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(CONCLUSION) trade ions and leagues aged and stimulated to take e work among the un- to the general political dance given by the TUUL, participate © unemployed branches and oncentrating on the work- THE FACTORIES, must actively councils particularly c ies, AT a workers, etc., and endeavor- r unemployed and part-time to hen the present extremely " es, the building of the ation preparation of strike d the broadening demonstrations of by drawing in the work- trade unions. i worker The Unemployed dema , together with the posure of the trade union bureaucrats on their e cuts, must - strengthening nf In all unem- yd ac al consideration » nk and file f the A. I ough them tional str the the oppc A, T°. of L. leaders nization work of the unions, particularly among the weak, This utilizing stich as will conform movement s impermissably ome, by 3 mass of workers. who are ready to struggle insurance and immediate re- the RILU and of the on the question of unemploy- the basic forms and meth- The decisions of Conte: Tn all places where the unemployed come to- wloyed members of the unions and Party members, living near employment offices, flop houses, etc. fort nd under the leadership of t committees and trade union i) should together constitute one hould call meetings gardless of their poli- nion affiliation at the given soup kitchens, ete. At these ative groups should formulate at committees be elected to organize ‘gle of the unemployed. <1 committees, now receiving ion of the Party, must be in- bers and greatly broadened. They te the actual conditions of the rs in the neighborhood, expose of the charity relief given out, fight for more and better food, against must reflect every need of the ormulate a organize a broad unemployed workers’ demands shborhood. es in the neighborhood cannot, how- ever, become a substitute for the setting up of Activiti the unemployed workers and | ganize the mass fight against evictions, for the shutting off of gas and | Resolution of Central Committee of Communist Party U.S.A. committees elected by the workers at bread lines, soup kitchens, flop houses, employment offices and other places where masses of unemployed workers gather. These committees must be set up and must likewise reflect every need of the workers and carry on the struggle for their de- mands. At the flop houses, soup kitchens, etc., these committees with the approval of the work- ers, must raise the demands for the administra- tion of these institutions through committees chosen by the workers. The basis for such a demand should be the exposure of the bad food, | the insanitary conditions, ete. Party and the | embracing | | umemployed councils. Representatives from these committees (neigh- borhood, flop houses, bread lines, ete.) should sot up the local unemployed couneils, which should also include delegates from workers’ mass organizations (trade unions, workers’ fraternal bodies, etc.). These councils should lead the work on a City and Section scale, consolidating the work of the various committees, uniting them in demonstrations, hunger marches, etc., for local demands, linking these up, howe with the main national demands. In addition, it is advisable, in view of the lack vf a national unemployed center, to set up a strong, broad leading committee or council on a strict scale to guide and strengthen the work of the local councils in and outside of the dis- trict. centers, to organize and lead the struggle for state appropriations for the unemployed, and to prepare the ground for the convening of 1 national conference as soon as a sufficiently broad basis has been laid at which time a na- tional center can be established. Special attention should be given to the sct- ting up of SPECIAL COMMITTEES in the local Here the best, unemployed workers should be activized in the carrying on of the daily work of the unemployed councils. These should include a FOOD COMMITTEE to organize the collection of food and the feeding of children of the unemployed and workers in ex- treme need, an ORGANIZATION COMMITTEE to lead in the setting up of additional commit- tees and branches and, to keep in close contact with them for the organization of meetings, marches, demonstrations, picketing, defense groups, etc. a HOUSING COMMITTEE to or- turning on of gas and light, to secure housing for evicted families, etc, a TRADE UNION COMMITTEE to register the trade union affilia - tion of the unemployed, to lead in the exposure of the trade union bureaucrats of the A. F. L., Musteites, etc., to develop the trade union op- position, etc. OTHER COMMITTEES should be established to meet the needs of the movement. Through such bodies, which must be elected by the workers and always contain the most active fighters, the Party must carry on the struggle for every need of the workers. It is advisable to REGISTER the members of the unemployed committees and