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" E Published by the Comprodatty Publishing Co daily except Sunday, at 50 Hast “7 ASE SORSCRIPTION RATES: ~~ ! Page Four & 13th St, New York City, Ni Y. ‘Lelephone A quin 4-7958. Cable “DAIWORK.” By mail everywhere: One year, $6; sx nionths, $3; twe months, $1; excepting Boroughs bs ‘ & Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 Fast 13¢h Street, New. York, N. ¥. of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one yeur, $8; six months, $4.50. ep ato. Es Sa : panies TP Rae 5 | By BURCK | | Article 7. | his is the seventh of a series of articles } feompited by the Social and Economic Depart- ment of the Red International of Labor Un- ions) which give in clear outline, the forecast of what war will bring, the conditions that will ensue and the historic developments that will mark the transformation of the capitalist war into civil war developments in which every worker will find it necessary to act as an agent of that transformation. Let all understand, then, that the developments which are today but forecasts, will tomorrow be grim realities —which must be faced. Answer the war wwakers Noy. 21.—Editor. have seen the Ww building; we have shown that modern capi- talism cannot fight without mass armies. greater and completer the mobilization of the entire population of the country for war service, the greater are the chances of success, and in- hollowness of this castle- cidentally, the greater is the menace to the su- premacy and very exist of capitalism. Do il, ca m cannot avoid the devel d ng process of these dia- lectical contradictions ontradic’ 1s, the same seeds of its in capitalist society are to be seen in the army, only in a more goncentrated form. The fact that the existence of such contradictions has been disclosed spells the beginning of the end of bourgeois supre- macy, the break-up of its last and most impor- tant line of defense. All these questions were raised and thorough- ly dealt with by Lenin during the last war. They are organically related to the fundamental pol- icy, t aims and objects of the revolutionary nifest van} i during imperialist war, namely, to help to bring about the defeat of one’s own govern- ment, utilizing each and every setback to pave the way to turn an imperialist war into a civil war. Lenin's analysis and deductions not only hold frue as regards future warfare, but their signi- ficance has been increased a hundredfold by the experience of the post-war period and present- day preparatio! > War Intensifies Capitalist Contradictions. First of all, Lenin emphasized time and again that in wartime all capitalist contradictions were bound to become intensified to the extreme. “War is no accident, no ‘sin’ as claimed by Christian clergymen, but an inevitable develop- ment of capitalism and just as legitimate in capitalist life as peace itself. The wars of our time are national wars. It does not follow, how- ever, from this truth that we must drift with the ‘national’ tendency of chauvinism. We must realize that in wartime and at the war the class contradictions, that are rending the peoples, éon- tinue to exist and will continue to manifest themselves with the added emphasis given them ‘by the war.” Today, this position would seem to be self- evident. But the facts show unmistakably that ‘The | not only the reformist better) ing class are prone, where war is concerned, to believe seriously that the. contradictions of the ‘civil peace” can be temporarily muffled. As we stated earlier, realities will quickly end | this illusion. Lenin ‘underlined that besides de- veloping and intensifying internal class contra- dictions, war would throw them into greater ref lief, for war increases the instability of ¢apital- ism, showing up all the “cracks” in thé capital- ist system. All these conditions in their entirety inevitably lead to a revolutionary situation. Lenin defines the chief signs of the existence of a revolutionary situation as follows: (1) any crisis in the policy of the ruling class creating a break through which the seething discontent and antagonism of the oppressed peoples surges up; (2) an unusual intensification of the pov- erty and distress of the oppressed classes; (3) a marked increase, in view of these reasons, of the activity of the masses, who in “peacetime” allow themselves to be quietly robbed, but in time of discord and upheaval are impelled by the very crisis itself and urged by the ruling groups to make an independent historical move... . The conglomeration of all these objective changes is called a revolutionary situation. War Produces a Revolutionary Situation. ‘These changes will inevitably occur during an imperialist war and the result will be the situa- tion described above. The unstable position of the capitalist governments during war will bring the first factor into play for “no government is sure of the morrow, none are free of the men- ace of financial ruin, loss of territory or exile. . All the governments are sitting on a vol- cano—all appeal to the initiative and heroism