The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 2, 1931, Page 4

Published by the Comprodatly Page Four th’ Bt ney Address and ma ecks to the Daily Worker, 50 ©: et Dail Worker’ = on Porty US.A. of SUBSCRIPTION RATES: New York City, Foreign: one year, By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs Manhattan and Bronx, $8; six months, $4.50. On the Carrying Outof Decisions of the National TUUL Exec. Board Meeting GA Committee of ‘Trade Uni e when impor n place in thsi country as well a d. In the sphere of foreign d the growth of a financial ireat Britain and a number inging with it inflation and reduction of the living stand: employed and unen ts repurcussion in the United the wor witne nG ount onsequent ds oyed or two 1 had was only a it that Great Br tt and official abandonment of the “high eory” as a means to bring back “prosper going over from the weeping drive a scattered cutting drive to a ecting was not meant, to be to be the be It was but meant e already see with the hint teel Institute that the wages of the in ed ng of the National Com- we witnessed the most certed drive against unem- surance. It is no secret that the Hoover government made one of its conditions to the German and Bi down of the unemplo: cuts in turn were utilized to make their drive against ish of f support the cuttin; of the situation brought to ee of the TUUL the fact basi development of the e has widened and deepend. That while the strug of the workers were y to the mining and textile indus- ves been in a crisis long e present economic ards of living of the ssed down to the lowest ong the steel workers, t had now become more equal nd textile workers thus evelopment of the strike the ne basis of the of part time work the development loyed and unemployed. example, work interest in the and insurance is these workers faced wage rates on top of the ready to take up the obvious. At with reduction of th unemployment bec fight aga they are reduced to the level of starvation. unlike the completely unemployed they possess the pon of strike These more favorable conditions for the de- velopment of the struggle the National Commit- tee emphasized do not require the change of the line of the Trade Union Unity League. The line laid down by RILU and which already brought results in the mining and textile industries in the struggles of the needle workers remains the ne. But the conditions for the carrying 13 wgh of the line become more tavorable. Does this mean that we have nothing to learn and to do nce jof these new nts Of cou rhese new conditions demand that we quicken the tempo of all of our work. They require that we act with greater speed in the organization of the masses for me wage cuts because more and more But as thing FOR STRUGGLE GROW LATION REQUIRES BETTER OR struggles, se conditior must now aband masses. Just the opposite. When we confront the trustified steel industry we must pay even more attention to the organization of the struggle than we have given in the mining and textile indus- tries. If we ask the question now, a month after the announcement of the U. 8. Steel wage cut, why there have been no struggles in the steel industry to date we must give as the first and primary reason the lack of organization and the lack of contact even in most of the steel mills on the part of our organizations, the development Only through mills will we be able to transform the moods ot struggle of the steel workers into definite action At the same time the National Committee was mted with the tendency on the part of (ome comrades to view the development of the strike in the steel industry only from the view- point of a national e. ‘These comrades tend- ed to minimize the possibility and even the ad- visability of the development of local and sec tional strikes. ‘This tendency is not new. It has its roots in the development of the labor movement and the role of betrayal of the Ameri can Federation of Labor in past struggles thru the division of the workers and defeating them section by section. In the mining industry we were confronted with the same tendency in the beginning of 1931. It was only after overcoming this tendency and the development of a series of local strikes that the National Miners Union was able to organize and lead the struggle of 40,000 miners subsequently. The recognition of the broadening of the basis for the development of the struggles of the work- ers and the necessity of a more rapid tempo led the National Committee directly to the consid- eration of the important questions we must take up in order to prepare ourselves and lead the struggles. The work in the factories, the devel- | opment of the basis of our organization in the shops, the application of the united front policy, the’ development of work inside