branches. Such a registration should include not only the name The resolution of the Cen- || tral Committee on the Unem- ployment work covers the general line of policy and general organizational activ- ities. It does not cover Unem- ployment work in connection with the National Hunger March about which a special resolution will be published at a later date. The resolution be must carefully studied by all Party organizations and by every Party member. SECRETARIAT, CENTRAL COMMITTEE, C.P.U.S.A. and address of the ‘workers, but his Party and trade union affiliation, the factory where he worked, etc., and should be used to draw such workers into special work in the trade unions, at the factories, etc. If effectively used, such a registration can be extremely useful in establish- ing contacts with fhe employed workers, with trade union branches, etc. It is advisable that LOCAL UNITED FRONT CONFERENCES should be called periodically by the local Unemployed Council; in the prepara- tion for which energetic agitation and organiza- tional efforts should be made to secure delega- tions from all workers’ MASS DEMONSTRA- TIONS—A. F. of L. unions, Negro organizations, workers’ fraternity bodies, etc., which are ready to carry forward an energetic fight for our de- mands. Such conferences should be called by the local unemployed councils to oganize the fight for social insurance and on single burning local issues, as for example, graft in the administra- tion of relief, cutting off workers from the list, etc. Such conferences should be used to broaden the work of the councils and not become a per- manent organization. They should not be con- fined to talk—but must have as their objective the drawing of these organizations intd the councils into concrete action, demonstrations, hunger marches, the sending of a deputation to the city council, ete. ‘The District Unemployed Councils should set up under their leadership and strict control a broad committee, which should include. mon- proletarian elements. (Writers, doctors, lower trade union functionaries, journalists, etc.), who Support fully the Party demands, to carry on the widest agitation and propaganda for unemploy- ment insurance. Such committees should raise their own funds and concern themselves chiefly with circularizing local mions and other organ- izations, sending out resolutions for endorsement creating a press service for the labor and Negro press, and with other effective means of en- rolling the broadest support for insurance and the mass struggles waged by the Party, TUUL and unemployed. It should be a NON-Party supporter of the Party struggle justifying such support on the fact (which it must prove to the masses) that the Party alone uncompromisingly fights for social insurance. When a national center for the unemployed movement is set up, / such a committee can be erected on a national scale. Tt would be advisable for the National Com- mittee of the TUUL to immediately create a secretariat to be responsible for guiding the un- employment work throughout the entire country. ‘This should not be a national center for the unemployed movement as such but should lead the movement through the revolutionary frac- tions in the councils end committees pending the setting up of a hational center. This TUUL secretariat on unemployment may also set up under its control and leadership a national com- mittee similar to these proposed for the district to widen the agitation and propaganda for un- employment insurance and to be composed of both proletarian and non-proletarian elements. ‘This committee should publish a paper devoted to the <truggles of the unemployed for insurance and relief, fully exposing the bourgeoisie and re- formists, and fully supporting the actions and slogans of the Party. The sectarian tendencies (failure to develop the initiative of and leadership from among the unemployed, setting up of Party committees as a substitute for broad mass committees elected by the unemployed workers, calling of narrow, unprepared conferences, Party groups instead of mass mobilization Of workers to fight against eviction, ete.), which still predominates in the work in all districts, indicating that the ECCI decisions and the RILU decision have not been carried out, must now be quickly overcome. THE PARTY. The CC of CPUSA must ener- getically and quickly overcome the serious lag- ging behind in the work among the unemployed, devoting particular attention to the 4 main dis- tricts—Chicago, Pittsburgh, Detroit and Cleve- land, in accordance with the January directives, which until now have been weakly carried out. In order to fulfill the gigantic tasks confront- ing the Party now, with the approach of the 3rd crisis winter, it is necessary to take the fol- lowing steps: (a) The assignment of a leading comrade from the Pol-Buro to be directly responsible for this work. SION OF WORK from top to bottom in the Party which will immediately