The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 24, 1931, Page 4

"after that. _ those steps and became The 50th Birthday of DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 24, 19) 31 Comrade O.W. Kuusinen Fifty years of life, 26 of in’ the revolutionary figt land and 13 in the ranks of tional Bolshevism. From lea the small Finnish ty the most promine: staff of the world the 33rd Congress of member of E the E ‘tee of the Comintern Secretaries of the E.C.C.1. ar n= ber of the Pr the E.C.C.L.) ‘That, in brief, the career of Com- rade Kuusinen In the year 1 received the title osophy, but he did not to be lured by the pros academic career; he did @anding on the heig g@cademic science, but the waves of the revolutior took part in the ge served in the Red Gu Comrade Kuusir the beginning occupied place in the Finnisi Ocratic party, was editor retical organ of t cialist Jour i organ, “T. extreme left wing of t cratic party, fought ag tunism, ministerialism, ctc Comrade of doctor of Hot remain of abstrac of the F party did no} nt of Karl for yond the stand; This was t tence of ti the February r the defeat of the Finr ution, ani Rev fm the year 1918, which a Tepeated the mistakes of Commune. Comrade Kuusin as member of the revolutio gov- ernment participat-d in the lead ship of this revoluvion, was the after the defeat, to subject this r lution to criticism from the Bolshe- vist point of view, and thereby laid the ideological foundation for the new Communist Party in Finland But he was not merely one of the founders of the Finnish Communist Party, he was also present at the birth of the Communist Interna- tional. At the first Congress of the bottom he Paris en, who 0. W. Kuusinen GComunist International Comrade Kuusinen fought against those who were of the opinion that it was still too early to declare the present Communist Conference a Congress. He said: “{ believe that the strength of | this new International will be equal to the power of the revolutionary proletariat and not of this little gathering.” K Comrade brochure “T lusinen, who in his Revolution in Fin- 1eoretical foundation 1 Communist movement, In being up he of Finni. ew converted theor nen took where ons of fea 1919, to May, t nks to his he twice suc-| m the clutches joners. During and Comrade oundation of a y which lip of the Practi | vork ir with | of Len- ible for Com- w up the theses re and the} Parties fo! ¢ Comintern. es Comrade Kuusinen Commun ence onal egal de icle (three d the theses with great ne Comrade Lenin, that Com- the re- ion at nd declared in this tion | (that is Kuusinen) knows and thinks (which is * among revolution- elient, but it is prac lan through and through n the Com- ains to translate of the Rus- ’ into the language of of Comintern in on and to pay due regard to all of a local nature. cties “out que: the peculairities Comrade Kuusinen, to whom Len- inism has become part of his being, has fought as a real Bolshevik in the Co mm against all devia- tions from line of ths Comintern. He fought against “Left” Tyotskyism and Ruth Fischerism; he fought at the VI World Congress against the Right opportunist theory of decolonization. At the 10th Plenum | of the E.C.C.I. he fought against the half and half criticism of capitalist rationalization. But at the same time he strove in the everyday work of the Comintern and in those fields which he specially loves (national and | colonial problems), to remain true | to Lenin’s testament, to put ques-| tions concretely and always to apply an elastic, exceedingly well-thought out tactic to these questions We would only express the wish | that this professional revolutionary | who ‘at his responsible post in the Comintern has always held aloft the banner of Leninism, may still be able | for many years to fight for this ban- ner until the victor of the world revolution. Withelm Pieck, J, Bratkovski, O. Piatnitzky, Manner, P. Furubotin, Bela Kun, J. Sirola, D, Manuilsky, Sen Katayama, C. A. Hathaway, Kolarov, Furini, Knorin, Okano, Chemodanov. John Reed---Revolutionary Symbol By JOSEPH PASS. When eleven years ago this month, John Reed, young American revolu- tionist and writer died in Moscow it was the sharp turning point in the life of el! cultural workers. Bohe- mianism wes still the predominant mode for writers and artists who “re- belled” against a capitalist society de- manding and paying for that art-| istic commodity which expressed only the ideology of the ruling class. The eulturist if he had any guts in him capitalism called it idiosyncracy— ‘would starve, live in a garret and get drunk. As a defense mechanism it was excellent. A good escape from reality. The writer ard artist wit drew from the world and climbed up the rickety stairs to his ivory tower. “Two things usually happened to him t Either he climbed down part and parcel of capitalism or if remaining up there his work became peices of literary tid-bits. This was the period which John