support that it has. There is a decided anti-partiarsentarian atti- tude in the Party and among the revolutionary talist state cannot take place tlirough the f the capitalist clase. amentarism—on the contrary, the Comin- tern: , emphasizes the necessity of participation 1 on campaign with the program of Party and organization of the workers for struggle as part of the revolutionary s (he reason for the anti-parlamentar- f the Party members and the revo- workers? The revolutionary workers millions of workers are disfranchised altens, migratory workers, workers 2 their place of residence in ‘ch of work, because of evictions, etc. In ome states there ure poll laws, which discrim- nete p icly ageinst the most exploited sec- workers, who are the best fight- cannot vote, It is obvious that a large sec- on of ¢ population—and just those sections \hich form part of the workers who are willing to fight—cannot vote. The workers know that elections in the United States are crooked—from monient of the designation of the candidates by the capital ss through their small controlling groes, recd to chi committess, to the moment of counting the votes. ‘here is intimidation, terror, stealing of votes, etc. ‘The workers ,even many conserva- tive workers, therefore come to the conclusion that it is useless to vote. ‘This has its effect on the Party membership as well. But deep-seated in the minds of the Party members and the revolutionary workers the idea is that participation in the election campaigns— hoiding of meetings, demonstrations, voting, etc. is usless, and therefore they carry out this function mainly on the basis of discipline and support cf the Party. But when many Party members do not even register or vote, when the call of the Party to register every vote is un- heeded, then something deeper stops them. This must be inquired into and cleared up, other- wise the Party will not carry out this phase of the revolutionary work that is not only incum- bent on us, but is of tremendous importance in the development of the revolutionary struggle. Is revolutionary parliamentarism—a revolu- tionary election campaign and perticipation in parliamentary activity—part of the Communist Party program? EMPHATICALLY YES! It is part of the revolutionary struggle that the workers led by the Communist Party put up. We are living in a socalled “democratie” state, in which the rulers of the country supposedly are “elected by the people.” It is true that thin is an illusion, but the laws are made and executed Funds are still needed for the Netienal Hunger March! Has | your organization made a \donation2 See that it doce Yas cs pA et ni . 2 re { i} estimate election campaigns. Although the a Communist town councillor was elected—nevertheless the results are not com- mensurate with the support that the Party re- ‘This is due in part to a misunderstand- , but through the revolutionary overthrow The Communist Inter- 1 ae, however, does not oppose revolutionary { by these rulers supposedly “democratically” elected. As long as this continues, the Jews of the capitalists will be put over on the workers. Participation in the election campaign is to mobilize the workers against capitalism, against the capitalist class and their candidates. It is in order to register the sentiment and will of the workers to fight against the proposals and practices of the capitalist class. It is in order to mobilize them for the revolutionary struggle against the system that the Communist Party carries on the election campaign. The Commu- nists never put forward the idea that capitalism will be overthrown by means of the ballot. On the contrary, the Communists stoutly expose the | absurd and counter-revolutionary idea of the socialists that when the majority of the work- ers and farmers are in favor of changing the system, tt will be changed. The Communists tell the workers clearly that the capitalists will not give wp powcr without a resort to ferce, and that the workers will have to meet this armed force. But the workers have to be convinced of the necessity of this procedure. They have to be convinced that capitalism cannot be reformed but must be destroyed. They must learn through experience what the capitalist state is and then they will be ready to act. Participation of the Communist Party does not strengthen any ilu- sions in “democracy” but DESTROYS them. But it is not merely in the election campaign that the Communist Party carries on its work— that is during the period of the campaign itself. The Conununist Pariy endeavors to get its can- didates elected for the purpose of having them, in the halls of Congress, the state legislature and city councils, carry on the fight of exposure of capitalism, of presenting the demands of the working class and uniting the struggles in the shops and streets with the fight inside the halls of parliament. Js this revolutionary practice? Tt is. It