The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 29, 1931, Page 4

ed Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co. Inc, daily except Sunday Pa F 13th . New York City, N. Y f ne ALgon 4-7958. Cable Page Four Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 60 East 13th Street, N at 50 Mast DALW U.S ew York, N, ¥, Dail Yorker’ SUBSCRIPTION RATES: of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Central Onge Porty US.A By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs Foreign: one year, $8; six months, $4.50. By E. GARDOS and as a barometer of the tion. The election of the te, Tom Amlie, a little known rough his defeating the influ- Blanchard, stalwart Republican, at s the repudiation of Hoover section of the State. At candidate did the regular Party ‘This elimina~ n this conservative same time, the Democ poll enough votes to gt followin: column. tion of the Democratic Pe factor, is the result of the Pro: ves fulfilling their role of “opposition” in this State. . The main lessons for our Party, engaged in a Je against social-demagogy, must come t from the vote of the socialist the slight increase of about 40 per compared to 1930 and finally tage of total votes gogy of the politi- nce of the election. 502 votes,, although of workers in our within two days Bouma polled ndustrial Racine 000 out of the 59,000 registered vote to the polls on October 13. All e facts can only be explained through of the basic issue before our onsin and to a lesser extent thru ry sure of social-dema basis of concrete issues and the up of our election campaign with the gle for the demands of the working class. Socialist Party—Third Party of Capitalism the e oO Last November, when the S. P. conducted a hearted campaign against (one should ner say for) Phil LaFollette, Metcalfe, s candidate for Governor, polled 904 votes in the five counties making up the Ist District Where does the present great increase come from? All from the workers?—as the victory drunk Socialists may try to make one believe: A’ great part, one may even say the majority, rom the same source that put Wm. Swoboda into the office of Mayor in Racine in 1930. It a well known fact, that the staunch fighter ‘Comrade” Swoboda got into office, because the Republican candidate for Mayor, Armstrong, dropped out of the final race and gaye his place and the full support of his machine to this social-fascist This time, to quote the Oct. 13 issue of the Milwaukee Sentinel, “the conservative leaders in these counties have reasoned that they prefer to support a Socialist to Mr. Amlie as a protest against the Prozressive victory in the primary.” even forecasting that “if all progressives do not vote on Tuesday, there may be a Socialist Con- gressman from the conservative 1st District, the only Wisconsin District that sent-a Coolidge delegate to the 1924 convention.” The capitalist support to the Social-fascists cannot of course be explained with the struggle within the Republican Party. It comes as the result of the deepening crisis, which has forced the bourgeoisie to increasingly open the safety- valve of social-demagogy to prevent the explo- ion. The Progressives have exposed themselves time and again with their national and state record, the workers and poor farmers cannot be fooled as suecessfully before with the “fight~- ing Bob dynasty,” the capitalist therefore give them the “Socialtsm-applied Christianity of ‘Thomas, Benson, Bouma, Swoboda, et al.—This main campaign slogan of the S. P. more than anything else, expresses their role as a dope, ltke religion, given out by the bosses to fool and disarm the workers. Police Club and Social Demagogy. Mr. Otis Bouma did more to get the capital- | concretely RECENT ELECTIONS IN | WISCONSIN ists’ support than being, according to his cam- | paign literatur winning personality real | man of the people, a good baseball player in his | youth, often 1m ng people with his striking resemblance to Eugene Debs, etc.” In order to fool the workers, the S. P. had to come out with its battery of social-demagogy, with its sham criticism of the capitalist system, with its pet proposals of nationalization of railroads, banks, etc., all to reform capitalism, to prevent the proletarian dictatorship by laying the grounds for fascist dictatorship While comi: out with the usual S. P.-AF.L. proposals for unemployment relief thru the 6-hour day, 5-day week (stagger system) and public works, at the same time they blasted capitalism as a system, speaking of the danger of war which can only be avoided thru “chang- ing the structure ‘of the social system, thru re- storing the government to the people...” AS a result of this social-demagogy, hundreds of workers and poor formers voted for the S. P. as a real fighter against capitalism, especially in places which weren't reached with the mes- sage of our Party. Expose Social Demagogy Through concrete Work In Wisconsin, more than anywhere else, | the road toward winning the support of the working class, lies in the expo: of the social- demagogy and the smashing of the S. P. and Progressive influence over the masses. We failed to to convince the