of the masses.” The second factor inevitably arises through the very mechanism of war econ@nty, where the “colossal profits of certain groups of capitalists is offset by the terrible want and distress among great sections of the population, coupled with the increased exploitation of the workers. Fin- ally, the third factor is brought about by “na- tional” warfare and the existence of mass armies, the deep dissatisfaction of the masses, the subterranean “murmur of the multitude” awakened at last from its long sleep and apathy by the sledge-hammer blows or war. All this enabled Lenin yet. in 1915 to assert that “a revolutionary situation was at hand,” stressing at the same time that this did not mean that an immediate revolution was in- evitable, Whether a revolution would be the outcome was yet to be seen from the develop- ment of the revolutionary mood of the masses and whether the vanguard was able to utilize the crisis to hasten the general debacle. As we know it was only two years later that the weak- est link in the imperialist chain—Czarist Russia —broke and in the shortest period recorded in history a revolutionary situation turned into the victorious proletarian revolution. (To be continued) 1HE-CRISIS DEEPENS IN JAPAN 'HE crisis in Japan is still deepening and the oppression of labor is becoming more acute, with layoffs and wage’cuts prevailing. Especi- ally has this been true since the Japanese oc- cupation of Manchuria. The industries produc- ing military supplies are straining every pro- auctive faculty, with long working hours, speed- up, hard work and wage cuts, but with no in- crease in the number of laborers. Labor is in a state of ferment throughout the country. There are many strikes, includ- ing a number of large ones, and the number of strikes increases as the end of the year ap- proaches. This indicates that the Japanese masses are not supporting the war moves of the imperialists. Strikes In Japan Number of Go Slow Strikes Lockouts Total 17 20 383 40 5 397 493 54 28 576 7163 53 90 906 (first six months) * 1,079 Depression is severest in the iron and steel industry. More than 500,000 tons of pig iron ‘re in stock, and only one-third of the smelting furnaces are working. Demand is falling faster than supply, and steel products are declining rapidly in price. Almost all factories are firing men. The government-owned Yawata Ion Foundry recently fired 600 workers, and unrest is spreading among the mechanics. Workers of the Japanese Steel Tube Works, of the Muta Iron Works and of the Osaka Electric Works are on strike. Militants from the Muta Works had the hose turned on them by firemen Practically nothing but repair work is now being done in the shipbuilding industry, which is operating at 20 per cent of capacity. In the machinery, engine, and car building industries, the advance of mechanization is enabling the bosses to pile up profits, but for the workers there are only wage cuts and layoffs, An im- portant strike was recently declared against the Isikawajima Aeroplane Works. ‘The decline in the business of the transport industry ha rect car men of five big cities to ront and organizer for a Joint stiri Mergers are contemplated in the printing and publishing field, and the workers are organizing to resist discrimination against their militant leaders. The Kokumin Shimbun or National News, which recently abandoned its morning dition and began issuing evening papers only, twill probably soon be merged with the Miyako ®himbun. A strike is already in progress against Whe Jiji Simpo, one of the leading papers in Mokyo, which fired militants. A strike against @ll the newspapers is talked. Wrinters have Spread the word about the strike which 600 have been waging fo ra month in Taihoku, Formosa, and have attempted to prevent any of their number from going to Formosa Conditions are also bad in the textile, food, and g industries With the aid of police forecs and corrupt leaders, capitalism is conti- nually and energetically endeavoring (o suppress labor with all its force, But the workers are oc and more class-conscious and militant kes once started tend #2 become of longer * In the first six menths of 1831, 34,44 worte- Was were affected by these strikes and lockouts, average duration, indicating the ferment which is in progress. ‘The Japanese government admits that on Oc- tober .1, 1930 there were 322,527 unemployed workers in Japan. This out of a total of only 4,774,047 workets. As compared with the census taken 5 years previously the number of unem- ployed ha sincreased over 47 per cent. To the demand for unemployed relief, the Japanese government has answered the way the Hoover government did. The Japanese newspaper Nichi Nichi reports that a loan of over twenty mil- lion dollars would, be floated for the relief of the jobless. All this money will go for road building or subsidizing shipping concerns. The building of roads which were necessary, unem- ployment or no unemployment, are passed off as relief, ‘The wages of the Japanese workers have al- ways been cry low, but since the crisis started they have been forced all the way down. Wo- men who work as silk reelers are paid 40 cents @ day, cotton spinners 51 cents, The average for the whole textile industry is sixty-one cents a day. And the discrimination between men and women can be clearly seen by the fact that male hosiery knitters get $1.10 a day, while women do- ing the same work only get 0.65 cents. Those who work in the chemical industry get 0.55 cents a day for this dangerous werk. This wage re- presents a drop of sixteen; points since 1928. ‘The average daily wage in 12 industries, includ- ing such skilled trades as bifilding, printing and metal workers is about 0.95 cents, WHITE GUARDISTS PLOT MURDER BERLIN, Oct. 30.