Reed, just out of Harvard, found _ when he arrived in 1910 in New York. oe He lies buried in the Kremlin. A Feyolutionary hero! To millions of he is a Bolshevik fighter who to the first socialist republic his eat courage, performing heroic | He came from across the seas the Kerensky regime and threw himself into the battle for the Soviets. From the Lenin at the head of the Presidium, méde Ws first public appearance on November 8, 1917, lending tone to the All-Russian Cor of 5: $ with his opening statern-nt shall proceed to construct the social- | tat onder” John Reed never wavered ‘A his revolutionary discipline. In Qussia he fought with the Red Army, ‘itifig his memorable revolutionary wmifléts and articles which created teh havoc in the Allied ranks, He avelled up and down the land with @ Red Army. He organized day id night. Whatever capacity the moment when | utilize him in, Reed His indominab! Revolution could wes willing to sor burning spirit impressed itself indel- | am noy part of the struggle. On the | ibly upon the minds of all who had| contact with him which today has | reached legendary proportions. | In America, Reed is mainly remem- bered not only because of him great | services he rendered the Russian Rev- olution and for his first articles in the “Liberator” (later they were pub- | lished as “Ten Days That Shook the | World”) explaining the technique of | Bolshevism but also because he was | one of the first organizers of the | Communist movement in America. As in Russia he travelled up and down the land, going to the most forbidden places, speaking, organizing, editing the first Bolshevik papers and indicted more often in the last three rs of his life than any other rev- lutionist in the United States. But John Reed was not always like | this. When he left Harvard he im- | madiately entered the ranks of Amer- | ican Bohemia. Stories of his early | life are still much in circulation, and | this is the part of his life which the | | “Saturday Evening Post” and the rest of capitalist America likes to play up. | John Reed the playb But that is the Reed fitting in to the life of .910 | America, | But his play day days were soon over, in. spite of the great place he| occupied in American life. He was | the foremost journalist of his period. | He helped organize the “Provincetown | Theatre.” Wrote plays and published | books of poetry and on the war. Was/| one of the editors of the old “Mass- es.” But soon, very soon he came to reco ® that if his usefulness to the revolutionary movement is not to | be of the play boy sort he must cease | this double life of “artist” and ama- {teur revolutionist. With him it was |not probably so much of a “thinking | through the problem” process as an | {emotional revolt against an ivory tower approach to the revolutionary movement. Slowly, through actual ‘contact with reality in the working i) en | New | Meye; y/of the inf | MOUNTED POLICE BREAKING UP A D A tremendous wave of protest 9 demonstrations is sweeping Great Britain as a result of recent wage cuts and reduction in unemployment benefit. over the EM. eae GERaee ONSTRATION OF WORKERS JIN LONDON By ERIK BERT Dr. Melihion Pely, economist of the Devisch Bank, an | York is an indication of the} rious development of the financial | crisis in Germany. Pely has brought with him a confidential report which will be submitted to leading bankers and government officials. These pgn sons include Andrew W. Mellon, retary of the Treasury; Euge! v) % governor of the Federal Re-| serve System, and Adolph C. Miller, | Reserve board member for New York. | Pely, in stating the reasons for his | trin edmitted the growing | crisis in Germany finances. He “E will propes? to the American | vays ond means of saving | Germany from panic and of main- taining my nation as a going con- | cern” | The arrival of openty fears and of Pely States bankers is the panic of in- flation which will mean a repetition m of 1923. The Ger- | realiz tion at this time would e e2tas trophic results | —it would bring German capitalism to the brink of destruction. | The inflation has already started | and Dr. Pely is here not because of | the abstract possibility of the col- | lapse of the Cermen finances but | because the German bankers already jhave taken the first step in that |tic in the practice of Leninism, that | | direction. While the reserves of the Reichs- |bank declined rapidly last week, | hoarding and inflation caused an in- jerease of $1,090,000 in the amount’ of | about four miilion marks in the -cur- |rency circulation. For the first time since the in- flation period of 1923 the gold cover- age behind the Reichshank notes has gone below 30 percent. On last 'Thurs- day the gold coverage sank to 28.6 percent. The Journal of Commerce sums up the situation in the German finances as follow “Weakering of the curren serve ratio has a'so been 2cceniu- ated by internal demands fer cas y re. which reflect that same