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IN TWO SECTIONS (SECTION TWO) > ‘ (Section of the Communist International) NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 1931 JOIN THE REVOLUTIONARY UNIONS! Resolution of the Trade Union Unity League National Executive Committee Points Out the Road to Build The economic crisis continues to plunge into greater and greater depths. Already it is the sharpest world crisis in history, In the United States, production is con- stantly declining and the number of unemployed has already reached twelve millions. The employers have now officially abandoned the so-called “high wage” policy and have gone over to the open reduc- tion of the living standards of the masses. The plan of the capital- ists is to make the recent wage cuts inaugurated with the U. S. Steel cut a beginning of general wage cuts. The program of the capitalists is to jet the unemployed starve and to throw them a few charity crumbs. While this, condition of crisis and offensive against the living stand- ards of the masses exists in all capitalist countries, the Soviet Union js making the most rapid strikes forward in the carrying through of the five-year plan and in building Socialism. The workers Mass Revolutionary Adopted at a Meeting of the National Executive Committee of the TUUL in Pittsburgh on October 3rd and 4th, 1931 in the Soviet Union are receiving tremendous increases in their wag- es and are experiencing a general all-around improvement of their conditions. The Soviet Union has abolished unemployment, and is ex- periencing a lack of industrial workers. This situatron in the So- viet Union, side by side with the growing depth of the crisis, is push- ing the capitalists of the entire world to perfect their war plans on the Soviet Union. The capitalists are determined to try to save their decaying system at the expense of the workers and toiling masses of their own countries and at the ex- pense of the Soviet Union. | Mass Struggles Are Coming | During the year 1931, thus fardications of the readiness of the the number of workers on strike (250,000) was nearly twice the total number of the entire year, 1930. These strikes took place mainly in such industries that were already in a state of crisis prior to the begin- “ning of the present economic trisis (mining, textile, etc.), because in these industries the unemployment and wage cuts were greatest, so that these workers were the first ones to respond. While the most impor- tant of the strikes were of unor- ganized workers, large sections of organized workers entered into the struggle, Practically all the strikes were dirtcted against wage cuts and the lengthening of the hours of la- bor. The majority of the strikes of the organized workers were led and betrayed by the Musteite elements in sham opposition to the official A. F. of L., whom the workers gen- uinely wanted to fight. The TUUL Jed about one-third of the num- bers of workers on strike including the most important strike of the entire period, the strike of over 40,- 000 soft coal miners. The recent strikes demonstrated not only the growing radicalization of the mass- es in general, but also the growing activity of the Negro masses, as well as the growing importance of the women and young workers. The government played an increasing role as strike-breaker, and the fed- eral government, through the La- bor Department and deportations, acted as an open strike-breaker, more so than in any previous pe- tod, ; Militancy of Unemployed Grows. The unemployed masses have shown increasing readiness to struggle against starvation. Dur- ing the year 1931, there took place important struggles of the unem- ployed. The response to the un- employment insurance bill, the ex- tent and militancy of the Febru- ary 25 demonstrations, the success- ful hunger marches in about a doz- en states, the numerous local and county hunger marches, numerous Spontaneous struggles around the factories and the unemployment agencies, the solidarity of the un- employed and employed during the miners and other strikes—all these actions of the unemployed are in- fa » th oe , e oe € rgani unemployed to fight. One of the outstanding lessons of the recent strikes, is the inability of the capi- talists to. use the unemployed as strike-breakers. The organization ef the unemployed did not keep pace with ‘the willingness of the masses of the unemployed to fight or even with the important activities car- ried through. This was due mainly to the fact that while the unem- ployed movement learned how to formulate correct slogans of agi- tation and action, thus mobilizing the unemployed for struggle, it did not organize the day to day strug- gles for the most burning demands of the unemployed, and also because there was too much formalism and sectarjanism in the work of the unemployed organizations. The A.F.L., Musteites and Socialists Are Now Open Agents of the Bosses. sate: The A. F. of L. and its various wings from Muste to Gitlow, have played an increasing role as strike- breakers, and against the demands of the unemployed. Every struggle of the masses can only be carried on correctly, if it is directed against the reformists as part“of the com- bination of the bosses, the govern- +ment and labor bureaucrats. Fhe A. F. of L. policy does not exclude the taking over of the “leadership” of strikes as part of its strike-break- ing policy. Not only the Muste wing of the A. F. of L, which plays a more and more inereasing role with the sharpening of the crisis, but even the official A. F. of L. under- takes to lead strikes when the mass- es show their readiness to fight, in order to betray and break these strikes. In only one thing is the Policy of the A, F. of L. always to do that which serves interests of the bosses, and which can defeat the workers. Thus have that, while the strike of anthracite miners was outlawed led the strikes directly and sold to note that in both of these places | sulting forces at that time, were|gap be the TUUL £% > rc} ze to Strike practically non-existent, so that the Lewis machine had no need of the Musteites, as it did in other cases. In Illinois, where the influence of the NMU is growing, the Muste- ites are taking the lead (Edmund- son, etc.) in betraying the work- ers. In Southern West Virginia, where the NMU influence spread because of the miners strike and the work of the NMU in Northern West Virginia, the Musteite, Kee- ney, asks for conferences with the NMU as a means to keep in check the revolt of the miners against his policies. In the textile indus- try, the Musteites and Socialist wing of the A. F. of L. led most of the strikes under the A. F. of L, leadership mainly because of the fact that the official MacMahon machine is known to the textile workers as a strike-breaking - or- ganization, and also because of the important struggles led by the NT WU in this industry and its grow- ing influence. In those cases where the Musteites also have already ex- posed themselves (Paterson), the A. F. of L. makes use of the renegade Communists (Gitlow) in its