the reformist | union, the development of joint action of the employed and unemployed, the importance of special attention to the various categories of workers (Negro, women, yeuth, etc.), the inner life of our organizations, the development of new cadres of leaders from the ranks of the workers, these were the questions that occupied the attention of the National Committee. In ‘these columns we hope to take up these questions for discussion and development of their application to the concrete industries and fac- tories. Many articles and experiences will be contributed by the members of the National Committee and the leaders of the various unions. But most important of all is that the rank and file membership, the local leaders in the va- | rious unions, shall participate in the discus- sions. The resolution of the Trade Union Unity League adopted at the meeting of the National Committee has been printed. basis for our discussions. not answered all questions. It is not a formula by which we can solve all questions. It is only a guide to the solution of our problems based on our experience and the experience of the R.LL.U. and all its sections. Only by testing the resolution in the light of already existing experience of our comrades engaged in the daily work, in the experiences that are accumulating daily in the course of the work we are carrying on will we be able to master the various problems that face us in the development of the struggle and the building of our unions. ‘We invite all workers to participate in the discussions. Send your contributions either di- rectly to the Daily Worker or to the Trade Un- | ion Unity League. HOW TO ORGANIZE SOCIALIST COMPETITION By V. I. LENIN. (Written in 1918) INSTALLMENT 2. “They” think that the “common” people, the common” workers and the poorest peasants cannot cope with the great, truly heroic, in the world historic sense of the word, tasks of orga- nization which the socialist revolution has laid upon the shoulders of the toilers. The intellect- uals who haye been accustomed to serve the ca- vitalists and the capitalist state consoled them- selves with the thought: “They cannot do with- out us.” But their impudent calculations have been upset; already educated people are desert- ng their ranks and are coming over to the side of the people, to the side of the toilers, and are 1elping to break the resistance of the servants capital, And the organizing talents of the neasantry and the working class are very great and these talents are just beginning to reveal hemselyes, to wake up, to draw close to the liv- creative, #feat work, to undertake the con- ruction of socialist society. w Develop the Initiative of the Workers, One of the most important tasks, if not the nosi important task now, is to develop as widely Ss sible this independent initiative of the workers, and all toilers and exploited in general, for creative organization of the work. We must at all costs destroy the old, clumsy, savage, odi- ous and disgusting prejudices that only the so- called “upper classes,” only the wealthy or those who have been cshooled by the wealthy classes, cen administer the state, can manage the organ ived construction of a socialist society. This is a prejudice. It thrives on rotten routine aid conservative slavish habit, but even more on the fflthy covetousness of the capitalists who are interested in plundering while governing and erning while phundeing. No, the workers will for a moment forget that they need the * of knowledge. ‘The extraordinary interest ty the workers are now displaying toward © “on proves that there is no illusion among {> workers on this score and that there cannot 1y. The rank and file worker and peasant bourgeois intelligentsia speak with such arrog- ance and scorn. The talents of the working class and the peasantry are as yet untapped, and they are enormous. The workers and peasants are still “shy,” have not yet accustomed themselves to the idea that they are now the ruling class; they are not re- solute enough. Such qualities in millions and millions of people, who all their lives have been forced by hunger and poverty to work under the stick, could not create a réyolution all at once. But the strength, the itality, the invincibility of the October Revolution of 1917 lies in the fact that it arouses those qualities, breaks down the old obstacles, tears up the worn-out roads, leads the toilers to the path of the independent crea- tion of a new life. Accounting and control—this is the chief eco- nomic task of every Soviet of Workers’, Soldiers’ and Peasants’ Deputies, of every consumers’ co- operative, of every’ union or committee of sup- plies, of every factory committee or organ of workers control generally. We must combat the old habits of regarding the