inspire the assign- (b) The development of a thorough DIVI-, pee of the largest number of ‘Party members to the work of leading the struggle of the unem- ployed and of building the unemployed move- ment. (c) The building of properly functioning single fractions which include both Party and revolutionary trade union members, without fur- ther delay in the unemployed committees, branches and councils, with continuous guidance to these fractions by the higher Party commit- tees and TUUL, care being taken from the be- ginning to stamp out completely all burocratic and ordering about practices which until now have characterized the fraction leadership of the unemployed movement where such fractions have been set up. (d) Th immediate and thorough examination of the rich experiences gained by the Party in this field by means of discussions in units with representatives of the DC present, and by dis- cussions in district, “active” meetings, with rep- reséntatives present from the CC, at which time the line and tasks for the coming winter, using the directives of the ECCI and the RILU as a basis, are to be made clear and the Party fully mobilized for this work. Care should be taken, in this connection, to develop the fullest self- criticism from below, from the units and sec- tions which afford a veritable gold mine of ex- perience and lessons for the whole Party. Ma- terials secured from these discussions should be used by Jeading comrades for articles in the “Daily Worker” thoroughly analyzing the Party's experiences, and making available to the entire Party the best methods of carrying forward the work gathered from the experiences in the var- lous districts. THE DAILY WORKER. Much more atten- tion must be given by the CC to making the tention must be given by the CC to making the “Daily Worker” the mass agitator and organizer of the unemployed workers, as well as the chief instrument for clarifying the line and tasks for the Party members. The failure of the Daily Worker until now to carry on a substained agita- tional campaign for the Party’s unemployed de- mands, must be immediately corrected. Using our central and local demands as a basis with the demands for unemployment insurance AT FULL WAGES as the chief instrument, there must be _ developed in the Daily Worker the most thor- ough exposure of the Republicans and Demo- crats, and especially the A. F. of L., the SP and Musteites. Simultaneously with this exposure of the work- ers’ enemies and the steady agitation for our demands, there must be regular material on the growth of the movement of the unemployd, on their struggle for unemployment insurance and immediate relief, giving directives on the broad- ening and building of the movement, on day to day experience, etc. Articles must appear fre- quently, examining the functioning of the Party and the unemployed moyement, fearlessly point- ing out the errors and weaknesses in the work and setting forth the next tasks, always bearing in mind the urgent need for steady and sus- tained work among the unemployed as the cen- tral task of the Party. some Effects of the Crisis in ee By LABOR RESEACH ASSN. impoverishment and increasing misery of the working class in Chicago, the second st American city, is clearly shown in var- of private charity and public -“wel- ganizations. sness of the situation is in- he report of the United Char- ities of Chicago for the year 1930. It declares hout the winter of 1929-30 growing ncaa lSpuent rapidly increased the number of families being helped by the United Charities, so that 1930 began with a larger number of fam- ilies dependent upon the organization than usual. It was hoped that in the spring condi- tions would improve, but instead of improving, they continued to grow worse.” The report then shows that the number of families it aided in- creased from 3,873 in January to 7,559 in No- vember and 13,667 in December, 1930. It further states that “by November, the mounting number of families in need began taking on a disaster aspect,” and that its well-paid charity agents “were- forced more and more to meet only the emergency requirements of each case.” (Our emphasis, L. R. A.) Another table in the same report shows that the number of families com- ing to the United Charities for relief—but only 50 per cent of them received any help—increased from: 26,574 in 1929 to 54,250 in 1930. By October 1, 1931, the United Charities re- ported that there had been an 800 per cent in- ereasé in the number of families that had to be given relief during the month of August, as com- pared with the same month, 1930. And the number of cases handled in September, 1931, was 15,962 as compared with 1,389 in the same month in 1930. At the same time the number of families given elief” (the average monthly payment to a fam- ily was about $8) by the Cook County Bureau of Public Welfare shows a steady rise during the crisis—from 2,463 in August, 1929, to 5,269 