The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 17, 1931, Page 4

\V Publishea py the Comprogatly York City, N.Y Page Four 18th St, New datly quis Pub! aie Co., Ine. “Daal WHEN WAR CO Article 5. neration of the toilers, who had .s e of the last war and who, hav- mg received a military training, look upon war asure as a jolly adventure (as an the monotonous routine in the ra- ants and from the privations of un- will be thrown headlong into the not be long before they get rid escape fr of their illus: That section of the older generation of the workers, to be found even among the active rank and file of the reformist parties and unions, who, far from the fray, urged “a war to the finish,” ‘will now have to “smell the gases” and this in a short while will have a decidedly dampening ef- ect on their social-patriotic enthusiasm. Military Dictatorship. In spite of the mailed fist of the military dic- tatorship, whose weight will be felt in each and every enterprise, the economic’*contradictions maturing in every branch of industry will lead to spontaneous movements among the workers, compelled by sheer circumstance to struggle for their elementary stand if not for their very ns. existence. And this struggle, quite apart from conscious aims, will inevital become a fight against war and thus against imperialism, against the entire capitalist system as a whole. Ié is this that will prompt the bourgeoisie and the military clique ruling in its name, to stamp @ut resolutely-and ruthlessly all signs of such a Movement . But since the original causes will in No way be modified uch bloody measures, they new “upflares” as time goe: y the added experience gained . a higher level of poli- tical consciousnss and a realization of the con- nection between the phenomena of every day life and the “secret” of war. In a hundred and one ways, these uprisings will flow out in ever widening circles to the front, through all se numerous channels of ct ort (which will connect the rt with the rear to a greater degree than Bitherto), will cry ze and coordinate the dis- satisfaction and discontent of the troops in one broad movement Behind Hermetic the accu nation v the outward tranquility, under the al of the military dictatorship, all ted hatred, antagonism and indig- gain increasing pressure. The “habit” to expect all possible contingen- cies, c ed by the war atmosphere, the feeling that will overwhelm each man under arms that he is trap; ed, that he is being driven to the wall, will make the ady for any sacrifice, to risk any danger. The army will no longer be a contingent of I ‘ings, schooled into discipline and obedience over a period of years; it will be @ mighty section of the toilers hurriedly “trained” in the apparatus of the “man-slaugh- tering” industry. In spite of all disciplinary and censorship barriers, this section of the army will be in close contact with the workers’ army in the rear, will register and react to all its mood-, and will rapidly influence the rear with its own revulsions to the carrying of arms and its hatred of the inspirers of the imperialist blood-bath. The Front and the Rear Armed. All kinds of arms, unprecedented in their range of action, will be in the hands of everyone both at the front and in the rear. And the broad masses will know how to handle the bulk of the weapons, will know how to use the knowl- ‘ wise no war could have taken place). Marx said: | | ; mechanized and automatic appliances handled MS edge which the bourgeoisie, whether they liked it or not, were forced to give them (for other- “The weapon used by the bourgeoisie to over- throw feudalism is now being used against the bourgeoisie itself. But the bourgeoisie has not only forged the weapon that will kill it, but has created the people who will shoulder the wea- pon. They are the present-day workers—the proletarians.” These words can be appropriately applied to the present situation. In spite of all the obstacles and repressions, an extremely favorable field for revolutionary activities is created by these conditions. \ Engels | once wrote: “The Prussian army in peace time might under ordinary circumstances allow itself to be used by the government inside the coun- try—but in wartime, never.” This prophecy was fulfilled in every respect in the Russian army in 1917, and to a less degree (since the bourgeoisie made use of the social-democrats) in Germany and Austria of 1918. The imperialist war of the future will pave the way for its fulfilment on yet a wider scale, Organization of Fascist Corps. True, we should not forget that the bourgeoisie | will be able to recruit its hirelings (“loyal to the death”) from fascist contingents made up of the professional officer class, bourgeois stu- dents and other groups for the various strate- sically important sections of the army, especial- ly. since with present-day mechanization and technical progress such sections need not be large numerically. The armaments with which these contingents will be furnished will have a range of