rate output and the means of production from the point of view of subject persons, whose only concern is to evade extra burdens, to grab something from the bourgeoisie. This struggle has already been begun by the advanced, class- | conscious workers who resolutely repel those \ vo is literate, knows people and has had prac 1 experience is quite capable of carrying on ' re work, ‘There are verr many of these | ' z the “common people” about whom the } newcomers in industry (very many of whom came in during the war) who regard the people’s factory, the factory which has become the prop- erty of the nation, as they’ formerly regarded the factory, 1. ¢., with but one thought in mind: “to grab something and run away.” All the class-conscious, honest and thinking sections of the peasantry and the toiling masses will join In this struggle on the side of the advanced work- ers. Accounting »nd Control By the Masses. Once the political rule of the proletariat has been established and accounting and control, if carried out by the Soviets of Workers’, Soldiers’ and Peasants’ Deputies as the supreme state power, or at the order or direction of this power, accounting and control carried on every where, generally and universally, accounting and control of the amount of labor expended distribution of goods, ete. be quintessence of socialist reconstruction. assured, of the do not mean that we n the hard work of organiza- tion and rely more on the spontaneity of the of the organization inside thet It furnishes the | But the resolution has | \|KATING FOR THE UNEMPLOYED FEBRUARY, 1917 FEBRUARY, 1917; BY ALEKSEI TARASOV-RODIONOV, NEW YORK COVICI-FREIDE. RE you one of those who have been victimized by the bourgeois lie that the February Revo- lution in Russia, which overthrew the czarist autocracy, was the work of the “socialists” and “moderates”? Then ftead this book, written by the leader of one of the first regiments of re- volting soldiers to enter Petrograd to support the insurrectionary workers.. The first book of its kind available in the English language, it gives a vivid, first-hand account of the events of Feb- ruary to April, 1917, up to and including the first weeks of the arrival of Lenin from abroad. Here you will see the Cadets and Menst-eviks, together with the Social-Revolutionaries, cony spiring with the czarist circles to defeat the Revolution, to drown it in blood, and restore | the Romanoff dynasty. And at the same time | you see the Bolshevik Party at work, tirelessly, with a clear, sharp line, the leader and organizer of the forces of the Revolution. The return from | exile, from Siberia and from abroad, of the | most steeled, experienced Bolshevist. leaders, Le- | nin, Stalin, and others, is shown in the details | of daily life in the midst of revolutionary mass upheaval, when every detail took on historic sig- nificance. The slanderous “history” of Febru- ary by Trotsky, which was written to prove that there was no Bolshevik Party until he arrived, is shown up in its true Menshevik colors. The vacillations of various Bolshevik leaders (Ka- menev) at critical moments come into the pic- ture in concrete examples in the course of ac- tions. All these things are dealt with only in the course of a flowing narrative of the personal experiences of an officer in a machine gun regi- ment, who, as a member of the illegal Bolshevik Parfty, led the soldiers into the revolution against the autocracy on the side of the masses. The au- thor today is a member of the general staff of the Red Army, but at the same time he demon- strates literary skill of a high order. This book cannot be too highly recommended both from a literary and political point of view. It is a veritable treasure for the student of revolution. —E. B. 1 {Accounting and control, {necessary for the | transition to socialism, can only be of a mass | character. Only if the masses of workers and peasants, voluntarily and conscientiously, with } revolutionary enthusiasm, help to check up and control the rich people, the scoundrels, the para- | sites and the hooligans will these remnants of the cursed capitalist society, these dregs of hu- manity, these hopelessly decayed and withered members of the human body, this intection, plague, ulcer and sore which socialism inherited from capitalism be destroyed, Workers and peasants, toilers and exploited! The land, the banks, the factories, the mills have passed into the possession of the entire’ nation! ‘Take upon yourselves the responsibility for ac- | counting and controlling the production and dis- tribution of goods. ‘This ts the path and the only | path to the victory of socialism, the pledge of | victory over all exploitation, over all want and | poverty! For there is enough bread, iron, lum~ | ber, wool, cotton and