was precticed by the Russian Bolshe- viks, it is practiced by the Communists in all countries, even in those countries in which the Communist, Party is illegal. ‘Therefore, the Com- munists must give up this anti-parliamentarian attitude since it makes it impossible for the Party to register the sentiment of the workers unless the Party throws all energy into the cam- paign, with a full understanding of its revolu- tionary significance. As a matter of secondary importance, it may be stated that the workers gain more confidence | in the Party when they see it growing in sup- port—also in the election campaign. But failure of the Party membership to understand the im- portance of revolutionary parliamentarism forces the weak, vacillating workers to “try the next best”—or as in New York, where the Party did not connect up the election campaign with struggle, to be the victims of fascism—the Tam- many Hall machine—or of social fascism. ‘There is another reason why the Party mem- bers and the revolutionary workers do not par- ticipate in the election campaign. It is a well known fact that the Party is the leader of far larger masses than register their position in the election campaign. ...e Negro, foreign-bern, mi- gratory and most oppressed workers are sup- Porters of the Communist Party—but are non- voters. The Party finds support in the shops, ong the unemployed and Negro masses. Br‘ the Party continues to fail to link up the elec- tion campaign with the struggles that it con- Matthew Woll— “That's the Stuff, Boys!” MATTHEW “The only real effort to show up the actual character of these demonstrations in an effective way was made by the Cleveland Chamber of Commerce as the Reds were organizing early this year, a of the erganizers of this demonstration, the Chamber warned tradesmen and others along the projected route not to contribute food or shelter t the marchers, nor in any way to encourage them.”—Woll’s Open Letter. decisions of the Party to recruit during the struggle. This shows the mechanical separation of the Party from the struggles, As a result of this mechanical separation— which was to be noted in even sharper form in the Party press, and particularly the Daily Worker, during the entire election campaign— the Party members regarded the election as a SEPARATE campaign, apart from the struggles; as an unnecessary campaign, consisting chiefly of street corner meetings, rallies, etc. The elec- tion campaign must be taken directly into the shops, facterics, unions, mass organizations, link- ing it up with the struggles of the workers. This and this alone will cure the Party members of their anti-parliamenterian attitude. In short our methods of work in the election campaign have been wrong—they are sociel democratic methods lingering on in the Party, and must be sharply changed. Once this attitude is corrected, the struggle will take place where it should occur, and the Party will enlist in its work not only voters, but “non-yoters, who will recognize the close connec- tion between the struggle in the shops and the election campaign, and that the Party is the leader of ALL struggles. Then they will become active workers and fighters for the Party also in the election campaign. The campaign of correcting the attitude of the Party membership in regard to election cem- paigns ,and of taking the election campaign into the shops and among the unemployed and directly linking it up with the struggles, must be conducted with all energy. We are approach- ing the elections of 1932, which will be of the highest significance. ‘Today in the third year of the crisis, with unemployment increasing, and the attacks on the workers intensifying, with im- Pperialist war already being waged against the Soviet, Union on the eastern front, the need of the voice of the Communist Party in every hall of parliament is imperative. This voice will help to rally the workers to further struggle. It will unite the struggle inside with the struggle out- side the parliament. It will be the voice hurl- Ing the demands of the Communist Party and the working\class into the faces of. the ruling bess class, as the workers will challenge them in the streets. The bosses do and will do everything possible to keep the Communists out of their parliamen- tary halls. They steal their votes, intimidate the workers, terrorize their representatives in parliament. In Europe they murder them or send them to the penitentiary for daring to present the demands of the oppressed workers. Should not this alone convince the Party mem- bers and the revolutionary workers of the im- portance of revolutionary parliamentarism—this fear of the bosses and their representatives of the representatives of the revolutionary working class? Revolutionary parliamentarism is not a sub- stitute for the class struggle waged in the shops and on the streets. It is a part and an addi- tional method of