The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 26, 1931, Page 4

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Page Four » ’ the Comprodail Publishing Co., Inc. dail except S| t 13th Street, ke to the Dally Work BAD PRACTICE IN NEGRO 4 By WILLIAM Z. FOSTER | in the Ne- In handling the Tr y the work of TUUL o many serious failings. ness in our Negro work is . More or less general, to adopt good for work among the Negroes and | 1 to put them into practice. That is till remains pretty much anda and agitation, not a well and good to put of the Ne lynching, dem; It is also cor- Negro workers in substant um- leading committees, conferences, f these things our unions are quite doing. But they are decidedly not 1 test of our Negro work comes fight in support of the im- ds of the Negr Unless our w to conduct this immediate a gram will rest pretty 10t attract the sup- oO general or self- ral r equal against ight for the de- quires on our part ht against all under-estimation of rtance of the Negro question, and es- against the many serious developments uvinism, both of which tendencies strongly in evidence in the TUUL ample of the under-estimation of 1e immediate economic and po- 1 demands of the Negro workers, and con- of the Negro question in general, is d by ti that the National Rail- up until a couple of ‘ogram of demands for of the fact that the rail- try is perhaps the worse jim-crow in- n the United States and employs great | of Negro workers. The same under- | estimaticn is shown in the case of the Marine Work Industrial Union, which even yet has am of economic demands of Negroes, tanding the many thousands of Ne- ng aboard ships and on the water- r severe conditions of discrimination In the National Miners Union there were man- ested serious signs of white-chauvinism, which he union did not vigorously enough combat. Among these were moves to exclude Negro wo- men from the Women’s Auxiliaries, and, during the later stages of the big strike, tendencies to discriminate against Negroes in the distribution of strike relief not with ‘oes WO! The Farm Machine Industry in the | of Negro workers. | ers. WORK All three of these unions, of course, are very e in agitating general slogans for Ne- gro equality. But they are not acute enough in supporting these slogans by a militant struggle in the e' ‘e against all forms of jim-crow ion against Negroes. The above cited instances represent very seri- ous weaknesses. But some tendencies in the work of the Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union are as bad, if not worse, Thus many complaints are made by Negro workers that their grievances are not properly taken care of in | shops where our Union either controls or has a considerable following. This situation in the Needle Trades empha- sizes a matter of the most basic importance to the TUUL unions. This is that unless our or= ganizations show the utmost militancy in the de- fense of the shop grievances of the Negro work- ers we be sure that this will react ery dis- astrously against us. Such tendencies as those complained of in the Needle Trades must be ruthlessly irradicated. In the case of the Needle Trades it appears to be a case of actual neglect of the grievances of Negro workers, This musi be cured. But it is not enough, as some comrades say, “to treat the Negro grievances the same as those of white workers.” Such a formulation shows on the face of it an under-estimation of the fight necessary in defense of the Negro workers, The very es- sence of the matter is that special attention must be given to defending the shop grievances This is because the employers and shop-bosses carry on a systematic policy of special discrimination against Negro workers up- on every occasion. As everyone knows who has had any experience in American industry, the grievances of Negro workers are much more pre- valent, more stubborn in character, and more difficult to handle by a union than those of white workers. Disputes of white workers with their bosses which can often be readily settled by shop committees or even by individual work- ers develop, where similar instances occur in the case of Negro workers, into grievances that can only be liquidated by mass pressure from the union. Besides this, the grievances of Negro workers, arising out of long entrenched jim-crow practices and white-chauvinism are often subtle in character. From all this it is clear that there exists a sharp necessity for our unions to be especially alert in defending the interests of Negro work- It is not that the unions have to fight for better conditions for Negro workers than white workers have—the Negro workers