action never witnessed before . This ap- plies especially to aviation whose relatively small JS Daily, Worker By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; SUBSCRIPTION RATES: two months, $1; excepting Boroughs complements will be recruited and deployed just from this point of view. This, too, refers to the tank crews, poison-gas squads and electric ray operators, and others, who will be used to sup- press any sign of sedition among the troops and the workers and to frustrate any revolutionary move. These fascist contingents will cause much | damage and undoubtedly will again and again drown the uprisings In\a sea of blood. A considerable section of these contingents will be held in reserve all the time, will be spared from the holocaust at the front to deal with any mutiny in their “own” army or -among the workers. But significant as they are, these contingents will comprise only a small section of the mass armies of the future and in the long run will be unable to act without these armies and with- | out the support of the industrial services. we | have already shown that in modern warfare available supplies and large numbers of trained | airmen have no value whatever unless they can | be constantly supplemented and renewed by the continuous and uninterrupted operation of industry. The same consideration applies to chemical warfare, tanks, etc. not to speak of by the infantry, artillery, etc. The punitive and expeditionary opérations of these picked contingents will only provoke a new storm of protest and hatred against them- selves and as the movement becomes extended this fascist “bulwark” of the bourgeoisie will (in all likelihood after much sacrifice) be swept aside by the rising tide of the revolutionary ac- tion of the troops and workers. (To be continued) Achievements and Mistakes of Our Work Among Negroes in the Miners Strike By A. MELLS N the struggle of the miners in Western Penn- ylvania, West Virginia and Eastern Ohio, our Party was confronted with new problems. While some of the phases have been discussed in our press, the phase of our Negro work and the experiences derived from it were not sufficiently brought forward In the course of the strike we succeeded in bringing unity of the white and Negro miners who fought shoulder to shoulder against their common enemy, the coal operators, the bosses government and their fascist agents, the UMWA efficials. Many Negro miners have been drawn in to the Jeadership of the N. M. U., occupying important positiens in the section and district organiza- tions of the union, as well as nationally. The workers understood splendidly the slogan of unity, as a prerequisite for a successful struggle against the bosses. Such solidarity was never witnessed before. We saw for the first time thousands of Negro workers joining our union, fighting militantly on the picket line, white workers nominating and electing Negro workers into leadership of the union, defending Negro ‘workers when attacked by the state troopers and deputy sheriffs. Of course these are achievemnts of our Party, achievements which cannot be overestimated. We must, however, understand not only that our Party fights for the economic interests of the Negro workers, but also that we are the only ones who are fighting for social and political equality of the Negro masses, the only ones who are fighting against jimcrowism and segregation. For the Negro masses in the country, faced with lynching and most inhuman conditions im- posed upon them by the white ruling class, the struggle for the economic demands of the work- ing-ciass in general has some of the character of unreality unles it is actively coupled with the struggle for the Negro rights. Furthermore the ability to unite the Negro and white workers for the economic struggles lies primarily in our ability to convince the Negro workers, that the revolutionary unions and our Party are fighting for the Negro rights, against jimcrowism. While it is true that the Negro miners saw in our Union, not only an organization for the white miner, but an organization of the Negro and white, nevertheless this is not sufficient. Yes, the Natoinal Miners’ Union treats the Negro miners equally with the whites, but who will defend the Negro miners from the onslaught of race dis- crimination in the mines, in tne patches, in the ! “surants and recreation places? ecially with experiences the miners had tn t st v'th the United Mine Workers of Am- sica wher, duriog a strike, the offiicals some- Ae ARID ERR este uUNe te ’ ; how tolerated the Negro miner, but after the strike there always occurred a wave of discrim- | ination on the part of the bosses as well as of the union burocrats. It was, therefore, especially important to convince the Negro miner, that not only does the National Miners Union defend his interests in the mine, but that this is the or- ganization which, hand in hand with struggle for better conditions, fights also for his specific rights. Even as regard to the economic demands were we