flax for every one in Russia | if only labor and products are correctly dis- | tributed, tf only this distribution is controlled in | a business-like, practical way; if the enemies of the people: the rich, their parasites, the scoun~ drels, the idlers and the hooligans are to be conquered not only politically but in daily economic life. War to Death On the Hooligans. No mercy for these enemies of the people, these enemies of socialism, these enemies of the totl- ers. War to the death on the scoundrels, the idlers and the hooligans. ‘They are all of the same kith and kin, all are the children of cap- italism, the sons of aristocratic and bourgeois society; a society in which a small group ot land- owners and capitalists robbed and mocked the people; a society In which want and poverty threw thousands on the path of hooliganism, yenality, raseality, inade them lose their human form; a clety which inevitably imbued the proletarian with the desire to evade this degrad~- ing toil, if only for a moment, to get a crust of bread by whatever means, in order that he, and those near and dear to him, should not starve, should not bs underfed. (To be continued in a subsequent teens.) Ts struggle against white chauvinism remains one of our basic tasks if we are to bring large sections of Negro workers into the ranks of the Communist Party. The boss ideology which poisons the minds of the workers on the false illusion of race superiority must be bitterly fought. The ideology permeates not only the working class generally, but also our revolution- ary organizations, and even the ranks of the vanguard of the proletariat, the Communist Party. It remains the task of the white com- rades in our Party to convince the Negro masses that they are really carrying on a fight against this poison or else the Negro will consider us just another “White man’s party.” It is, there- fore, unnecessary that in the forefront of the struggle for the rights of the Negro masses shall stand the white members of our Party and revo- lutionary organizations. The case of Section No. 10 (Newark), which we are discussing, is most likely not an isolated instance, but.can be found in many sections of our Party. These manifestations of white chau- yinism not only cropped up among the members of our Party there, but even in the ranks of the Section Committee. Some typical examples can be given. For instance, at the Section Confer- ence a speech is made by a leading member of the section, as follows: “Why make so much fuss about the Negro question? We revolutionary workers believe that all workers are born equal, therefore why drag Negro: workers into the Party by their hair. We must judge workers by their ability and understanding.” ‘Another instance. The Section Committee was | to be proposed by the Section Buro for the con- ference here on Oct. 11. A proposal was made that “A minimum of 4 out of the 13 elected shall be Negro workers.” The majority of the leadership of the section fought bitterly against placing these four Negro workers on the Sec: tion Committee on a pretense of “immaturity,” “backwardness,” “not the best elements,” etc., in spite of the fact that these elements were good proletarians (the Newark Section has one of the largest Negro proletarian sections in the East). | This showed a total underestimation of the PARTY LIFE One Week’s Recruiting in New York City By LENA DAVIS. ‘ Tht party registration will be followed by 2 re- cruiting campaign. The purpose of this campaign is to penetrate into the large factories and to + build shop nuclef, We should examine the re- cruiting we have been doing up to the present in order to correct, the weaknesses and make every recruitment brig added strength to the Party forces in the ycakest points—the big factories. | | In the past week 47 new members entered the | ranks of our Party in the’ New York district. We welcome these workers who haye accepted revolutionary leadership of the Party and en- rolled in the ranks of the rdvance guard of the working class. However, when we examine the composition of these new recruits, we see the fol- lowing: { Food 9 Metal 3 Miscell. 