do not expect that. The real issue is that because of the pe- culiar, wide-spread and stubborn character of the grievances of Negro workers the unions have to be especially awake and vigorous in the hand- ling of these grievances. The acid test of the attitude of the TUUL unions towards the Ne- gro workers, and the high-road to the organi- zation of Negro workers, is the proper defense of their everyday demands. USSR Makes Rapid Progress HE production of tractors at the Stalingrad | works during the last week of September, according to ¢ le received by the Amtorg gz C ion, was at the rate of 100 a During September the plant turned out 2,151 mac compared with 1,866 in August, 5 per cent. During the first nine morths of the year it produced 13,769 tracters, mo! an the total produced in the in the entire year 1930. tractor plant in Leningrad ly en- larged, produced 1,946 units in September, as against 1,903 in August and 1,571 in July. For the first three-quarters of the year its produc- tion totaled 11,129. Together with the Stalin- | grad output, the total so far this year is 24,898. | The Kharkov tractor plant, the construction of which was completed in Julysstarted opera- tions on October 1. Ten units were turned out on that day. The construction of the fourth giant tractor plant, at Cheliabinsk in the Urals, fs due to be completed by November 1 New Agricultural Machines Produced in U.S.S.R. During 1931 the agricultural machinery indus- The which has been reconstructed and gr Red Putilov A War of Slaveholders By Y. I. LENIN | (Written in 1915) | What is this war being fought for? Why | these unheard—of miseries it brings humanity? |The government and the bourgeoisie of every | belligerent country are squandering millions of | rub on books and papers blaming the op- ponent, arousing in the people a furious hatred for the enemy, stopping before no lie whatever |in order to picture themselves as the country | that was unjustly attacked and is now “de- | | fending” itself, In reality, this is a war be- | |tween two groups of predatory great powers, | | and it is fought for the division of colonies for | ‘he enslavement of other nations, for advan- | | tivileces in the world market. This ts 'y war, a war of modern | s fought for the purpose of retaining | nlist slavery. England | ar are lying when they assert that | | | f 2 war for the freedom of Belgium. | I they have long been preparing for | war, and they wage it for the purpose of rob- | | bing Germany, taking away her colonies; they | | have made a treaty with Italy and Russia stipulating the pillage and division of Turkey and Austria. The tsarist monarchy in Russia is waging a predatory war in which it strives to seize Galicia, to take away territories from Turkey, to enslave Persia, Mongolia, etc. Ger- many wages a war for the purose of robbing English, Belgian and French colonies, Whether Germany wins or Russia, or whether there is a “draw,” in any case the war will bring hu- | manity new oppression for hundreds and hun- | | dreds of millions of people in the colonies in | ia, Turkey, China, new enslavement of | ~s, new chains for the working-class of all | ne car i i try has made great progress in the production of complex tractor-drawn implements. Their production is scheduled to reach a value of 505,- 600,000 rubles ($260,385,000) this year, which is 66 per cent of the entire production of the agri- cultural machinery industry. Seventy-five new types of complex machines and implements are being produced this year for the first ‘time, valued at 232 million rubles ($119,500.000), of which 75 million rubles are accounted for by machinery for industrial crops. The notable strides made by this branch of industry may be seen from the following table, showing production for the nine months ending July 1, in comparison with the same period of the preceding year: No. of Machines Produced Oct. 1, 1930- Oct. 1, 1929 Type of Machinery July 1,1931 July 1, 1930 Combine 1,756 10 Windrower ..... 724 0 Pick-up seee 469 0 Tractor-mower ....+ 5,337 0 Tractor-binder . 