behind. Not until late we considered the question of special demands for Negro miners, who are put at the most dangerous work, who are given the dirtiest jobs, who are employed in the worst mines. The special demands were not concrete enough, and this, in itself, was a serious mistake. Purthermore in the course of the struggle, when we succeeded in mobilizing thous- ands of miners, strikers and unemployed in our hunger marches and demonstrations, we had a splendid opportunity to smash the jimcrow habits in such towns as Canonsburg, Brownsville, etc. ‘Thousands of miners, and among them Negro miners, were fighting the Fagins and Murrays and their scheme to smash the strike, right in the same town in Canonsburg, where there exists jimcrowism similar to that of the South; and it was our task at that time to mobilize the miners in the struggle aginst this jimcrowism. What was the efect of our mistake? It has a serious effect. The unity that existed in the strike, was primarily a unity narrowly con- sidered a necessity for winning the strike. The white miners from experience in the past, and especially them our agitaion, understand that without unity of the white and Negro miners, the struggle would not and could not be won; and this gave a better approach, more united action, and more solidarity on the part of the white workers. But this Is not sufficient. It was our task to convince the miners that the unity of Negro and white workers is a more basic one, that we are fighting for full .eqality of the Negro masses against segregation, against every form of dis- crimination. Could we find a better opportunity to convince and mobilize the white workers for the struggle of the Negro rights than by a real fight, during the strike, against segregation, jim- crowism, discrimination, etc? The effects of this mistake was shown later, When the strike’ was in its decline, when thous- ands of miners went back to work due to terror, hunger and evictions, we could notice an in- creased tempo of white chauvinistic acts, which showed that the unity was not deep enough among the white miners. When relief became more scarce, discrimination in relief became evident. In the Brownsville section the union was AREAL MEPONOM CSE nT = ieee ea a eee EEE leadership, The Farmer-Laborites ‘Strike a Blow” at Unemployment By WM. SCHNEIDERMAN. ee “QTRIKE A BLOW Against Unemployment” was the slogan which elected Floyd B. Olson as Governor of Minnesota and Wm. A. Anderson | as mayor of Minneapolis on the Farmer-Labor ticket. Their demagogy completely fooled thou- sands of workers, whose votes piled up huge ma- jorities for the Farmer-Labor candidates. The past few months has witnessed widespread dis- illusionment among these same workers ip the Farmer-Labor Party. In Minneapolis alone, there are 63,000 who are unemployed. What has been done for the unemployed by the Farmer- Laborites? * Governor Olson does not speak about “unem- ployment insurance” any more. He is busy ad- dressing conventions of the Minnesota Bankers Association, assuring them that the State Ad- ministration “would do everything in its power to cooperate with the banks” to safeguard their investments. He is busy signing bills passed by the State Legislature, running into millions of dollars, for National Guard armories and train- ing camps. The governor has thoroughly ex- posed himself as the agent of the bankers and the mining companies, in spite of the Farmer- Labor Party's claim to be a “representative of labor.” Mayor Anderson's Record. Mayor Anderson of Minneapolis has just as “good” a record on the question of unemploy- ment relief. His first act after election was to appoint as Chief of Police a notorious strike- breaker, who proceeded to prohibit workers’ meetings on the streets. It was only the most determined struggle put up by the workers that won the right to hold street meetings. The city’s relief department gives an average of $1 per week for groceries to an unemployed worker, on condition that he is a citizen and a resident. ‘The mayor's latest scheme for “relief” is noth- ing less than forced labor. A few hundred work- ers are given a few weeks’ work on the stagger plan, and are permanently taken off the relief lists of the city. Those workers who are given jobs, and for some reason fail to #how up, GO TO JAIL. Mayor Anderson made this threat in a public statement, which has already aroused widespread indignation among the workers. ‘The City Hunger March on Friday, Nov. 20th, under the leadership of the Unemployed Coun- cil, will rally the unemployed workers of Minne- apolis to demand immediate relief from the city and to fight for unemployment insurance. It will also ratify the delegation for the National Hunger March to Washington, D. C. Workers, fight the “Farmer-Labor” fakers, the third party of the bosses! Vote Communist in the next elec- tions! Support the Hunger March! compelled to take organizational measures against the members of the National Miners Union, who resorted to jimcrow practices. The major mistakes in connection with our work among the Negroes during the strike can be ‘summarized: 1, Lateness in working out a program of de- mands for the Negro miners. 