conducting the struggle—it is an important addition to our arsenal against the enemy class. This weapon must not be given up, but must be sharpened. This can be accom- plished only if the Party members recognize their terror, intensify their work, mobilize the workers in the shops, make the union meetings ring with the demands of the Communist Party and the needs of the working class, rally the workers to support of the Party, and on all fields of struggle challenge the bosses’ with the de- mands of the revolutionary workers, 1932 must see a complete change in our atti- tude and work. The remnants of syndicalism and social democracy must be wiped out, and ducts. In New York, where the, Party has led officially into the struggles, the Commonist lead- ers of the anions and leagues did not bring the Party into the strugzles. This is to be noted particularly in the fact that in all the note- ‘York m yecent months, recruiting for the Party ar heme enticed, ail, Gesctis the ropitouc!, te erie x te | i our Party become a real Communist Party, link- struggles for partial demands with the De ian Join in the Drive for 5,000 12-Mo. Subscriptions, 20,000 New Readers and a Six ee le See oe | zm The Robber Campaign of J apanese Imperialism i By YOBE “Only the Soviets Can Save China.”—(Stalin.) N Nov. 5 and 5 there took place the bloody battle on the river Nonni, where the troops of the Japanese imperialists for the first time encountered the resistance of a larger Chinese force, Many hundreds were killed and wounded, and the Japanese imperialists reacted with the greatest fury to this first setback. The whole machinery of shameful provocation against the Soviet Union was once more set going; there was talk of “Soviet officers” who were found among the fallen, of “Russian” soldiers in Chi- nese uniforms, etc.—all this not only with a view to justifying the occupation of Anganchi and the bridge head on the river Nonni, but also the further advance on Tsitsihar, on the Chinese Eastern railway, against the Soviet Union. For the Japanese imperialists the battle of Nonni means only another pretext for continuing their advance in Manchuria, for provoking the Soviet Union, Also all the loud assertions that the memorandum issued by Baron Tanaka in the year 1927 and now published by the Commu- nist press, and which exposes the Japanese plans of conquest of Manchuria and China and the war against the Soviet Union, is a forgery, sound particularly ridiculous at a moment when the plan set forth in this memorandum is more clearly approaching its realization every day. What attitude has been adopted by the Kuo- mintang government to the first attempt to check the advance of the Japanese imperialists against the Chinese people? What is this gov- ernment doing whilst a handful of Chinese sol- diers are attempting to oppose the superior war technique and the trained and drilled troops of the Japanese generals? The Kuomintang and their agents deny all responsibility for the acts of these Chinese soldiers! They declgre that it ‘was a mere lieutenant, acting on his own initi- ative and against the orders of his superiors, who called @ halt to the robbers, The generals, however, immediately received instructions to sound a retreat and not to put any difficulties in the way of the Japanese. Dr. Sze, the rep- resentative at Geneva of the Kuomintang ban- dits, must not be disturbed in his bargaining over the sale not only of Manchuria but of the inde- pendence of the whole of the Chinese people to the imperialists. ‘The armed and plundering conquerors must not be opposed by the power of the insurgent people, of the Chinese workers and peasants, for such a revolutionary defense of Chinese independence against Japanese im- perialism would stir up the masses of the peo- ple, who would then clear out not only the Japa~ nese generals, but, also their own hangmen, the blood-stained Chiang-Kai-shek clique. This is the reason of the plaintive whinings with which the Kuomintang disavows any revolutionary fight against Japanese imperialism; this is the reason why, at the very moment the guns thun- © dered on the river Nonni and the Japanese im- perialists extended the war from the South to the North of Manchuria, the Kuomintang peo- ple had nothing better to do than issue a special law prohibiting any anti-Japanese agitation. For the Chinese masses the decisive moment has now arrived when they must turn their eyes to the real signal for freedom, to the flag of the fight for emancipation which has been raised in China itself. It is not due to coincidence that precisely Nov. 7, that is on the 14th anniver- sary of the Soviet Republic, and at the same consolidate the power of the Chinese Soviets, in order, in place of the revolutionary Soviet, Committee (this committee played the part of a provisional central Soviet government and was therefore often described as the Central