2 | " Housewife 3 Building M. 1 Leather 3 Building 2 Medical 1 ‘Transpott 3 Marine 1 Office 1, etc. What does this indicate? That while we have succeeded in winning new members from light industries, we have secured only a limited num- ber from the heavy basic industries. The ex- tended wage cuts just carried through in the basic industries must be answered by the Party on its recruiting campaign with positive organt- | November Issue of “The Com- munist” Just Off the Press. Special 14th Anniversary BY GROPPER The Struggle Against White Chauvinism necessity of a special approach towards the Ne- gro workers and the necessity of drawing in and training Negro workers who represent an op- pressed section of the working class for leader- ship in our Party and for leadership in struggles. If we examine the L.S.N.R. groups in the sec- toin, we will find that not the slightest effort is being made to draw in white workers, on the basis of developing struggles for Negro rights. ‘The mass organizations, presumably under the influence of our Party in the Section, show very strong manifastations of white chauvinism. ‘There is no exception to this ro!2. In the Jew- ish Center, which is controlled by the Interna- tional Workers’ Order, a meeting of a Woman's Council, composed only of Negroes, held a meet- ing. Some white women opened the door and instead of entering this room, and working closely together with these Negro workers, they stood at the door as a sort of barrier to prevent other white workers entering. This also mani- fested itself in another mass organization, where talk such as this went around: “Why do the Negro workers pick on this hall? It cost us so much to »uild it. They are just dirtying up the place.” What was the action of our leadership in the | section who were aware of this situation? Did they take any steps to eradicate this situation? Did they carry through a discussion in these mass organizations and mobilize the membership in these mass organizations to carry on a strug- | gle against white chauvinism? No. A decision is made by the Section Buro, in which it naively states: “Only members of the Section Buro can be present at Section Buro meetings, except when called in.” In addition to being burocratic, there was another intent in | this motion, and that was to prevent the com- | rade in charge of L.S.N.R. work from attending | these Section Buro meetings because he was “raising too much hell,” and rightly so. ‘We cannot speak of winning the Negro masses to our program of struggle unless we burn out the sores that exist in our Party, that make it impossible for us to break down this mistrust of the Negro masses of our Party. , Conducted by the Organization Department of the Central Committee, Communist Party, U.S.A. zational gains for struggle. ‘The new recruiting campaign must be planned so that our new members shall riot be brought | in like the past,—loosely at mass and open air | meetings, etc., around general slogans, but our recruits shall be won on the basis of concrete demands and struggles and through continued | factory work, especially in the big factories, talk- ing to shopmates, visiting contacts, arranging of gate meetings, organizing of grievance and shop committees, building of the group of revolution- ary unions, issuing of shop papers, etc, Such activity will mean that the members | gained will be mobilized around concrete issues affecting their daily, needs and this will activize ‘and help us keep our newly gained members. With a correct approach and plan of work they will be able to draw in the other workers in the fac- tory into struggles. ‘Therefore, new members will be of such a character that will not only bring quantitative increase, but at the same time change the social composition of our Paty, y ‘The Party members will be activized. The work and prestige of the Party will grow and in this way our Party will be on the road of becom~- ing a mass Communist Party. ae a eae - ‘ Comrades:— What is your nucleus doing to develop shop activities? What suggestions do you have? Every active Party member has sufficient ex- pertence in the everyday activities to give to the Party conerete suggestions how to better | eur work. Write for the Party Life column. Send short articles concerning any phase of our Party work, giving special attention to our mass activities. Send all articles to the Party Life Editor, Org-Derartment C. C., P. 0. Box 87, Station O New York City. Org-Department ©. ¢. By JORGE eee “It’s the War!” ‘Those more than 25 years old ought to rec, the old saying used during the war by any high way robber of a merchant as an excuse for hi prices: “It’s the war.” We were reminded by « comrade of the Wor. ers’ Ex-Servicemen’s League, who, though joblee for 14 months, had never been given the slight est attention by either democrat or republica: party until now. But now—‘It’s the elections. So he, being a voter, is the subject of sym Pathetic solicitude. The republican, Herbert Brownell, candidat for State Assembly in the Tenth District, sen him a neat little phonograph disk with a recon on it of Brownell’s speech, opening up with th Yale Military March. He didn’t say how a jobless worker might le: hold of # phonogtaph, but he, the candidate, wa. @ sterling son of Gotham and a supporter o Seabury, and so on. The democratic party candidate, having fat tened on graft of office, was in funds enough t send & man to see this