—Today’s “Rote Fahne” makes revelations concerning the activity and plans of the “All-Russia Military Union” led by the notorious Czarist General Miller. This or- ganization maintains close connections with the French general staff. The fact that the con- tributions from capitalist financial and indus- trial sources have dropped considerably of late has caused this organization to look around for means of arousing capitalist interest in it once agein, writes the “Rote Fahne.” Gencrals Sha- kuloc and Turkul proposed that ious Com- munist leaders should be. assascin2ted both in the Soviet Union and in other countries. The ques- tion was broached with the Prench general staff which, however, was unwilling to agree to such terrorism in France or in countries under French influence, and suggested that they should be con- fined to Germany, Italy, Turkey, ete., in order that the responsibility for the crimes should be placed on other shoulders and the Franco-Soriet Negotiations not endangered. ‘The “Rote Fahne” then deseribes the prepara- tions of the white guardists in Prague under the leadership of Major-General Horshewski. Former White officers are being trained in special courses for their tasks. The terrorists are supplied with bombs and revolvers. When everyihing was pre- pared for attempis on the Mets of prominent Communist leaders in the Soviet Union, and, above all, on the life of Stalin, various of the officialdom .(who know | but a considerable section of the work- | TheNAACPDefends Lynching By HYMAN BARUFKIN. | 'HE most ardent, 100 per cent southern slave | owner could do no better than the leaders of the National Association for the Advancement | of Colored People (N.A.A.C.P.) have been doing within the past few months to uphold the ghastly institution of lynching. In defending the lynchers of Camp Hill and Birmingham; Alabama, by blaming their recent murders of Negré tenant-farmers and workers on the activities of Communists, the N. A. A. C. P. leaders have been justifying those atrocities | and at the same time they belied what they have repeatedly admitted—that lynchings are due primarily to economic causes, and will cease only when the capitalist system will be abolished. They have said this in articles in their official organ, the Crisis, in pamphiets and books which have gotten official recognition by the Associa- tion in a brief they submitted to the Wickersham Commission. | In a speech printed in the Crisis of Feb., 1920, | in which W. E. B. DuBois, one of the leaders of | the N. A. A. C. P., was dealing with the mas- sacre of over two hundred Negroes in Elaine, | Ark. he admitted that Negroes were held in | peonage (semi-slavery) by “a contract which binds the laborer, his wife and his children, hand and foot; which renders the landlord judge, sheriff, and executioner.” And the Association’s Publicity Director, Her- bert J. Seligman, in his book, “The Negro Faces America,” describes the economic reasons for that massacre, and incidentally points out that no matter who would come to the aid of the ex- ploited Negroes the land owners will not hesi- tate to murder him. Seligman quotes U. S. Brat- ton, the lawyer who had been retained by the share croppers’ union to handle their cases | against the robber landlords in cdurt. | Bratton says that not only is he a Southerner | but that his parents and grandparents were Southerners. He was also an ex-Assistant United States Attorney. Yet, says Bratton, “It was publicly. asserted that if I dared to enter the County of Philips (where the lynching was committed) I would be shot down.” ‘The most significant part of Bratton's state- ment is where he says: “As to the limits J which plantation managers will go before they will allow themselves to be interfered with in carrying out their practices, T would state that Sheriff Kitchens told my wife and the wife of my son that even if he (the | Shériff) should go down onto those plantations and interfere with their laborers that he would be shot down.” (My emphasis.