Govern- ) befornis promthy leading the fights, to elect a Rome Government tor Central and ‘Hunger March’ upon the Ohio State Capitol. a By BURCK. Describing the revolutionary aims South China, in which dll the local Soviet gov- ernments shall be coordinated. The Soviet dis- tricts showed their tremendous revolutionary vitality, their power of resistance and capacity for development when they defeated one divi- sion after another of the Nanking army, recap- tured the important towns which had been taken from them by the military superior forces of the expeditions, and in fact extended their sphere of power still further. It was only the revolutionary Soviet districts, together with the Communist Party of China, which at the moment of the Japanese invasion, plainly and unequivo- cally opposed to the Kuomintang method of for- mal negotiations and protest, shameful treach- ery and actual participation in the dismember- ment of China by the imperialists the slogan of ruthless revolutionary fight for the complete emancipation of China. Right from the first moment, China of the Soviets, of the working masses, revolutionary China, played quite an- other role than that of the Chiang-Kai-shek bourgeoisie. Round the slogans of the Soviets and the Communist Party of China there have rallied all the forces which can effectively op- pose the Japanese and all other imperialists. The Chinese workers and peasants are thor- oughly serious in their fight to emancipate China from the yoke of imperialism, just as they are serious in their fight for the agrarian revolution and for the emancipation of the working class. If the Soviet Congress is successfully held, the Soviet government elected and a permanent cen- ter thereby set up in Wuchang, this will mean, precisely in the present historical situation, a turning point the importance of which cannot be sufficiently appreciated. A central Soviet Government in Wuchang would form the coun- ter-pole to the treacherous Nanking government in China. Around this government there would gather all the real anti-imperialist and revolu- tionary elements. Here the contrast:—bargain- ing of the Kuomintang government (the Nan- king as well as the Canton branch) with the imperialists—ruthless fight of the Soviets against imperialism; punishment provided for anti-Ja- panese propoganda by the Nanking criminal law —organization of all toilers for the fight against imperialist Invasion by the Chinese Soviet Gov- ernment—this contrast would be so strikingly obvious to every Chinese worker and peasant, that the revolutionary movement in the whole of China would be bound to increase enormously in strength. The revolutionary movement in China (which on the occasion of the October revolution celebration was again expressed in a lively action of the Communists), the strike movement which is breaking out in various parts of the country would experience a fresh upsurge which would threaten the power of Chaing Kai- shek and his hangmen also in the other districts of China, Reports from Tokyo speak of fresh action by the Japanese Communists against imperialist war, of new repressive measures by the Japanese government against. revolutionary fighters, The Japanese workers reach out @ brotherly hand to the workers of China, The revolutionary fight under the Soviet flag against imperialism can rely on the fraternization of the Japanese work- ers, peasants and soldiers with the revolutionary Chinese army, ‘The alarm which is being sounded in the im- Perialist press regarding the growing influence of the Soviets in Central China, the furious in- of China and the war against the Soviet Union. It ts all the more necessary, therefore, that the proletariat of Hurope and America raise more sharply than ever the question of defending the Chinese working population; it must not nin ‘welcome the consolidation of the Soviet Contras Chine, bab lao ebowr te sepenatp oti Ask the Baroness, She Knows ‘The Boston Post of Nov. 19, gives you 2 glimp- Se of how the old Russian royalty can Ne when they put their best efforts to it. It is an inter- view with the Baroness Wrangel, female consort of Wrangel, the murderer of tens of thousands of workers and peasants: Baron Wrangel and his gang of cut-throats, supported by American, British and French forces, were among the last to be driven from the soil of Workers’ Russia along in 1921, when, if we recall rightly, Budenny’s Red Cavalry swept them from their last stand in the Crimea, both by frontal attack upon the barricaded peninsula- neck at Perekop, and with a flank attack by = daring and “impossible” crossing of the frozen bay dividing the Crimean peninsula from the mainland. ‘The Red Army reorganized in the South by Comrade Stalin over Trotsky’s head, drove these bandits into the sea, but, of course, Wrangel and some of his men were saved by French and British boats Thus the Baroness Wrangel comes to Boston to