1,598 0 Flax-pullers 358 0 Corn sheller 150 0 Potato digger 619 0 Major preparations were made during the half year ending September, 1930, for beginning the production of combi windrowers, pick-ups and tractor mowers ¢ binders, while the or- ganization of producticn of the remaining three groups was started only in January of this year, Thus, for the first group only eight months were taken to prepare for starting production, and for the second group only four months. This tempo would be considered intensive even in the fore- most countries producing farm machinery. Five agricultural machinery plants overful- filled their programs for the manufacture of harvesting machinery for industrial.crops dur- ing the five months ending with August. Two other factories were below the program Saratov Factory Working on Model Combines. The Saratov combine factory in the Lower Volga Reion has begun the manufacture of the first 25 combines. It is expected that they will be asscmbled in November when the entire plant will begin operations. Soviet Union Briefs MOTORCYCLE DEPARTMENT OF “RED OCTOBER” PLANT COMPLETED A new department for the manufacture of mo- torcycles was completed recently at the “Red October” factory in Leningrad. It is éxpected to produce 800 motorcycles this year and 10,000 in 1932. as eek SQVIET MAGNETOS PRODUCED The first Soviet magnetos were produced re- cently by the “Electrozayod” plant in Moscow. These were manufactured entirely from Soviet materials, . SOVIET MILKING MACHINES On July 27 the first consignment of milking machircc designed by Sovict engizsors was de- livered, These machines were built by the ma- nday = Dail «Worker va Porty U.S.A. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroug! of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, $8; six months, $4.50. (Note: In view of the slanderous attacks thade by the industrial Workers of the World | in their papers, and the fact that they make | the International Labor Defense and pot the | | coal barons’ persecution the object of thefr at- | | tacks, it becomes necessary to make all workers familiar with the facts and the treacherous role being played by the Industrial Workers of the World in Kentucky. The writer of the article worked in Harlan County many weeks. | —Editor.) By CAROLINE DREW. ‘HE General Defense Committee of the Indus trial Workers of the World has shown i true colors in the Harlan, Kentucky, miners’ strike. While making a pretense of defending | the miners framed up on murder charges, this | committee treats these cases not as- workers | framed for strike activity, but as “criminal mur- | der” cases, They fight not against the coal operators’ terror but viciously attack the In- ternational Labor Defense, which is conducting a militant defense on class struggle lines in the bosses’ courts and mobilizing mass protest and struggle to free the Harlan miners. The Mooney- | Harlan-Scottsboro campaign of the Internation- | al Labor Defense is rousing millions of workers throughout the country to fight for the release of these class war victims. ‘What is the real difference between the Gen- eral Defense Committee and the International Labor Defense? Not the amount of money each has collected and distributed. It is very well known that the General Defense Committee re- ceived from the American Civil Liberties Union the funds it paid to Attorney Ben Golden, and that the General Defense Committee was bank- rupt before it entered into activitfes concerning the Harlan cases. Prior to that time, it was not even formally defending any cases of workers in the class struggle, in spite of the fact that work- ers’ struggles were taking place daily. The dif- | ference is really not a question of how best to defend these miners and keep the bosses’ courts from railroading innocent workers to the electric chair; it is a question of real defense, as against | pretended defense. | The policy of the International Labor Defense is that the Kentucky miners’ right to organize and strike against the starvation wages and con- ditions is the issue on which these workers are | being slated for death by the coal operators and the coal operators’ courts. Their right to picket and to defend themselves against the gun-thugs and terror of the coal barons and their govern- | ment, is the central issue on which they can and must be successfully defended, and they can~ | not be saved on the basis of a defense as though | this was a “criminal” case and that,the question is “who committed the crime against the gun- | thugs.” The International Labor Defense knows that the ‘case of the Harlan miners must be fourht by taking advantate of every lev@l pos- sibility, but cannot be won only through “legal defense” in bosses’ courts; that the defense must chine-building factory in Perm for the Agricul- tural Electrical Machinery Trust. * «8 8 LARGE FLOUR MILL COMPLETED AT TASHKENT One of the largest flour mills in the Soviet Union was completed on August 24 in Tashkent, Uzbekistan. It includes a mill with a daily ca- pacity of 328 metric tons and an elevator of 32,760 tons capacity. The plant is equipped in accordance with American standards and the processes are completely mechanized. Pica se | 25 MILLION PAIRS OF SHOES