popular hoarding spirit that has seized upon the peoples of the United States and France The run on the savings banks of the country has foreed resort to the Reichsbank for ald, and the result is a rise in discounts and in notes in circula- tion in face of a business situation that would under other conditions mean a shrinkage in these items.” Dr Luther, head of the Reichsbank. was forced to admit that one third of the discounts of the Reichsbank, the obligations it has taken over for the banks, are not ‘ideally liquid.” They can be paid “only if business improved.” Luther tried to hide the meaning of this by stating that 70 percent of the discounts of the Bank of England are in the same con- dition. The Berlin correspondent of the ing to warn the United ®_ New York Times reports that “com- paratively little importance is at- tached to this fact because general attention is concentrated on the gold and foreign exchange situation, on which the stability of the mark de- |pends.” ‘The German capitalists are | worrying more about the basic ques- | tion of being able to stay on the gold standards rather than on the ques- |tion of the “frozen” asets of the | Reichsbank. They are worrying about the collapse of the entire ; financial structure. The weakening of the financial | structure in Germany is part of the |general growing instability of - the |financial structure throughout the |capitalist world. The bankers are | trying to stave off this crumbling of jthe weakened financial structure through a policy of inflation. ard by Great Britain resulted in increased British imports into Ger- many and the inability of the Ger- man manufacturers to compete in the home markets. The German Style in the Work By J. STALIN We are not concerned here with literary style. What we are about to discuss is the style of work, that which is peculiar and characteris- | which brings to the fore a special |typ2 of Leninist worker. Leninism is |a@- school where the study of the | theory and practice of Leninism produce a special type of Party and State official, a special kind of style |in public What are the char- | acteristics of this style? What are its | peculiarities? There were ‘two: (a) revolutionary | zeal, inspired by the Russian spirit; and ‘b) businesslike practicality, in- |spired by the American spirit. The combination of these two in Party jand State work constitute what we call “style” in our activities. R to routinism, consefvatism, epathy of thought, slavish adherence | | |class movement, the Pessaic strike, the Colorado miners battles, in Mex- ico with a revolutionary army, in the | trenches in Europe, he learned and discarded the so-called artist's attit- ; ude towards eve! ed said to himself. lonary writer. I am a revolution- The workers life is my life. And John y life. 1 ist. H picket line. In jail. On the barri- John Reed “Iam a revo-| cades with the workers. Poetry mag- azines? Well, I think I would rather be in the workers’ pvess.” | John Reed was a pioneer in many | fields but we also remember him to- |day because he was an intellectual with courage who pointed the way |for the cultural worker in the revo- lutionary movement. And he lies buried in the Kremlin, |a revolutionary hero to millions of workers who recognize him as a com- rade and fellow fighter. | The period which John Reed in- itiated in American life is flowering |today. A workers cultural movement is beginning to accept the responsi- | bility and discipline which is earning it a place in the working class move- ment of America. But there are still, here and there, fringes of Bohemia attaching itself to so-called “radical |ideas.” Sometimes it is even a pay- \ing proposition. The young writer | sets himself, up as a leader in revo- | lutionary literature. He is looked up | to in the bourgeois world as a revo- lutionary writer. Soon the young man publishes a book or two and buys a place in the country. The working class movement never sees him again. The working class press is not good enough for him now. It is the “Na- | tion,” henceforth and trips to the | great intellectual centers of the old world for lectures on “Proletarian Literature in the United States.” “But we spit on your illusions,” say the workers, “ today you are either with us or against us.” ripen « The great cultural working class movement now spreading in the United States remembers John Reed. |To them he has become a symbol. He was a pioneer. And they remem- ber the story Reed told of an Amer- ican intellectual who was trying to argue with a Red soldier. The intel- lectual was subtle and philosophical and disputatious. “But,” said the Red soldier, “there are two classes, broth- or, the working class and the capi- | talist class.” The intellectual ham- |mered away and for another half an hour he delivered long arguments out, lof Smith and Spencer and Veblen. The, Red soldier listened patiently and politely to his American visitor and replied, “but