workers, even those | whom we could reach, that social-demagogy is the voice of their class-enemy, we didn’t expose | the difference between socialist | words and deeds, we didn’t clarify that the sup- | port of the Social-fascists as a lesser evil means | the support of fhe main evil, capitalism. | Furthermore, workers voted Socialist or ab- stained from the polls (in one working class outskirt of Racine only 300 voted out of 1500) because, while agreeing with our ultimate aim and admiring our sincerity and militancy, they | did not see any immediate result coming to them out of voting Communist. Our election campaign was not properly tied up with the struggle of the unemployed and employed work= er Although all the three units in the district were born as @ result of the hunger march last | June, our comrades were so “busy: with the election campaign” that unemployed and factory work was neglected, instead of intensified. The few, spontaneous attempts against the forced labor city project in Racine, which attracted more jattention on the part of the workers and more excitement on the capitalists’ side than all our speeches, gave the key to our fight against social-demagogy, but this was not fol- lowed up. Our political shortcomings were coupled up with wrong methods and poor or- ganization. The failure to follow a minimum plan of work for the 3 weeks of the campaign, failure to involve the membership, not to speak of the hundreds of sympathetic workers, in the campaign, the narrow, bureaucratic tendencies, which one representative of thé section even helped to develop, instead of checking them, must also be added to the negative features of the campaign. In spite of all these mistakes and shortcom- ings, the election campaign was a real step forward to build our Party, ideologically and organizationally alike. We more than doubled our membership, reached into new territories, drawing in workers from important factories, laying the foundation for several shop-nuclei. The methods of sharp self-criticism, which was a key-note of the recent section convention, the more serious analysis of social-demogogy will help to make up for the past mistakes. The opportunities are good. The workers,both em- ployed and unemployed, are literally starving, it is our task to mobilize them for immediate relief, tieing them up with the struggle for un- employment insurance, which will help to under- mine the strength of the social-fascists and build a mass Party. The 5-Year Plan ot Agriculture cr has been possible to increase the output In all the branches of industry. For instance, the growth in August, 1931, compared with Au- gust, 1930, is as follows: The Socialist agricultural sector has become the decisive sector: The collective and Soviet farms, taken together, constitute 70 per cent of the sowing area. In a series of large grain districts, 70 to 90 per cent of the poor and middle peasant farms are organized on a collective basis, their share in the sowing area is 80 to 95 per cent. In these districts (in North Caucasus minus some of the national regions, on the lower Volga minus Kal- mykia, on the left bank of the middle Volga, in the Ukraine and in the Urals, and to a consid- erable extent in the Crimea and in Moldavia) collectivization has been completed, and liquid- ation of kulaks as a class is being successfully carried out on this basis. The collectivized peas- antry has become the central figure in agricul!- ture, and the collective farms are the chief pur- veyors of agricultural produce. On the basis of Theory—Generalized Experience Revolutionary theory is a synthesis of the experience of the working class movement throughout all lands—the generalized exper- lence. Of course, theory out of touch with jrevolutionary practice is like a mill that runs without any grist, just as practice gropes in | the dark unless revolutionary theory throws a | light on the path. But theory becomes the |3reatest force in the working class movement jwhen it is inseparably linked with revolution- lary practice. For it, and 44 alone, can give the |movement confidence, guiflance, and an un- |derstanding of the inner links between events; ‘it alone can enable those engaged in the prac- tical struggle to understand the whence and ithe whither of the working class move- | ment.—Stalin. ON NOVEMBER 7th -- ceLesrs ATE THE TRIUMPHANT MARCH OF SOCIALISM IN THE SOVIET UNION ON ITS and Socialization ~~ ve farming, the plan of the spring sowing campaign has been carried out—100 million hec- tars have been put under seed, the sowing area under industrial crops has increased compared with 1930: in regard to cotton 50.3 per cent, and 2.5 per cent above the plan; in regard to sugar beet, 30.7 per cent and 4.6 per cent respectively; in regard to sun-flowers, 32.5 per cent, flax 35 per cent and 21 per cent; the vegetable garden area has increased 76.7 per cent, and has ex- ceeded the plan by 12.5 per cent. In August about 1,000 new machinery and trac- tor stations—the main support of the collective farm movement—were already operating. Thus, the task set by the plan—1,030 Machanized Trac- tor Stations—is nearly