IN FOURTH QUARTER The production plan for the fourth quarter of this year calls for the production of 25 million pairs of shoes. During the entire year an output of 84,600,000 pairs is scheduled. In 1930, 68,- , 696,000 pairs were produced, tha tial | pressed for a mass trial and is aga’nst mass pro- The Treachery of the I. W. W. of workers and sympathizers, The I. W. W. Geheral Defense Committee in- sists upon conducting the case of the Harlan miners as a pure murder case. No such issues as wage cuts, starvation conditions, terror, use of thugs and modern gangster warfare against the miners, would be introduced into the trial by them. Their representatives have made state- ments to the effect that they are interested in those who claim to be I. W. W. members only. | They declare openly that they are against “reds” | and claim to be “resectable.” They have as- | sociated Senator J. M. Robsion, a lawyer who | was hired by the United Mine Workers, although the U. M. W. of A. completely betrayed the Kentucky miners and sold them out. This same Robison is known as a rah, rah, rah, “100 per cent American” reactionary, a supporter of not. only the coal operators, but also the A. F. of L. bureaucrats whose chief concern is to victimize the militant workers. have the support of the broadest mass movement | | | | | | | ‘The lawyer who has been hired by the Gen- eral Defense Committee, Captain Ben Golden, is | an elderly man who has never handled a labor case in his life, and absolutely unfamiliar with the labor movement. The General Defense Committee has not tests, as is openly proclaimed in I. W. W. papers. ‘The International Labor Defense and all the workers who are members of this organization know they can place no reliance on legal de- fense, alone, against. the coal operators in the coal operators’ court. In the Harlan cases they find a coal baron, D. C. “Baby” Jones sitting as judge in the case. Judge Jones’ wife owns large blocks of stock,in many coal companies in Kentucky. ‘The Kentucky workers who sat in court while the so-called jury was being selected for the Harlan cases, got a good idea ef capitalist jus- tice. One after another possible jurors got up and were eposed as thugs. In the early part of July, the International Labor Defense pressed for the formation of a Harlan Miners’ Defense Committee to be set, up in Kentucky. This committee to include pris- oners, defendants, leading miners, and repre- sentatives of the International Labor Defense, General Defense Committee, and the American Civil Liberties Union. Attorney Golden at first agreed that this was a proper and good pro- posal: But the General Defense Committee rep- resentative sabotaged this proposal for coopera- tive defense. The American Civil Liberties Union in person of Reger Baldwin wrote the I. W. W. agent, Price, that such a committee would “have no backing” and “are in no position to make contracts,” although the I. L. D. had pledged its backing to the Harlan Miners’ Defense Com- mittee, The September 22nd issue of Industrial Solt- darity, which is full of mud-slinging against the International Labor Defense and the Comntu- nists, states that the I. L. D. has refused “to agree to an bi handling of funds and pol- icy,” in conr&ction with the Kentucky miners’ cases. The I. L, D. has withstood such slanders for many years because it publishes full audited accounts for all funds it handles. But what honest worker could agree with the I. W. W. policy? In the September 15th issue of Industrial Soli- darity, their main outcry is against the Inter- national Labor Defense and not the coal barons’ terror. Referring to Harlan, they state the I. Vote Communist for Free Un- employment Insurance Equal to Full Wages to Be Paid _\ By, the Government pee x N ea By BURCK “The forest of uplifted arms begging for work becomes denser and denser while the arms themselves grow thinner and thinner.’—(Karl Marx) in Kentucky L. D. has “not spent a cent on legal defense and very little for relief.” In another paragraph they claim they are the “only organization that has really put up any’ money for defense of the men in jail.” ‘The General Defense Committee talks about money, mishandling of funds, money not being spent for defense, although every miner in Ken- | tucky knows that the International Labor De- fense has had two attorneys in Harlan, Ken- | tucky. They also know that the General De- fense Committee instructed their attorney Gol- den not to allow Attorney Dowling, an I. L. D. attorney from New Orléans, to be associated with him in the cases, and that two other attorneys of consid-rable experience have been engaged to defend ti.