—H. B.) And the Field Secretary of the NAACP., William Pickens, said: “The race problem in the United States ts only an intensification of the wrongs of our economic system. ... The evil of this system is responsible for all the massacres of colored people and for nearly all the horrible lynch- ings and burnings of individual Negroes... . .” Very much along that line wrote also Walter White, the chief spokesman for the N.A.A.C.P., in his book, “Rope and Faggot,” which was pub- lished in 1929. And in December, 1930, he said that he believed “it would be better if more Negroes were won to membership in the Com- munist Party.” But since the Scottsboro case they have be- trayed all the above—and the Negroes whom they pretend to lead—and by blaming the mur- ders on the Communists the N.A.A.C.P. leaders actually defend the Alabama lynchers and. jus- tify their murderous deeds. DISTRICT, SECTION AND UNIT LITERATURE AGENTS For All Anti-War Activities Wer in the Far Wast, by Henry Hall Ww Chemical Wartare, by Donald A. Cameron 10 | The War of Intervention Against the Soviet Union and the Second International, by P. R. Dietrich.............6.. soscecee 10 Wee Preparations Against the Soviet Union, Wy Mareel Cachin........-.-.0sccemoess 20 Pacifiem, by Alex. Bittelman.. ~ 5 Refuse to Support the Bosses’ Community Fund! By M. DUMONT. CLEVELAND ,Ohio.—Next week will start the annual drive of the Cleveland bosses to rob: the workers through the Community Fund. Last year almost 25 per cent of the fund came direct- ly out of the workers’ pockets. Despite unem- ployment and short time and wage cuts, workers contributed $1,048,479 to the Community Fund through check-offs from their wages by the bosses. 216,343 workers were forced to con- tribute to the fund in this way. . Additional thousavds of dollars came from the pennies and nickels which workers’ children were forced to contribute in the schools. ‘The method of payroll deduction {s favored by the Fund. “This is not a method of “forc- ing’ employe sto contribute to the Fund,” it de- clares. But we know that should a worker re- fuse to give to the Fund, all sorts ofpressure is brought to bear upon him, In the Telephone Company last year, for instance, several of whose officials are prominent in the Fund, when a young supervisor refused to give she was brow- beaten for days and when she persisted in her refusal she was demoted back to operator at lower wages. Many other corporations fired workers who refused to give, They have been warned to “give or get out.” One worker testi- fied at an open hearing last week that he had been forced to give $75 to $80 out of his pay to the Community Fund or he would have been fired. He later lost his job anyway and all the relief his family had ever received from the As- sociated Charities was one month’s supply of groceries, bread and milk, although he had been out of work two years. Not only directly does the Community Fund money come from the working class but also indirectly through the exploitation of the work- ers by the bosses.. Last year 2,000 corporations pledged $1,300,000 to the Fund which they robbed from the workers in other ways. Who leads the Community Fund? Charles E. Adams, the gen- eral chairman, is president of the Cleveland Hardware Co. What has Mr, Adams done for his own workers? He runs an open shop where wage cut after wage cut has taken place and starvation wages are paid. Samuel Mather, hon- orary chairman, just died, leaving behind him a fortune of $100,000,000 made out of the misery and exploitation of miners and steel workers. One of the last acts of Mather’s life was to ap- prove, as a director, of the 10 per cent wage slash by the steel corporation, of which he was the second largest individual stockholder, ‘That wage slash alone added hundreds of thousands of dollars to his estate, Mather was also hooked up with the New York Central, Cleveland Cliffs Iron, Youngstown Sheet & Tube, Bankers ‘Trust and American Shipbuilding, all of which have thrown thousands of workers out of jobs and cut wages mercilessly. Mather’s last public state- ment was directed against governmental pro- vision for the unemployed. In its literature, the Community Fund openly admits that it exists simply to prevent unem- ployment insurance, wnd Success Helps To Prevent Pole,” one par then goes cy: “...American business sentiment is almost unanimously averse to the plan of a federal dole for the unemployed... The best hope that Congress may be persuaded against the enactment of a federal dole lies in the pre- sent effort of over 500 leading American cities to demonstrate in the weeks before Congress meets that they are still able through a com- bination of . public and private resources to handle their relief problems themselves...” Where do the vast sums raised by the Fund go? Only a bare 18 per cent of the fund goes back to the workers, 'The gund budgets 36 per per cent of the total for family relief agencies, but less than half of that sum actually reaches the workers in the form of relief, for the agen- cies have huge administration and salary expen- ser. Ouly 44 per cent of the Associated Char- ities expenditures, for instance, usually goes for direct relief. ‘The total amount given each fam- ily has been drastically cut down. Edward D. ‘Bynde, general secretary of the Associated Ohar~ ities, boasts of the small amount Cleveland is spending on direct relief. “Remember that