worker. They don’t wor’ for nothing, as a Tammany lady recently sal although Communist Party workers ALWAY do this work for nothing. And that’s what th. jobless worker told the democrat, and said: “ stand for and will vote for the Communis Party!” You tell ‘em that, too, on election day! Cr ae? Capitalist “Progress” The bosses have closed down the fattories, a comparatively easy thing to do, though the re- sults are tough on the workers. But how are you going to close down the cows! That's a hard nut to crack. Yet the so-calleé but fake “farmers’” Co-operative Dairies have made the brilliant suggestion that one out of every ten cows be killed! Burn up the coffee! Plow under the cot- ton! Close the factory! Cut wheat acre- age! Stagger the workers! And kill the cows! Such is capitalist “progress!” But there’s a little joker in this business of cow killing. Since some poor devil of a small or middle farmer might have three cows and not ten, he naturally won’t kill “every tenth cow” as suggested. ‘That's where the Tuberculin Test comes in SO handy. The big dairies and rich farmers, the Milk Trust that wants to reduce production, have it all fixed up. A law is passed under the guise of “protecting public health,” and the cow- killing veterinaries get to work at big fees, seeirig that the small and middle farmers’ cows ar “fubercular.” And then they expect the small former to ge worked up over lies about how the Soviet ts “abusing” farmers! . Farmers and Bankers’... Darned few of our Party members are tnter~ ested in farmers. Lenin wrote books about them, but because he called them “peasants,” some Party members think that farmers are not im- portant, so while they might be devilish inter- ested in peasants, they “haven't time” to study the farmers. And sometimes those who do study get ints the wrong pasture. Some months ago, som comrades, too much impressed by the fact that some “farm bloc” fakers were talking about moratorium on farm mortgages, sort of ran couple of miles and a half ahead of the mass mortgaged farmers and cried out that mora- toriums were out of date and we couldn't or shouldn’t have anything to do with such de- mands. “Anyhow,” they added, “its a demand now taken over by the fakers.” Which is @ strange reason to give up any demand, when we know that whatever the fakers say they won't fight for what they pretend to “demand.” “Nothing less than cancellation,” was the pro- posal in effect. And, of course, if we Com- munists are merely hunting for perfect slogans, cancellation of all debts is a dandy. It. would fulfill our Communist idea of what ought to be done. But whether we can get masses of farm~- ers to fight for it, and we mean fight, might be another question. It all deyends on the given conditions in specific areas, ‘The Montana Record-Herald recently tells what the farmers want. It is a three-year mora~ torium, and a resolution of the state Farmers’ Union (an organization led by reformist trick- sters who are daily getting more reactionary) demanded that the Montana governor “use polloe power of the state” to enforce the moratorium. Of course it’s absurd to expect the capitalist government to “use the police” against the cap- italist bankers, and the only way to enforce such a moratorium is for the farmers to organize and refuse to pay their debts and resist foreclosures. But it is also clear that the farmers want @ moratorium. ‘They're mistaken if they think they'll be better off three years from now, but they want debts postponed. till then, ‘The top layer of the Farmers’ Union and the other so-called “farmers’ organizations,” how- ever, are said in the same paper under Wash- ington, D. ©., date-line, to “opposé a mora torium” and they add that any proposal to Con gress will fail because it “lacks their support.” ‘Why do they oppose it? Because, they say, *® suspension of payments on interest or principal of the more than a $1,000,000,000 (yes, 2 lot more than that!) outstanding in loans, would destroy the integrity of the system.” 60, to keep the “system” (tHe bankers) properly “integral,” these misleaders of the farmers are going to take the “integrity” out of the farmer's hide. Are we Communists interested in saving the | system? If not, we should be leading the fight for a moratorium among the farmers who will, fight for that, But enforced by the farmers and not depending on governors or Oonereeyt te Rae DISTRICT, SECTION AND UNIT «| LITERATURE AGENTS ” See that you are supplied with the following - literature: For the Novy, 7th Campaign ‘The Decisive Year, by A.A. Heller..... ‘ Anti-Soviet Lies and the Five-Year Plan, by Max Bedacht......--..... setnemorenbi? O. “Soviet Dumping” Fable, by M. Litvinov a Modern Farming—Soviet Style, by Anna Louise Strong v% New Conditions—New Tasks, by 8)