fulfilled. The socialist enterprises—the Soviet and collective farms— have been placed on a sound technical basis which guarantees the further success of the economic development of agriculture. In 1931, the Machanized Tractor Stations Were catering for a sowing area ten times larger than that ot 1930. Their present capacity guarantees. that about one-third of the whole sowing area will be ploughed by tractors, The task of 50 per cent collectivization was fulfilled already by the 10th of May, and by June 20th, there were in the collective farms already 54.7 per cent of the total number of peasant farms (13,499,000) with 216,500 collective farms. By September 1, the percentage of collectivzation had grown to 60 per cent. In the agricultural domain the USSR has out- distanced all the other countries. The develop- ment of the Soviet farms is demonstrated by a more than twofold growth of the sowing area— 3.2 to 8 million hectares. The Soviet farms play an important role in the solution of the stock- raising problem. The proportienal weight of the national reve- nue in the socialized sector has increased from 74.5 per cent in 1930 to 81.8 per cent in 1931, The gross output of agricultural produce increased in 1931, compared with 1930, 56 per cent in regard to grain, 61 per cent in regard to cotton and 77 per cent in regard to sugar beet. | | What Secret Diploma By HARRISON GEORGE. OOVER and Laval have finished “discussing and have signed a joint statement, called a “communique” in diplomatic lingo. There have been acres of space filling the boss press telling what that statement’s contents are SUPPOSED TO MEAN, And any honest worker will wonder why. Are Hoover and Laval so illiterate that they cannot say what they wish? By no means! Then why this vague Janguage and these double meanings? And the answer, workers, is that there are SECRET AGREEMENTS WHICH ARE NOT IN THE STATEMENT! That’s why it had to be hazy enough to leave room for what was agreed on, but which Hoover and Laval did mot DARE write into it for workers to read. Don’t you think so? Then listen to what even the capitalist papers admit: “We think that all of us may feel reasonably sure that the range of conversation between the heads of the two re- publics has been far broader than the statement itself covers.”—N. Y. Post, Oct. 26- “President Hoover and Premier Laval, apparently, made more decisions than their vague official joint statement in- dicates."—-N, Y. World-Telegram, Oct. 26. “There are obviously aspects and results of M. Laval’s visit which cannot be expressed in official language. Things of the spirit cannot be crystallized into formulas.”—N. Y- Times, Oct. 27. Now, workers, can you believe in spirits? We don’t Nor do we believe that Laval and Hoover lacked for “lan- guage,” whether “official” or otherwise. But they DARED NOT speak the truth, because you would protest; You, the workers, would see clearly that they agreed to something YOU would not agree to, something AGAINST YOUR INTERESTS! Maybe you think that SECRET DIPLOMACY doesn’t concern YOU. If you do, you have forgotten the lessons of the LAST WORLD WAR! Do you forget that 10,000,000 men were slaughtered on the battlefields and 30,000,000 more men, women and chil- dren died of wounds, disease and famine in the “war to end war’? Do you think that the NEXT WAR will be “nicer”? That it won't touch YOU and YOUR wives and children? Do you forget the SECRET DIPLOMACY of the World War? Read what E. D. Morel, an Englishman, editor of “Foreign Affairs,” wrote in 1922: “If a holocaust of nearly a million of our young men does not suffice to invoke in us the determination to secure constitutional protection for THEIR sons from the secret intrigues, the false statements, the interested machinations of. politicians, diplomats and journalists, and the human scum for which war means riches and what it is customary to term ‘honors,’ then, indeed, our monuments to the dead are but a sham, our civil and religious commemorations an indecency.” Do not forget, workers, that before the last war, the masses were told that there were no secret agreements! But the British government through Lord Grey had secret agree- ments with France! And France had secret agreerents with Czarist Russia! And, just as today, when Hoover (and Morgan) dicker in secret behind the backs of the masses, Morel tells us that then, before the last war: “Foreign affairs had been increasingly withdrawn by the Executive from national debate.” Austen Chamberlain, British Tory and certainly no Bol- shevik, said in the House of Commons on Feb. 8, 1922: “We found ourselves on a certain Monday listening to a speech by Lord Grey which brought us face to face with war, and upon which follewed our declaration. That was the first public notification to the country or to anyone, by the government, of the obligat’ons it had assumed.” What were these “obligations”? That England was prepared to invade Belgium, together with France as agaiust Germany, in support of the other secret agreements between France and Czarist Russia. Germany merely beat them to it. So the hypocritical ery about “saving Belgium” was raised by