the per capita expenditure for relief here is smaller | aries. than in most cities,” he told the annual meeting of the Charities last week. Only the most des- titute and “worthy” families are given help after | weeks of investigation. And single workers get no relief at all, while the discrimination against | Negro workers is ‘common knowledge. A large part of the Fund is spent on fat sal- The Y.M.C.A., the Y.W.C.A, the Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts, etc., get thousands of dollars of this money to train “good citizens’”— that is to teach workers Jim Crowism, Militar- ism and strike breaking. Thousands more go into uplift societies of one sort or another—set- tlement houses, big brothers, unmarried mothers, children’s societies, etc. Children are taken from homes of workers under the charge that parents are unfit but they are never taken from rich parents regardless how unworthy the parents may be. Workers do not need and do not want the uplift activities of the rich. We can take care of our own families and bring them up properly if we get decent living conditions. Workers, refuse to give to the Community Fund, give to the International Workers Relief, the relief organization of the working class! The W.LR. supports the workers in the daily strug- gles for immediate relief and social insurance. It is now setting up milk stations to feed the starving school children. It is preparing to feed the hunger marchers in their march to Wash- ington to force relief from the national govern- ment. It serves all workers alike. There is no discrimination against Negroes, young workers, | homeless workers, foreign born workers, or single workers. Contribute to the organization of your class! Refuse to support the Community Fund! Strike against forced contributions to the fund!! Send your contributions to the Workers’ International | Relief, 1426 West 3rd Street. YOUTH ACTION FOR THE NATIONAL HUNGER MARCH ‘HE Youth Committees of the Unemployed Councils are taking steps to organize mass pub- lic trials for the unemployed youth on Thanks- giving Day, Nov. 26. These public trials will ex- pose the city administration and politicians who don’t give a damn whether the unemployed youth and the children of unemployed starve, have nothing to wear or a place to sleep in, These trials will be a mobilization of the youth against the discrimination practiced against the unem- ployed youth, who can’t get jobs or even mis- erable charity. ‘The trials will be on a day when the bosses will use a lot of demagogy in trying to fool the workers, especially the youth and kids. 1, Public trials have been arranged in the follow- ing cities as reported so far: Chicago, Buffalo, New York, St. Paul, Minneapolis, Bridgeport, Duluth, Superior and Charlotte. ‘There is still time to arrange these trials in other cities. The unemployed branches, youth groups, block committees, should prepare these public trials and mobilize the youth for them. 2. Detroit just held a youth conference, at which there were sixty delegates. For the first time 14 new clubs were feached, amongst which were Negro church clubs, boy scout troop repre- sentatives, etc, 3. Experience in some districts prove the need for organizing youth groups in block commit- tees. They should be organized in all cities. ‘These are composed of the youth members in the block, who have special meetings, arrange for socials, sports and take up youth demands for the unemployed youth, organize the struggle around individual youth cases, etc, 4, Children’s clubs attached to the block com- mittees can be organized for the free food figh’ in the school, for free meals and clothes for the children of unemployed, 5, The unemployed youth must be won In the struggle for immediate relief, For the hunger march there should be adequate youth repre- sentation. The youth must be drawi into the struggle and into the organization of the unem-. Ployed workers, into the branches and in the | | i Repu | By JORG een Fascinating Ladies We learn from the Boston “American” that the city’s 400 i sall a-flutter because, on the morning of Thursday, Nov. 19, no less a personage than Baroness Wrangel, wife of the murder of thous- ands of Russian workers and peasants, Gen. Peter Wrangel, will be “speaker and guest of honor” in the ballrom of the Junior League, “O” Marl- borough street. Further, we are told—‘She will tell some of her amazing experiences in the war and revolution,” and to the aim of “helping finance this fascinat- ing lady's pet hobby” which is—“the General’s ex-soldiers,” who are supposed to be now “ii stalled in a Memorial Sanitarium in Jugo-Slavia.” They call it a “sanitarium,” but the fact is that these cut-throats are kept fat and in training in a military camp, as the skeleton force of a White Guard Army to be used to invade the So- viet Union. And another fact is that Mrs. Loomis, the rich sister of Secretary of State Stimpson, who has admitted this Baroness into America to raise funds among the wealthy American for war on § the Soviet Union, is the campaign manager of the