in August, 1930, and to 22,910 in August, 1931, Esti- mates of the number of cases for September, | October and November, this year ,are 24,000, 32,000 and 40,000 respectively, with 50,000 as the expectation “by the time winter is really here,” to quote the secretary of the County Public Wel- fare Committee. But in the face of the growing need for un- employment relief, the authorities of Cook Coun- ty have actually been cutting down the approp- vietions for outdoor relief, while some of the hospitals have had to close their wards and curtail some of their services for lack of ap- |proprietions. The serious cut in these public welfare appropriations is especially significant when we note the fact that normally at least 65 per cent of the total sums spent on all relief and social service activity in Chicago comes from public funds—city, county and state—the char- ities providing only about 35 per cent. What happens when the workers in a capital- ist society face such conditions as now exist in Ohieago and in other industrial eities of the Vinited States? The answer is given in the mod- 4 {> lengvege of the social worker in a report 1 OSsapea of the 1 Sege Pounda- Unemployment fs oCemmrmity Manning in a Emergencies” in 1930. It says: “Homes will be lost in the buying; money will be borrowed on disastrous terms; household ef- fects gathered slowly will be scattered; occu- pants of separate homes will move into furnished rooms; dwellers in decent neighborhoods will be driven into meaner streets; a lower moral tone will follow upon the loss of privacy; lodgers will be taken in who are unfit companions for small children; large families will be insufficiently fed on the two days in the week earnings of one member; children will be taken from school pre- maturely.” Translated into terms of working class misery in Chicago, this means a growing number of evictions, child “delinquencies,” and suicides. Take first the number of evictions . Reports of the number of rent cases—‘Forcible Entry and Detainer and Distress for Rent” is the way the law describes them—in the First District of the Municipal Court of Chicago. The number of cases more than doubled between September, 1929, and September, 1931, rising from 1839 to 3885, and the second figure being less than the actual number, for the record of one day is missing from the total. The figures of the Illinois Health Department show that 1930 witnessed the highest suicide rate ever recorded in that state, the rate per 100,000 being 18 as compared with 14.4 in 1929. The latest figures obtainable for Chicago itself, covering the months from January to November, 1930, show 585 suicides during that period, an increase of 129 over the corresponding period in 1929. The figure will certainly show an in- crease again in 1931. The Illinois Health Messenger, issued by the Ulinois health department, reports in its issue of August 15, 1931, that “The mortality from intestinal disturbances increased sharply in Illinois during 1930 while the general death rate fell... . .” This was due, the article continues, to dietary deficiencies: “The econonfic depres- sion reduced very significantly the money avail- able for food in many families.” At the same time the Illinois state department. | of public welfare points out that on July 1 of | this year there were 2,376 more patients in state institutions than a year ago, or an increase of 6 per cent. The applications made to the Cook County Hospital during the first 11 months of 1930 also show the rising curve of misery of the working. class. Some 131,485 applications were handled as compared with 119,045 during the same per- iod in 1929. But due to lack of funds the num- ber of actual admissions rose only by about 2,000. As the President of the Board of Commissioners of Cook County reported, “Owing to the lack of funds during the year many things which could have been taken care of have been left undone.” The number of juvenile court delinquency cases has also showed a sharp rise since the de- pression, reflecting the disintegration of “fam- ily life” under capitalism. The number of de- linquent children brought before the court in 1930 was 20 per cent over 1929. The fact that the number of dependent and neglected children handled by tie court did not inerease wetly in 1930. over wes simply because lack of they refuse to accept tite case, as a result of which there is doubtless much suffering on the part of the children who remain uncared for.” One capitalist paper was forced to admit that 15,000 children in Chicago face starvation this winter. A Chicago tuberculosis institute reports that their survey of one High School found 80 per cent of the boys were anemic and under- nourished. Because the regular private charities and the governmental “welfare” funds fall so far short of even touching the “disaster aspect” of the situation, the Chicago capitalists are bestirring themselves to keep the werkers