2, Not linking up the struggle for better con- ditions with the struggle against jimcowism, segregation, etc. 4. Not popularizing sufficiently the L. 8. N. R. and Liberator. Wherever this was applied, we must register, despite the shortcomings, definite progress in our work among the miners. When the miners went back to work, and the union began to reorientate the struggle from district to local demands and grievances, the Union correctly put forward the demand “No discrimination against the strikers, especially against Negro strikers.” This was correct and served on one hand to convince the Negroes that we are fighting against the special discrimination imposed by the bosses against the militant Negro workers, and on the other hand to mobilize the white miners for the fight for the Negroes as part and parcel of the general struggle. The beginnings of carrying through of a cor- rect approach towards Negro workers in the course of the strike showed splendid results. The Union and the Party succeeded in bringing splendid elements who are devoted to our move- ment end show tremendous possibility for m~ 1 Women Folk ot Harlan Miners Prepare for Strike Miners’ wives in Harlan and Bell counties, will be in the forefront when the strike breaks there against starvation. They haye played and are playing a heroic role. The present struggle sees the miners’ wives taking part in building the union, running the relief stations, and building up the most powerful Women’s Auxiliary of the entire National Miners’ Union, At a mass meeting held in Wallins Creek, Ken- tucky, Mrs. Baldwin, wife of a miner who was murdered at a Workers International Relief Kit- chen, told of her determination to carry on the struggle of building the National Miners’ Union for which her husband died. The following is her speech in her own words. “Sheriff John Henry Blair's thugs took the life of my husband because he was a member of the National Miners’ Union, and was active and aid- ing and assisting the starving miners, wives and little children. I know every mother’s feeling that is left a widow by this thugging outfit. For I have four little children. The oldest one is just 5 years old. “After Lee Fleenor, deputy sheriff, paid by the coal operators, shot my husband down and ran on to tell sheriff John Henry all about what he had done, and Fleenor and several more came back to the swimming pool soup kitchen to search. After they had search through my bed- room and didn't find anything, they wanted to know where we had our guns and ammunition hid. I told them we didn’t have any guns. "They started back to town and that famous thug Joe Meyers, started back from the swim- ming pool from where they had their cars parked and said he was going to see what that damn soup house looked like. Lee Fleenor hollered and told him that he searched and came in, he said, ‘just for a little he would blow up that god damn place into hell.’ Mrs. Holder asked him if he didn't know there were women and little children there. He said, ‘he didn’t give a damn for them, he would just as soon blow them into hell as not.’ “Their purpose for killing Joe Moore and my husband was because we all lived at the swim- ming pool kitchen and cooked and fed the little starving children, for our kitchen at that time was feeding the miners twice a day and my hus- band was secretary and was out day and night bumming and soliciting aid for the hungry min- i ers and children of Harlan County. “I want to see the National Miners’ Union go on with their fight and anything that I can do to helo, I am willing to do. Don’t let those gun thugs scare you and because of everything they do, try to do more to help organize the National Miners’ Union, for if we fail, the dirty coal oper- ators and sheriff Blair’s thugs will do us worse than they have ever done. “Work all you can in helping organize against these gangsters they have here from Matyland, New York, Va., and W. Va. “I wouldn’t want people to look down on me like these thugs are looked on. My husband gave his life up for all o2 the people, not for one, but for all and when we took him to Jelico to bury him, the sneaking sorry bunch, sheriff Blair, wert out to the swimming pool kitchen about three different times, searching through my trunks ani dresser drawers.” ‘Telling of the action of Harlan miners’ wives, preparing to back up the men in the forthcom- ing strike, Mrs. Clarence Brogdon, said: “Much has been said and a great deal has been written, but the actual starvation conditions will never be known. “Under the leadership of the National Miners’ Union, we women are fighting side by side with our husbands. The National Miners’ Union relief kitchen is feeding about 100 persons daily, about 60 percent are children of the miners of Wallins Creek, there are hundreds of little children in our community that