> Harlan County miners. In this way, the General Defense Committees puts organiza- tional jealousy before workers’ lives. When the I. L. D. gives money to prisoners for themselves and their families, it is distrib- uted equally among all the prisoners according, to the number in each family. It does not dis- criminate against any miner because of his or- |. Sanizational affiliations, The policy of the Gen- eral Defense Committee has been a disgrace. They have distributed funds among a small clique who are considered I. W. W. men, al- though all claim to belong to every organiza- tion. They have been feeding some miners and their families and allowing others to starve and die of flux and other starvation diseases. They have entrusted Ike Lane with the handling of. funds and records and in one case, the reco: were turned over to the “law,” and in another the funds have gone for Ike and a privileged few. They talk about miners kitchens in Harlan County, Kentucky, without stating that the Na- tional Miners’ Union and the Workers Interna- tional Relief (which is supporting the I. L. D.) established these kitchens and are keeping them in supplies. The I. W. W. uses its money for narrow I. W. W. purposes, and thus puts money before workers’ lives. ; To date the International Labor Defense has spent over $1,500 for the defense and relief of Harlan prisoners, although this is more than it has received. The L L. D. has published regu- larly financial statements in the Labor De- fender in the past, listing all income and expen- ditures, and of course, will continue this prac- tice in the future. At the present time, the International Labor Defense is organizing a mass protest movement for the freedom of Tom Mooney, and all work- ing class prisoners., It is defending the nine Negro boys in Scottsboro, Ala., seven Imperial Valley prisoners, 300 miners up for various charges growing out of the miners’ strike under the National Miners’ Union leadership in Penn- sylvania-Ohio-West Virginia; Camp Hill share croppers; five silk workers in Paterson, N. J., charged with murder; scores of workers faced with deportation to fascist countries, and hun- dreds of local cases, The International Labor Defense is part of an international movement which has as its aim the freedom of political prisoners. Lately the I. L. D. organized protests in the principal Euro- pean countries for the fr-7dom of the Scottsboro boys. The same is now being done for the Har- lan County miners. We cannot depend upon narrow legal defense without bringing in the real reasons why these workers are falsely accused of murder, and will not let them go to slaugh- ter without stirring up the workers all over the wor'd to defend them, and we will not allow any misleaders of the labor movement to stop us in cour working class duty, ‘We call upon all cigenizations, mass meetings and demonstrations to send resuiutions and tele- grams of protest to Governor Flem Sampson, Frankfort, Kentucky, Judge D. C. Jones and Sheriff John Henry Blair, Harlan, Kentucky We urge every worker and sympathizer to build the mass protest movement, to. send delegates to the conferences being held in every city and town throupheut the country and to send funds to the Z-arlan Miners’ Defense and Aid Fund, 80 Eagt Ith St, Rogia 430, New York Oty. | st and set pct | | By JORGE eamumewnn, Farmers! You're All Right | The republican party’s national commit! in its weekly letter, which usually devotes a of space to lying about the Soviet Union, week gave us a column of hooey. entitled: “FARMERS NOT INSOLVENT.” This will be news to the farmers. The or thing wrong about it is that it isn’t true abc the majority of farmers. The republica charge everything up to “propaganda” which, course, is “false.” And then it gives some its own. ... For instance: From the figures showing th 89 per cent of the loans outstanding on Dee. : 1939, from Federal Land Banks and Joint Sto Land Banks, had no delinquent installmen the republican party tries to make things lo brighter by saying that this—“justifies . coni dence in the great body of farmers... and r futes reports that as a class they are insolyen' Well, now! We might have all the “coi fidence” in the world in “the great body farmers,” and they would still be broke, so th expression simply don’t mean anything, 3 what the bank figures prove is that the RI FARMERS, the FARMER CAPITALISTS not insolvent, since nobody but THAT CLAs of farmers can even get within polecat-smellir distance of these banks. So, after all, what the figures show is th: the republican party is (as usual) a Har, sini the “great body” of farmers ARE broke ar only the small