from open revolt. To meet the desperate need for immediate relief of the unemployed, a Joint Emergency Relief Fund of Cook County, similar to the banker Gibson's Committee in New York, has been set up headed by Samuel Insull, Jr., the public utilities robber. It is now engaged in trying to raise a meager $8,800,000 by a frantic give-or- be-taxed appeal to the rich, and by check-offs on the wages of employed and partly employed workers. Even if the sum of $8,800,000 is raised—they are still $4,000,000 behind—it would make about $15 relief for the whole winter for each worker in Chicago. This assumes the ab- sence of graft, “overhead” and other “cuts” to the politicians and social workers engaged in handing out this charity dole, This is all workers can expect from the char- ity racket in Chicago this winter. American Workers Delegation on arriving in Moscow for the November 7 Celebration re- port marvelous achievements in the building of the Five Year Plan. The American workers coming from basic in- dustries where stagnation has hit the capitalist factories, were astounded at the great industrial plants being built up in the U.S.S.R. ‘The following letter was received from the de- legation: “Upon our arrival in. Russia and Mos- cow the delégation thought they were entering @ great construction camp. On each side of the railroad new factories going up, new restaurants, apartment houses, etc. Vast new enterprises be- ing built under Socialist construction, On the day of our arrival, the Central Com- mittee for Reduced Cost of Food, issued a decree that_there will be a reduction of cost of 30 per cent on all necessities. Our first visit was to the Stalin Chemical Fac- tory which completed its plan in two years and ten months. Since 1925 this factory has in- creased production 850 per cent. During the past year wages of workers increased 11 per cent. All By J. L. P. H Nideer ee hundred marchers tramping from all four corners of the United States meet in Washington on December 7. These 12,000 march- ers, representing the twelve million unemployed of this country, will place their demands before Congress, These workers representing the Un- erployed Councils, branches and trade unions, will demand immediate relief for their starving families. Hundreds of millions are expended each year by this Congress of Wall Street for preparations for war, but not a cent is given for the starving millions. These unemployed workers will demand immediate relief. They will demand unemploy- ment insurance, The American Federation of Labor bureaucracy at its convention rejected the question of unem- ployment insurance. This is to be expected. These pot-bellied fakers who are living off the fat of the land feel no hunger and willingly serve as tools of the bosses. These self-appointed repre- sentatives of the workers in the American Feder- ation of Labor does not speak for the mass of the workers in the American Federation of Labor. ‘The indignation already shown in those locals where these facts are brought forward js indica- tive of the fact that the workers in the Ameri- funds and personnel, and the crowding in the institutions made it “necessary for the court to put into effect a system of selection of cases,” says the President of the Board of County Com- missioners in his report for 1930. He points out that many cases that come to the attention of the court have been “referred to the agency in the community best fitted to take care of the particular case.” But, he adds, “it does not, fol- | low that the «stney to whieh the \ will accept the, same, To many 4, The Unemployed on the March can Federation of Labor rade unions are repu-. diating these tools of the bosses. These bureaucrats with their fat treasuries see no danger of their families facing starvation. It is especially in these sections where the Ameri- can Federation of Labor was supposedly the strongest that the worse attacks were made. The building trades is a good example of this. Sev- enty per cent of the membership of the building trades are at the present time unemployed, with no sight of any possible relief. These workers, many of whom have walked the streets for ovet @ year, demand that something be done to solve their desperate situation. Many of these lccal unions in which there is such great mass unem- ployment have treasuries amounting in some in- stances to hundreds of thousands of dollars, and in some cases even to millions. The workers in these unions muct demand that such treasuries be used for the relie! of their families. The march to Washington must haye the greatest possible mobilization ‘of official representatives from A. F. of L, locals who will very clearly show to the leadership which is betraying them in the day to day struggles that they are with the unemployed movement in their struggle for unemployment insurance The hearings already conducted on unemploy- ment in the city of New York indicate the