the very imperialists who planned to invade it themselves. And the secret “obligations” between France and the Czar, was that France should attack Germany while the Czar threw the Russian army at Austria “in protection of Serbia,” the same Serbia whom the Czarist minister Isvolsky traded off to Austria in 1908, but six months later began to “protect” because Austria wot idn’t deliver its part of THAT secret deal it had promised—the right of Russian warships to pass the Straits of Gibraltar. And what were all these diplomats aiming at? Not at “defending civilization from the menaces that threaten HH, as Laval says today, when he means to MAKE WAR ON THE SOVIET UNION, to redivide China and trim the fat old British lion of some of its colonies! Not for the “noble and unselfish purposes” they then claimed!- Not to “save democracy” as Wilson said, as he threw 4,000,000 men into war five months after he got elected for “keeping us out of war”! 5 No! The secret diplomacy of 1914 meant what the Ver- sailles treaty finally gave it: England got the German col- onies, about 2,000,000 square miles of untold riches in Africa, the Near East and the Pacific Islands! France got her share in Africa and a fistful of “mandates.” And only the Czar got a few bullets in his carcass instead of grabbing Persia (an entirely neutral nation!) and Corstantinople which had been agreed on! And THAT was because the Russian work- ers and peasants REVOLTED, overthrew the Czar and then the “socialist” Kerensky who TRIED TO CONTINUE THE WAR FOR THE AIMS OF THE SECRET TREATIES! Japan, ruled by a feudal “descendant of the Sun,” also “defended democracy” and got a few chunks of China, just as today, the secret American-French-Japanese agreement gives Japan MORE, and not on!y in China, BUT IN SOVIET SIBERIA! For today, workers, the imverialist secret diplo- macy is aimed not only at redistributing colonies according to PRESENT power, but to DESTROY THE SOVIET GOV- ERNMENT AND DIVIDM SOVIET TERRITORY, BOTH EAST AND WEST! These are the secret plots of the Morgan and Hoover that cut your wages and refuse you unemployment relief! Against their whole program you must prepare to fight! In your shops, everywhere, you must defend yourselves! You must defend the Soviet Union! Un Eee a Agitators’ and Propagandists’. Column United States Interests in the Manchurian War Background By LABOR RESEARCH ASSOCIATION I ANCHURIA is the richest and most prosper- ous region of China and has grown more rapidly in wealth than any part of China. Its three provinces have a vast wealth of natural resources, including lumber, coal and iron, in ES * addition to one of the richest soils in the world, yielding. valuable crops, especially the soya-bean. Its coal resources are equal to those of Japan and its iron resources ten times as large as Japan's. It has nearly 30,000,000 acres of forests, and it is rich in gold, silver, lead, and marl for cement, The U. S. Department of Commerce recently reports that Manchuria’s excess of exports over imports continues to increase and that the most important railroads have shown increased pro- fits this year. The revenues of the Peiping- Liaoning branch, for example, are expected to be at least 10% above those of last year. The Japanese investment in Manchuria is about one billion dollars. United States invest- ment is, of course, not equal to this, but United States capitalists have shown an undiminished interest in the region, especially in its railroads. ‘The background of these American efforts at | penetration is long and complicated. But here are the high lights. From them it can be seen how “disinterested” are American maneuvres in Manchuria, and why the Japanese fight to keep out the United States from any Participation in the present Manchurian war. In 1905 E, H. Harriman, United States rail- road magnate, assisted by Kuhn Loeb & Co., Wall Street bankers, attempted to gain control of the South Manchurian Railroad, At first joint American-Japanece contro} was suggested, but the Japanese government, afraid to allow the United States a foothold in Manchuria, kill- ed this plan. Deteated in this effort, Harriman, backed by Morgan & Co. and Kuhn, Loeb & Co., decided to build a new railroad controlled only by them- selves. In 1909 they secured a concession from the Chinese government to build this road from Chinchow, on the coast of South Manchuria, to Aigun, on the Russian border. At the same time Knox, then U. S. Secretary ‘of State, proposed to China that she borrow money from American and other bankers and buy all the railroads that Japan and Russia then owned in Manchuria, ‘This scheme was known as “neutralization.” But moe oS Too Easily Stumped A sympathizer writes in saying he’s been stumped by being asked the following questions: “4. Karl Marx in the Communist Manifeste opposed immediate demands, saying they are only patches on the coat of capitalism. Why do the Communist have reform measures and im- mediate demands?” That's No. 1. And we'll say that Karl Marx does NOT “oppose” immediate demands, neither in the Communist Manifesto nor anywhere else. He mentions neither “patches” nor “coat.” He