tell how nice things would be if the naughty Red Army hadn’t spoiled things. Listen to her: “People want to be happy in their own way, have land to farm, homes to live in, food, educ- ation and happiness relative to their require- ments (!?). And that is what the Russian People enjoyed. They were comfortable and happy. I know. I lived among them.” Evidently the reporter couldn’t quite swallow that one about “education” having flourished in Russia -under the Czar and the Baron, Because the Post goes on to say: “She denied that there was a great amount of illiteracy among the Russians before the re- volution.” Then, to make a good finish on the lies about Czarist Russia, she got this one off about Am- erica, according the Post, which says: “She then declared that conditions are much better in America than Europeans imagine them.” So everything is fine here! Just like it was in old Czarist Russia! Bosses riding on the work- ers’ backs! Farmers existing in poverty, workers starving in the cities! Police clubs and army machine guns holding down the macses! Just like home sweet home to the Baroness! All that's needed is the revolution of these masses to com- plete the analogy! This is the fifth trip to America by the Bar- oness, who has no trouble at all in ge\ting inta the country, being a bosom friend of Secretary Stimson’s sister, and a counter-revolutionary. But let a foreign-born wo: here go on strike —and watch how quickly he becomes an “un- desirable alien”! Nothing to Worry About A couple of comrades who must be rather new to the revolutionary movement have sent in clip- pings about the Toronte “trial” of our Canadian comrades and expressed surprise that a stool- pigeon of the “mountics” had porcd cs 2 Com- Mmunist for some years until he was exposed and expelled in 1928. There's nothing surprising in finding out that the bosses use spies against the worlterss No factory organization is regarded by its owners as complete without a spy system, and no labor organization in history but what has been both- ered more or less by spies, If the capitalists sent no spies into the Party then the surprise would b2 in order, Those who get dumbfounded when they,learn of it show a strong trace of plain ignorance, or perhaps some democratic illusions, as though they thought the workers were going to make a revolution without ever coming into conflict with the capitalist police. The case of the Canadian “mountie,” who never got farther in the Party than becoming @ local official at some back-country town in Sasketchewan, nor gathered any more “dam- aging evidence” than what any Party member knew of what was published, show two things: Firstly, that it is pretty hard for spies to get far in the Party without being exposed. Second, that as long as the Party members. adhere to principles of the Party and stick to the Party line of winning the masses for mass struggle, the spies are unable to “find” any cases of individual violence or sabotage which the ca- Pitalists so dearly love to “prove” by such spies. But, of course, if the capitalists take the notion to attack any workers’ organization, they do it. And they scrape up any old law, any old charge, _ and raise a great hullabaloo about “sedition,” | , “Conspiracy,” “violence and sabotage” and what not, to serve as an excuse for sending Commun- ist leaders of the workers to prison, But neither the spies nor the imprisonment nor even the execution of Communists can pre- vent the historic fate of the capitalist class. Czar Nicholas had about as good a spy and prison system as could be built, but he is pushing up the daisies now and red flags are flymg over one-sixth the world! So there's lots more important things to worry | about than spies. For example, worry about what's keeping the Trade Union Unity League from growing faster than it does! Or why so many workers who join our Party drop out because of bureaucracy, or because | > stupid comrades who act as if they are the cus- todians of mysterious “state secrets” instead of functionaries of (let us say) an LL.D. branch i with nothing more “secret” than folding cir- © culars to carry out, treat these honest workers | with insulting suspicion. Of course, when you find a real spy, don’t be So judicial as to wait about giving him the boot , he he confesses, but act pronto: But don't get, the “spy horrors” and see a bear behind every i, bush. Cut out the romance, and remember that, it's quite possible that there’s one or two people on earth that are revolutionary as you are! ath, See egainst tmperialism that the fight of the Chi- nese workers against the Japanese robbers and Chiang Kai-shek, the fight of the Japancse Workers against their ‘own bourgeoisie, f2ucal lords and generals, that the oppressed revo'u- tionary workers and peasant masses in the covn- tries of the Far Fast, can rely upon the powcr- ful solidarity of the proletariat of the asuagged