Baroness and herself a heavy supporter of these murderers of the Russian workers. Such “fascinating ladies”! The Objective Method One of the well known commandments of Com- rade Lenin to his comrades was—“Think object- ively,” or words to that effect. And we were again reminded of this in reading the second article on Calverton’s “Cultural Compulsives” by Comrade A. Landy in the November issue of “The Communist,” the theoretical organ of our Party. f We have heard that Calverton was a bit dis- turbed by Landy’'s brilliant polemic against him, because he was going to make a visit to the Soviet Union and has somehow impressed a few of the intellectuals there as a “Marxian” and this exposure might spoil his welcome. Certainly to hear that he is invited by the Japanese Govern- ment to lecture in the Japanese universities ‘as a Marxian” in order to fight Marxism, ought to wake up anyone who has illusions about Calver- ton, But about the objective method. We hate to quote from Landy’s article, because you should read it all, and also of course the other articles in the Communist. But we want to quote some- thing to illustrate the necessity for workers, es- pecially Communists, studying theory, a necessity we have been harping on until somie comrades may think we over-stress it. Landy says, in part. “The subjective interests of the workers as a CLASS cannot be served unless the working class is objective in its interpretation and is guided by objective conditions in its class po- litics . . . No one is born with an cbjective, scientific outlook. It takes a difficult process of learning to become an objective thinker. A backward worker may bs filled with the worst superstitions, prejudices and illusions. The fact that he is a worker does not in itself safe- guard him against these things.” We wish that Landy had left out that word “backward,” because he goes on to give the des- cription of a backward worker and thus elimin- ates all conjecture that he implies in the words “may be.” In real life we know that various degrees of “superstition, prejudice and illusion” cling to the worker as he advances from “backwardness” to an acceptance, more or less understanding, of the revolutionary viewpoint. Ordinarily much of the old ideas still cling to even the best militant workers when they become class conscious enough to join our Party. But as Landy adds, it is only as the worker “acquires the scientific achievements of the re- volutionary working class movement, that he is able to be objective in the study of society.” In short, those comrades of the Party and League are deeply wrong when they dcprive the worker who joins our movement of a chance to study theory, and who load them with a mouny tain of “practical work” under the excuse that by attending interminable meetings, distributing leaflets, selling papers and canvassing, etc., the new member will learn Communist theory by divine relations or something. Of course this is not all that is in Landy’s ar- ticle, which is real contribution to-contemporary Marxism-Leninism. But this little part gives us proof of what we have been trying to make clear to very muddled heads, the need of theoretical study. Ah, Yes, We Are “Liars” We have been in the Communist Party for a long time, and before the war we were mem- bers.of the “socialist” party, but we never heard them called “Canadian Pacific” and “Southern Pacific” or the members referred to as “riders” thereon, although the N. Y. Daily News of Nov. 16 says that is “Red language.” This “is still more amusing because the writer of the article accuses the Communist Press of lying! This article in the “News” is the first of @ series of lies by some guy called “Limpus,” and he “limps,” all right. What # fuss he makes of the story given him by the Lovestone renegades about what the Rote Fahne of Berlin published about a demonstra~ tion in New York last year. “The éntire story 1s @ tissue of lies” shouts lying Limpus. “Then they dare talk about ‘capitalist lies’, forsooth!” Alas for the fraility of Communist journalists! As we recall, the Rote Fahne made the mis- take of reprinting that story from a capitalist paper published in Germany that has as little truth and the same lying sensations in it as the N. Y. Daily News. So bear up, Limpus, it was a “capitalist lie” after all! Another example of capitalist lie appears on page 2 of the self-same issue of the “New: where, in relating a story about the “anti-fas- cist” meeting held Sunday at Irving Plaza in New York, it tells about a resolution and tht goes on to this preposterous statement: “Then Communist arose suddenly shouted: ‘Viva Mussolini!’” If you can believe that, you can believe any- thing you find in the N, Y. Daily News. block committees, 6. The Y.M.C.A. is active amongst the une:n- ployed youth, holding open forums, forming o2- portunity clubs, etc. ‘The Unemployed Counej!s must counteract this demagogy of the Y.M.C.A’s incr Presta hr fea lta abe the by the memployed branches, to which we should draw and get the youth interested in, in every neighborhood. es 4