does, and correctly, state that the class struggle is not settled by the winning of immediate de- mands, by remarking that: “Now and then the workers aré victorious, but only for a time. The real fruit of their battle lies not in the immedi- ate result but in the ever-expanding union of workers.” Does Marx here “oppose” immediate demands? Of course not. Why don’t you tell your ques- tioners to read the Communist Manifesto? They might find there, also, repeated reference to the fact that—“The proletariat goes through veri- ous stages of development.” Which seem to be “overlooked” by your super-revolutionary ques- toners, “2, If the capitalist parliament is an instro- ment of the capitalist class, why do the Com- munists participate in election campaigns?” Because they want to spoil that instrument as a capitalist class instrument against the workers, to expose the secret moves of the enemy to the widest possible masses from the rostrum of par- liament itself, to prove to those workers who yet do not know it, that parliament IS an instrument of capitalism, that it should be abolished and a Soviet’ of workers’ and farmers’ delegates es- tablished in its place. Also, in unity with the fight of the masses out- side parliament, to fight for, and win if possible, all the immediate benefits that are possible to force out of the reluctant capitalists. Such as, for example, MORE UNEMPLOYMENT RE- LIEF, social insurance, prohibition of evictions— all kinds of things that CAN be won. Although these do not in themselves consti- tute a revolution, they DO HELP THE WORK- ERS, both in immediate material results, and also, the struggle develops the “real fruit of their battle” as Marx says, namely, it unites and trains the workers for struggle in... “The more or less veiled civil war, raging within existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out into open revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the prole- tariat.” “3. If the Communist legislator can do no So thing for the workers in a capitalist parliament, why elect him?” We have already answered that “{f” above. He CAN do something. He cannot make a revolu- tion all by himself, of course, and no Commu- nist pretends so. The masses must THEM- SELVES. act. Unless, for example there are mass demonstrations OUTSIDE parliament de- manding unemployment relief, the Communist minority INSIDE may expose the many thieves and grafters and the starvation policy of the capitalist politicians, and fight heroically for re- lief, insurance, no evictions and so on, the capi- talist politicians in such a case would merely sit tight and nething would happen. We now HAVE a mass movement outside, s0 HELP the fight by electing Communists to carry the fight INSIDE the city government! Iv needs BOTH. And tell your questioners to read Lenin’s “Left Wing Communism—An Infantile Dis- order.” ee. a We Can’t Do It All Comrade B. R., of the Young Communist League, writes in: “Lost, strayed or stolen: The Communist Party campaign for the reduction of milk prices. Pos- sibly we are waiting until the Milk Trust bans loose milk, in order to put up a fight for lower prices. , Let’s see what the crocodile can do about it.” Umm. . . A couple of more Umms. . . . AS we recall, that campaign was, or is, pretty much limited to the Daily Worker. It exposed the game of the Milk Trust and outlined the de- mands, but there has to be some ACTION elsewhere or, well, you mentioned the situation. Do you efpect the Daily to resurrect the dead? i aes oe Are you the turkey: The members of the In- diana Bankers’ Association recently practiced up with rifles at Fort Benjamin Harrison, Some of the Indiana trade unions might try to get the government to let them practice some, too. Then see who gets turned down. CO Definition of a “liberal”: A jackass in Arrow collars and golf pants. To prove which we peed do no more than quote from the raptures of the N. Y. Nation over the sham “battle” staged in Washington when contracts were let for FIVE MORE DESTROYERS: “It is gratifying, in- deed, to record the president’s insistence upon cuts in the navy budget and to read that he really became indignant at the undercover op- position of his economy plans by high officers of the navy.” Oo oe eee That Explains Everything: A striker from Cen- tral Falls was visiting Lawrence and riding with some comrades through the city: Striker Visitor: “What's that big mill, the Washington Mill?” A Comrade: “I don't know what mill that is. I’m an organizer,” it met with unanimous objection of the other imperialist powers and was later dropped along with the ylan for the Harriman-Morgan ratt-/ road. } Later the United States bankers got in on a six-power loan to China to promote industry in Manchuria. And under Woodrow Wilson in 1920 the United States participated in a new “consortium” which gave the U, Sbankers their much-sought right to participate in the finan- cing of Manchurian enterprises. Later, at the Washington naval conference in 1921-22, the Japanese weré forced by pressure ‘of U. 8. naval building to recognize the principle of the “Open * Door” in Manchuria, 14th ANNIVERSARY can i I