des- perate situation which, the workers are confront- ed with at the present time. The so-called agen- cies of relief hardly scratch the surface of the necessary relief in this period and also serve as @ means of providing graft for the fakers who are in control. In every section of the city these hearings bring forward the same crying needs of the workers. With the united effort we will be able to force the bosses and their government to give relief, to the starving millions of this country The American Delegation Arrives in Moscow the machinery is built in Russia and now they are independent of foreign supplies, Before the war Asiatic slave labor was used and conditions were intolerable. One of the first things the Bolsheviks had to do to improve conditions was to cut skylights and add addi- tional windows to provide light. Then they in- stalled a modern ventilating system to eliminate the poisonous gasses which had formerly ruined the health of the workers. All the old buildings were small, poorly lighted and poorly ventilated. ‘The new ones that are now being erected are large, better ventilated, provided with sufficient lighting and all modern machinery. We were greeted first by the management, engineers, workers and the delegation. At this meeting a Bulgarian engineer working for one year in Russia placed his application to join the Communist Party. A foreman (a former worker) invented a formula which saves the factory hun- dreds of thousands of rubles a year and makes it independent of foreign capitalists for supplies. An old man 56 years of age, asked about the fate of the Scottsboro Boys and told us not to be afraid but to do as the Russian workers did. We also met a Korean shock brigader, The enthusiasm, energy and vitality of the workers is indiscribable. Nowhere did we find complaints. All of them were as interested in hearing of the conditions in America as they were of telling us of ine improvement of their conditions and the building of socialism, of which they are very proud. A meeting of all workers was held in one of the shops. The building was packed with work- ers who came straight from the job. Included in the crowd were soldiers of the Red Army. The greetings from the American Delegation and re- solution from the F. S. U. were greeted with tremendous cheers and at the conclusion the workers pledged themselves to increase produc- tion and go ahead at even greater tempo. After the meeting, workers, soldiers, management and delegation headed by a workers band marched out into the street singing the International. From the Stalin factory we can tell the Amer- ican workers this: Production has increased, wages have been increased and working condi- tions fiproved. The workers have demonstrated their ability to direct and control industry, No- where did we find disatisfaction and the work- ers there will never return to capitalist slavery and will fight any attempt to crush the society they are building. With such conditions pre- vailing, with no unemployment, is it any wonder that Moscow has been busy the last week prepar- ing for the November 7 demonstration. Every- where banners, signs, placards depicting the pro- gress of the Five Year Plan, and slogans call- ing for greater effort, And is it any wonder that on November 7 thousands of the best soldiers in the world of the Red Army demonstrated their strength—showing their teeth to the capitalists. ‘Thousands of workers from the factories march- ed with guns and a sea of workers with banners and placards moved continuously through the Red Square, occupying every inch, _ fhe demon- stration began at 10 o'clock in the morning and at six at night they were still marching into the square from three different points! They march- ed dire ly {rom the factories and the streets had tv be roped off to prevent spontaneous a — rae a eae) But Weils Won’t Volunteer >> H. G. Wells the British history-butcher is a F “pacifist,” but he finds it easy upon occasion to |” furnish the capitalists with “reasons” for a new world war. A Boston comrade sends us a clipping from some paper of that burg (without noting its! name, hang it!)) which tells the story of Wells’ talk with someone who writes in that paper, ap- parently a columnist. It says: “We had lunch with H: G, Wells the other day. At least we were there, too. Pleasant man, H, G. No voice to speak of, Scared stiff at the thought i of making a speech, but otherwise cheerful. He _ said civilization was on the downgrade and that unlessfour or five million people absolutely got off the earth or were pushed off in the next four or five years, terrible eke would happen. Nice | fella!” Yeah! A great guy! Firstly a “historian” that still péddles the hokum of ancient Malthus about. “over-population.” Secondly, worried stiff for gy the safety of a “civilization” that starves half | the people to death and kills ten million men in if @ war every now and then. ‘Thirdly, reecommend- ing, in