are under-nourished, haven't sufficient clothing and no books to attend school. “Our homes have been raided without warrants, or justification of a raid. “Houses have been broken up, because the fathers have been forced to leave their homes. My husband was forced to leave his home three months ago. Why? Some of you may not kvow. Because of his activities in the National Miners’ Union, helping the men: to organize, trying to better the miserable conditions under which the miners are working today. “He has not given up his work, but is in the northern cities today, soliciting aid for the relief of the Harlan County miners and their families. They are going to be taken care of during this struggle. They will not starve, unless they go back to work, they cannot hope for anything but a bare existence under the conditions unless they lay down their tools.” ~ Shop Papers ai and Shop Work By E. 8. 'THIN the last few months there was a def- inite sharj decline in the number of our Shop papers. In July, we had 22 shop papers in existence. This dwindled down to 12 in August. After many communications and great stimula- tion on the part of the Agit Prop Dept., C. C., the number rose again to 17 in September, but. went down to 7 in October. The Thirteenth Plenum of our Party has stressed the importance of shop work, by taking up concretely t+ methods to be pursued in work- ing in the shops. The 13th Plenum pointed out that shop papers are one of our best means to reach the workers in the shops, to explain to them the position of our Party in their every- day needs and demands and organize the work- ers in the shops for struggle. The shop is our “collective propagandist,” agi- tator and organizer” in the shop where it ap- pears, just as the central organ of the Party serves this purpose for the entire working class. Why the Decline? What are the reasons for the decline in the number of our shop papers? It is certainly not because our shop work has Slackened down since the 13th Plenum. On the contrary, our shop work, in many districts, has greatly improved since our last plenum, and is on the upgrade. The main trouble lies with our (long standing) bad practice in shop paper work as well as in shop work generally. The issuing of shop papers has heretofore rested too much in the hands of one comrade or even a group of comrades who became the so- called “spetz” (specialists) in this work. As soon as these comrades left the city or unit; as soon as they were transferred to other phases of Party activity, the shop paper “died” without much chance of resurrection. Another reason for these “deaths” is the lack of planned work in the shop and the lack, of carefulness in starting shop papers. Our com- rades ‘have not yet learned that a shop paper cannot be started in a shop, mine or mill, etc., before we have a real organizational base for is- suing a paper. Pavers were started in shops where there were no nuc!ci, or any form of united front organization in the shops (grievance com- mittees, department or shop committees, etc.). The paper comes out once or twice with “no re- sults,” and the comrades decide—‘well, it’s enough. We tried and did not succeed!” But there is still another reason and this is the most dangerous one. Comrades don’t see the need in regularity of shop papers. There are shops, mines and mills where we have shop nuclei; where papers come out, but very irregu- larly. It appears one month, misses the next, comes out again and again disappears. Just as we are now attempting to bring in planfulness and new methods, in shop work, just as much must we bring this into our shop paper work. Such papers should not be started on hot air, but on a real organizational base. ‘The practice of “one man” shop paper work muct swiftly be abolished. District and Section of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, $8; six months, $4.50. < = = _— “The two governments are in hearty agreement to accomplish some- ————————— s . : 99. thing practical at the disarmament conference.’—N. Y. TIMES. By JORGE The League Of Funny Notions Pipe this which turned up in the N. Y. Post of Nov. 10: “GENEVA, Nov. 10. (AP).—International ex- perts about the headquarters of the League of Nations today were engrossed in trying to determine whether or not there is war in Man- churia,” You see, nobody has “declared” war yet, except a Chinese general, and these “experts” were all worked up over the question of whether a mere general can, according to Hoyle, “declare a war.” Be that as it may, there are a boxful of gen- erals in Manchuria making war, declaration or no declaration, In fact hardly any war that we can think of in this century was “declared” until it had been going on for a greater or less time. Japan sunk the Russian fleet in 1904, and then declared war afterward. The United States makes war daily on the Nicaraguan People and yet never declares war. But this little talk-fest of the Geneva “experts” ought to wipe the cobwebs from the brains of those who imagine that the