percentage, composed of ric farmers, are keeping out of bankruptcy. Which also proves that it is a dirty capitali lie to speak, as the republican party does, « “farmers as a class’—for the good reason th: there is MORE THAN ONE CLASS of farmer There would be just as much sense in sayir “manufacturers as a class” and then lumping tc gether the poor slave of a factory wage worke the highly paid factory superintendent, and th “unemployed” owners who rake in the grav: eset Wek Fairy Tales and Facts Heywood Broun, the “socialist” columnist c the “liberal” N. Y. World-Telegram, is on vacation granted by his capitalist boss to allo him to run for alderman, and as a pinch-hitte the Telegram has brough in somebody callin himself “The Spectator” to fill Broun’s colum: with something just as rotten. He does it. Only, not having his head fuddle with gin, the Spectator writes much clearer fas cism than Broun. In the issue of Oct. 23 h opens up with something which is worth takin apart. He says: i “This world is ruled by fairy stories, and r by actual facts,” thus re-stating one of the fa © theories of *V. F. Calverton, that known in socie }) philosophy as the “social myth” theory, whic! has practical implications in asserting that, fo example, “The Russian workers will never at. tain a socialist society, but Stalin the artfu rascal keeps them BELIEVING that they wil $0 they are effectively controlled and kep obédient to the Stalin dictatorship.” r The poison of this is clear when followed t conclusion from the abstract forumla that “fair tales rule the world,” though two Communist have remarked to us that they didn’t see th necessity of Comrade Landy, the Daily Worker’ “ragged trousered philosopher,” politically de stroying Calverton’s theories in the Octobe “Communist” because, said they, -Calverto: theories “don’t reach the masses.” Like hell they don’t! From what we have see’ in recent days it is clear that they reach righ into the heart of some of our Party member And we don’t write this little aside-talk light! ‘We have seen in the last week the appearanc of that historic hour in which the crystalliza tion, long expected by Communists, of the pre cise and definite imperialist grouping (whic) we know for years MUST COME out of th ceaselessly shifting imperialist disagreements that will really begin troop movements agains the Soviet Union. Yet we have also seen that SOME Part. members can no more absorb the meaning o this when explained in the Daily Worker, tha a rock can absorb water. Trey are basically be lievers in Calverton’s “social myth” and thin’ that the Daily Worker is just sounding th alarm of war “again” because it’s “good propa. ganda” but “really” there isn’t any war r brewing | Such an idea is at base a shameful disease, a Stalin has said, of “contempt” or “snobbish ness” toward the masses, or lack of faith 1 them. And that is getting back to “The Spec tator” again who in the World-Telegram Jogic ally develops the “fairy tale” theory by saying understan | 1 ! “The majority of all men, dren will never quite be able to what all the shouting is about, anywa, Ninety-five per cent of all mankind is eom- posed of ‘followers.’” It is quite natural for a bourgeois pig to scor’ the masses. To assert thus that they are onl ast to be trodden on by “leaders.” But eve: the faintest germ of such a notion is poison 1 the braiy, of a Communist, and that’s what Cal verton and the World-Telegram is peddling. I fact, the “Spectator” goes on to develop his.con tempt for the masses to its fascist practice program: } “what this world needs is leadership. What the world needs in order to be shown the road to recovery is—a MAN.” {| | In short, a Mussolini agaist the messes | Disguised as “for” the masses by the “fairy-tal demagogy of fascism, or the “social myth” Calverton, who pretends that he is a thunist! ' . 8 8 oy Tell ’em we're Communists:—Why is. a worker of New York, that at, street } where the Communist Party spetks, it does no | take the trouble to put up the Party em! hi name, and often speakers seem to avoid evel mentioning the Party for the first half hour’ Workers want to know which organization is pealing to them, but if they can’t find out at least ten minutes, they're inclined to wi away. The point is well taken. Maybe the speakers think the workers Got radical enough yet” to want to listen Communists (and maybe that’s a right deviati on their part). Anyhow, one of the best wa; to take crowds away from another speaker to get up and begin right off telling that you speak for the Communist Party 0 ! =. want to tell ‘em about the Soviet Union.

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