effect, that such a war would be a great. blessing because otherwise “terrible things’ would happen! Fourthly, not volunteering him- self to “get off the earth” before anyone else. Fifthly, giving the impression that he’s “scared to death” to speak, but. making sure before he even leaves England that he gets a good fat fee for doing it. i Something “terrible” can’t happen too soon to H. G. Wells’ kind of “ctvilization.” BFR. An Indignant Dink In the city of Massillon, Ohio, the so-called “socialist” party had five candidates, including the candidate for mayor, running in the recent election. The Communist Party had only one candidate, who ran for councilman: It seems that, after the election, the local paper “The Independent,” being provincially stupid as the New York papers are not, “accused’” the “so- cialist” party candidate of “representing Karl Marx and Russia.” To this, a “socialist” gentlemen who, boasts the preud name of P. D. Dink, replies indignantly in the “Letters to the Editor” column of the “In- dependent” in its issue of Nov. 19, His “socialist” rage is somewhat confusing, but his idea, it is clear, is to repudiate the charge that the “so- cialist” party has anything to do with Marxian socialism or “Russia.” He says: “Karl Marx was a German and a socialist, ¢ while Russia is communistic. Who was the rep= resentative of Russia? Who was the represen- § tative of Karl Marx?” ry So! The “socialist” party does NOT represent | “Russia,” although in some cities it has tried to get votes by pretending that it does. Making clear that he refers only to candidates for mayor, he again demands absolution for the “socialist” party by negatively asserting: “Was there a candidate in the field who is a Marxian socialist?” But following this, the “socialist” Dink resorts to “explanations”: “Marx did not found all forms (!) of socialism, he was only one of the founders of Marxian socialism.” Marx did not found Marxism! To Marx's credit we must say he did not found Dink “socialism.” And then:— “Marx was not a reyolutionist, he was a re- formist.” Poor Marx, to be thus slandered by a “social- ist” Dink. eh Ce | British “Pay Cuts” Again i Remember, folks, how Ramsay MacDonald pleaded with tears in his eyes that the British jobless accept the cut in the dole and the em- ployed and the sailors take a cut in wages, be- cause “everyone had to share in the burden.” Well, now he’s carrying that out, alas, on his comrade in “socialist” wage cutting, Philip Snow- den. But in a very, very peculiar way, The N. Y. Times of Nov. 18, told about it in an Asso- ciated Press dispatch from London. You see, Snowden didn’t even try to get re- elected in the recent elections. He evidently knew “Santa Claus” would take care of him, As a good “socialist” who knows how to eat out of the king’s hand and keep an ear open for the “advice” cf bankers, he was rewarded by be- ing made a viscount, a “lord,” and appointed “Lord of the Privy Seal” (That “i” is long, not short, in pronunciation, ye ribald readers). Since this job pays a mere $10,000 a year, Mac- Donald declared that it represents a “wage cut” for Snowden, who used to get more than that (how much it isn’t said) as Chancellor of the Exchequer. “The reduction is in line with the general economy program,” said MacDonald. Which reminds us of a line of old Ben Johnson, “Place and occasion are two privy thieves.” However, a little pin money to the poor Snow- den family is added: “Mrs, Snowden, who will share her husband's rank as a Viscount, has been able to pad out the family income by $3,500 a year as a mem~- ber of the British Broadcasting Corporation,” says the dispatch. So spare your tears at the hardships of the “socialist” Viscount! "Twas Mrs. Snowden, by the way, who some years ago visited the Soviet Un- ion and came back with tales of horror at the way the revolution had interferred with the diet of the rich. i eer an ...X¥ep, We Got ’em Scrambled: In that little episode about the “Huckleberry methods” used by the officials of a town in Pennsylvania to get a forest cleared away, in a recent issue, we stuck in some cock-eyed explanation about Huckle- | berry Finn getting his fence whitewashed. And { we've been reminded that it was Tom Sawyer | and not Huck Finn who pulled that one. Righto! We read Mark Twain too long ago to rely on our | memory, But after all, anyone who can make a nice distinction between Huck Finn and Tom | ” Sawyer can cook ham and eggs without eggs. But we do know what 8::ffalo grass is—and tht fetishism ci commodities. Do you! groups from joining the march in an unorgan- ized manner, Yes! They had a right to march, demonstrate, show their strength and celebrate because the Five Year Plan is a success and Socialism is being established, The American workers must fight any attempt to crush the Soviet Unient Long Live the Soviet Uniont American Workers Delegation R, RB. Hudson (chairman of delegation)