League of Nations is “trying to stop the -war in Manchuria,” The League hasn't yet decided whether there's any war to stop! A Wobbly Hash House “The working class and the employing class have nothing in common,”—From the I. W. W. Preamble. However, we learn from “Coffee an’ Slim,” WéBe bly card No. X203311, that down at 31 Coentles Slip, New York, the working class and the eh- ploying class are “combining forces with decided success.” “As a matter of fact,” writes the fellow worter, “a portion of the ‘working class, under the able management of Fellow Worker Nick Boorus, have bacome the employers of other workers in every sense which the word implies. “The so-called M. T. W. club is prospering. As to how this is done: In wages alone there ts each day a saving of about $12.00, “The two cooks call for a minimum wage of $4 each according to I. W. W. precepts—they receive only $1.50. The two countermen get $1.25 per day each, and the dishwasher and bussman receive 75 cents per day each. “In giving the wage figures here, no mention has been made of the self-sacrificing spirit of Fellow Worker Boorus. But, it is only fair to say that he takes no wages at all for himself, being satisfied with what he can steal from time to time, and what can be had from supply men whenever a extra, large order is to be had. “In making this statement, I am not condemn- ing the few membets that are sincere to the working class, and not knowing the truth think that the I. W. W. is the only organization for the worker. Others through fear of the cliques that have formed in all branches of the I. W. W. take it on the jaw and say nothing. I ask the I. W. W. membership if they know that the Man- hattan Branch is running a restaurant paying the above scale of wages? “Do you know that your acting branch Sec- retary, John Lynch, is four months arrears in in dues, but cannot be voted out because he one of Nick Boorus’ clique. Do you know of the move to divide the I. W. W. in districts, and why? All that is kept secret from you.” Well, well! The I. W. W. is to “divide in dis- tricts.”. How do you divide nothing? As for the I. W. W. being “for the workers,” the Preamble says so. But so does Hooyer. Spiked! In the N. Y. World-Telegram of Nov. 7, thé gal who becams notorious as the most reckless liaress living, Eve Garrette Grady, sprung the fol- lowing: “Apropos of your editorial on ‘Costly Coal,’ it may interest you to know that in Soviet Russia, the workman's ‘paradise,’ the accident rate in coal mines, accordnig to Bolshevik testimony, is 1,000 deaths for every 1,000,000 tons of coal mined. In quite decided contrast to our own rate of approximately three and a half deaths per 1,000,- 000 tons mined.” Already, in the “New Republic” of Sep. 9, a letter by Joseph Freeman said: “Among other things, Mrs. Grady poses as an expert on Soviet coal mining. She had asserted, for instance, that fatalities in Russian coal mines are 1,000 per million tons of coal produced. Mr. James H. Pierce, vice-president of Stuart, James and Cooke, an American engineering firm which has been working in the Donetz Basin for several years, had denied Mrs. Grady’s statements in » recent letter to The Coal Age. Mr. Pierce dec- clared that instead of 1,000 fatalities per million tons coal mined, the actual number is only 13, as compaired to 7.5 in Pennsylvania, Furthermore, if fatalities are calculated not on the basis of tonnage, but on the basis of number of workers employed in the industry, Soviet fatalities are 22.4 per 10,000 miners as compared with 46 per 10,000 miners in the United States.” fond a shop paper committees should gradually be done away with. Instead, the agit prop departments of the districts and sections must be directly responsible for this work—assigning one of its members for this activity. The units (nuclei) issuing shop papers must be themselves respon- sible for this work, involving all its and drawing in workers from the shop into thiy activity. The comrades must remember: once @ shop paper is issued, it must appear regularly every month, else there is really no point in ise a shop paper at all. The National Hunger March. In connection with the National Hunger March, our shop papers have a great task te perform. In special communications to the varle ous shop paper editors; in the National Paper Editor for November, the Agit Prop C. C., has given some special directives on the shop paper should become a real in uniting the employcd and unemployed ers in the sttuggles for immediate unemployment relief and social insurance. Our shop must pay closest attention to these directives and carry themgthrough. Because of the November celebrations and the National Hunger March, we may see an “ups swing” in the number of shop papers in Noveme ber and December. But unless the comrades have it in mind right now, that if they issue shop paper it must be of a lasting nature, it mugs cil out regularly, unless this happens, these casual “increases” will not solve the problem @@ fluctuations in shop papers, 1