strike- breaking activity. That there is no difference except in the methods used, between the official A. F. of L. and its Musteite wing, is best shown by the fact that the most unprecedented wage cuts ever car- ried through (30 to 45 per cent) was carried through by the Musteites in the Full Fashioned Hosiery Workers Union, led by the Musteites and Socialists. This can be seen not only through the whole campaign of-lies that the Present wage cuts will “help bring back prosperity”, and the “wave of regrets” of the Greens and Wolls about the wage cuts, the gestures of the Thomases, but also in the ques- tion of the unemployment relief and unemployment insurance. A whole campaign of demagogy from Swope schemes through the Roosevelt re- lief program, down to the Musteite and Socialist fake “unemployment insurance bill” is evidence of the fact that the bosses will continue to resort to demagogy, side by side with the attacks on the employed and unemployed masses. It is par- ticularly now that the A. F. of L. and Musteites became even more dangerous and must be exposed be- fore the masses, as a condition for successful struggle against the boss- es’ offensive. ~ TUUL Shows It Can Lead Struggles The TUUL has demonstrated Soe | Only First Steps Taken Toward Build- heli a famnees gains that it can lead struggles and that workers are willing to fight under its leadership. While at the last meeting of the national committee, we had to record the fact that the TUUL was not leading any serious struggles, that the work in the old unions was generally abandoned, that most of the strikes that took | place (Reading, Illinois miners, Danville) were led by the A. F. of L. with practically no participation of the TUUDL, that most of the unions, including zhe miners’ union, were declining in membership, that the unemployment work had de- clined since the peak of March 6, 1930, at the present time, the TUUL is in a different position. The TU UL_led in the recent period, the most important struggles, and par- ticipated, though only very feebly, | in practically all the struggles led by the A. F. of L. and in some of them (Allentown) succeeded in giv- ing real defeats to the A. FP. of L. The work in the old unions was be- gun and already in some unions (building, needle) brought jimpor- tant results, not only in the win- ning of important positions in the old unions (needle, building) but Unions increases im membership of the TUUL union (fur workers), as a of the development of the strike movement, the organization of the struggles of the unemployed and the building of the unions as a con- sequence of these struggles. The ex- amination of the lessons of the re~ cent struggles, particularly the strike of the miners, furnishes the key to the problems and tasks that must be solved and undertaken in order to take hold and develop the struggles of the masses in the pres- ent growing favorable situation, and to build our organizations into mass unions, The present developments do not require a change in policy of the TUUL. On the contray, the recent developments have coniirmed the line of the RILU and the TU UL. The present situation demands, however, the overcoming of all the mistakes and weaknesses, and the quickening of the tempo in al} our work, and the carrying through of the correct decisions which in a whole series of the most important questions (work in the shops, trade union democracy, development of cadres, etc.), still remain on paper. | The Main Lessons | | of Recent Strikes | The question of the “tempo is of decisive importance in the light of the new developments and the tasks that flow from them. What are the main lessons of the recent strikes, principally the strikes in the min- ing and textile industry? They are (a) the readiness of the workers tg result of the correct combination of | fight, (b) the» willingness of the the united front, work in the old |™asses to struggle under the lead- unions, and the organization of ership of the TUUL and to join the struggle under the direct leader- |TUUL unions, therefore the build ship of the reVYolutionary union. ing of mass unions, (c) the solidar- Practically all the unions have |ity of the unemployed and employed stopped the decline in membership, workers in strikes, (d) the possi- and in some of them, the member- | Pility of drawing new cadres of ship is increasing (mining, needle, leaders from among the masses. textile, agriculture). In the work | These lessons from the strikes show among the unemployed, steps for- | ‘hat as @ result of the overcoming ward were taken although organ- partly the mistakes in putting for-~ ization of the unemployed work still ward partial demands, as a result remains the burning question in|°f the beginnings of the applica~ which entirely insufficient progress |10n of the policy of indepeadent leadership, the united front from below, the policy of concentration, This change was made possible} which was partly carried through, not merely because of the growing| the TUUL has made progress in favorable objective conditions for |°'@@nizing for strikes. But the our work, but principally because TUUL still has not learned how to properly organjze the work during the TUUL to some degree learned|the strike and to lead the strike, “to put forward partial demands}how to end these strikes at the applicable to local situations, and |Proper moment and how to suff.- to concrete disputes 1m factories ciently strengthen itsclf as a result and industries.” Because more at- tention was given to preparation of strikes, based on a program of con- of these strikes, how to extend the cadres of the unions. The chief weaknesses in the con- centration in certain industries,|duct of the strike by the TUUL and in a given branch and terri- | unions are: (a) fajlure to give suf- tory of that industry. And finally | ficient attention to the organiza- because of the beginnings of the | tion of the strike committee (in the developments of the united front |shops, mines and the central strixe Policy from below and work in the | machinery) and the various depart- old unions. T. U. U. L. ments of the strike committee (de- fense, relief, etc.). This resulted in the weak organization of picket lines, and a looseness in all the work. The strike committees (Pater- sen) were not organized on a rep- resentative basis and did not reflect has only taken the;the TUUL and its activities, be-|the composition of the strikers tween the radicalization of the| (consisted not of elected delegates masses and its leadership and or-|from the shops). Also there was ganization of the struggles of the | insufficient drawing in of the strik- masses. Our aim now is to over-|ers themselves in the leading posts come the still prevailing weaknesses |in the strike, most of these posi- with regard to the formulation of | tions being filled by trade union the partial demands, and particu-| organizers. The link between the larly to overcome the organizational | leading strike organs and the mass weaknesses that stand in the path of the strikers was vety weak, so +o cop S & ee: i 2 age