there are two class- es, brother, the working class and (the capitalist class” lutionary zeal is the antidote | to tradition and to the beliefs of our forefathers. Revolutionary zeal is a life-saving force which stimulates thought, spurs on to action, throws the outworn into the limbo of for- gotten things, and opens the portals of the future.” Without such zeal, there can be no advance. But it has |a drawback, seeing that in practice it tends to vent itself in revolution- | ary talk unless: it is intimately com- | bined with level-headness and busi- jness-like action imbued with the American spirit. There is no lack of example of the kind of degeneration referred to above. “Yho has not had “revolutionary” planning, of “revolu- jtionary” projects which are concocted jin the blind belief that a decree can |change everything, can bring order Uskomehel (The Fully-Fledged Com- | munist), gives us an admirable por- | trait of a bolshevik overtaken by this kind of sickness. The hero has set himself to produce the ideal man. He is absorbed in his work. Unfor- tunately, the creature is a complete failure. The story is, of course, an extravaganza; nevertheles it is a very shrewd take-off. But no one has ridiculed this unwholesome faith in paper decrees and pla™:s more effec- |tively than Lenin. He stimatizes it as “communist vanity.” At the Sec- ond All-Russian Congres of the sec- tions for political education, held in 1921, Lenin said: The man who is still a member of the Communist Party) because he has not yet been expelled from the,Party!) and who imagines he can succeed in any task he puts his hand to simply by drawing up -communist decrees is sueffering from communist vanity. (Works, Russian ed. vol. XVIII, part I, Pp. 384-385). Lenin was in the habit of coun- tering revolutionary phrase-monger- \ing by imposing common, everyday tasks, thereby emphasizing the fact thw; revolutionary ‘fantasy 1s op- |posed to the whole spirit and prac- tice of Leninism We read in The Great Initiative: Fewer high-falutin phrases, and more simple, everyday deeds . . . Less political chatter, and more attention to the plain but living facts of communist construction. (Works, Russian ed. yol XVI, pp. 256 and 247). The best antidote to revolutionary fantasy is practical work imbued with the American spirit Such business- like, practical endeavor is an un- quenchable force, one which recogn- izes no obstacles, one which, by sheer comon sense, thrusts aside every- thing which might impede progress, one which invariably carries a thing once embarked upon to completion (even though the affair may seem a puny one), one without which any genuine work of construction is im- possible. But the practical, business like American spirit is liable to de- generate into narrow-minded, un- principled commercialism, if it be not allied with revolutionary veal. Who does not know of cases where nar- row-minded ‘and unprincipled com- mercialism has led a so-called bol- shevik into devious ways inimical to the revolutionary cause? Pilnyak describes such types in his story, ‘The suspension of the gold stand- | experience of the fatal disease of | jout of chaos? Erenburg, in his tale | capitalists have answered with the same program as the British manu- facturers—lower wages. The British capitalists have cut wages directly and indirectly through inflation. The German capitalists have taken the first step with terrific wage slashes and are entering on the second phase. In 1923 the inflation program which meant hunger for the German work- ers, raised their militancy to a re- volutionary pitch. The capitalist class in Germany realizes that the inflation at this time will determine yet greater millions for a revolution- the Communist Party of Germany. In order to crush this rising mass revolt the capitalist class of Germany |has through its Bruening govern- ‘ment has issued emergency decree after decree. Inflation, the despera- tion step of the German capitalist class on the financial field, is to be driven through by the armed forces of. the Reichwehr and the fascist hordes. On the brink of the abyss the German capitalist class resorts to the same policy which nearly wreck- ed its system in the last inflationary period. The inflation at the present time take place not in the economic | situation of 1923 but in the worst | crisis in the ristory of the capitalist class. The inflation at this time is desperation and the revolutionary wer it with the power of its million fold proletarian determ/nation to struggle. ME ae The Needy Year Here we make acque.’ ‘>nce with bolsheviks who are ful of good will and practical en- deavor, who “function energetically,” but who have no vision, who have no nétion of what is seemly to the oc- casion, who cannot foresee whither their actions will lead, etd who, consequently, stray from the revolu- tionary path. No one has ridiculed this disease of commercialism more bitingly than has Lenin. He stig- matizes it as “narrow practicalism,” as “brainless commercialism.” He was wont to contrast it with living, revolutiona®y work; he would em- phasize the need for revolutionary vision in all the domains of our everyday work; ‘and’ would lay -es- pecial stress upon the point that commercialism is as opposed to the true’spirit of Leninism as is revolu- tionary fantasy. ‘ A combination of revolutionary zeal with the practical spirit constitutes the essence of Leninsm as mani- fested in Party and tn public work. Such a union of qualities is the only one capable of giving us the and capable of setting the stondard for the Leninist style in our work. * Reprinted from Stalin’s hook on Leninism, published by the In- ternational Publishers. We are re- printing this section of his book in connection with the point raised by our recent plenum calling for a desisive change in our methods of work, ary struggle under the leadership of | working-class in Germany will ans- | British women being driven out of a demonstrating against the reduction of wages and unemployment benefit. which was called to take place on perfect type of Lenininst worker, | Struggle of British Sailors It would be a great mistake to view the recent sensational outbreak of the English sailors as a purely spontaneous movement. Although this is the first time since the famous mutiny at the Nore | and Spithead in 1797 that the sail- ors have gone to the length of taking “strike” action on a mass scale, the English sailors have a number of revolutionary traditions and have openly fought the Admiralty on a| number of occasions. The entry into the navy during the period of the great war, of many thousands of workers, had the effect of introducing revolutionary Socialist ideas amongst the regular sailors who were serving for 12-year, jand in many cases 22-year service periods. The workers in the armed forces dur- ing the war were the only section of | the working class who did not re- | ceive increased wages, despite the | fact that the cost of living had | soared tremendously. | Time and time again, despite the | fact that the trade union leaders had gone over completely to the side of the government and strove to pre- | vent the workers from taking action, they |took strike action to secure wage increases. The armed forces, however, were: persuaded to continue | at their existing rates of pay by the| | definite promises made to them that the government would reward them | generously for their patriotic sacri- fices by granting big increases in pay, etc., when once the war was finished. Growing Unrest. } Towards the end of the war, how- | ever, the ‘loyal co-operation of the sailors reached the straining point. The weary feeling and discontent re- sulting from the war, had accumul- lated to a high degree. The men had been influenced in a revolution- | ary direction by the news of the Rus- sian Révolution, and later by the mutiny of the German navy in Kiel harbor, news of which had leaked through to the ships despite the heavy press censorship. Thé sailors, having the examples before them of the victorious strike movements which iu all cases brought wage in- creases, were beginning to realize thst only by the adoption of similar action could they secure improved conditions themselves. Thus when, a few months before the armistice was signed in Novem- ber, 1918, the police force went on strike, demanding increased pay, the eight-hour day and recognition of their trade union, it had a tremen- dous effect upon the sailors, who passed résolutions calling upon the/| leaders of their Lower Deck Benefit Societies to organize joint ‘strike ac- tions with the police. Secret prep- | arations were made for doing this and the signal for the’ commence- ment of the strike was to be given | at a monster mass demonstration | See oe parade of London workers Southsea Common, on the outskirts of Portsmouth. .The men were to proceed to the meeting place secretly and in groups in order to take the naval authorities by surprise. Un- fortunately, the movement was be- trayed by one, Yexley, who, although an ex-service man, had posed as a friend of the sailors and who had edited a monthly journal for the sail- ors called “The Fleet.” Yexley rushed from Portsmouth to London, where he sent a secret re- port on the situation to every mem- ber of the War Cabinet and a copy to the king himself, In his report, Yexley wrote: “.... at the present moment, the lower deck Is one great combustible mass. Should an explo- sive point be touched, the whole navy will burst into flames.” The government, thus forewarned, succeeded In preventing open soli- darity ection with the police by carrying out a dual policy of repres- sions and granting of minor conces- sions. Mass Movement Spreads. ‘When later, however, with the | coming of the armistice, the govern- ment still showed no signs of carry- ing out its promises to increase the pay, a tremendous mass movement swept throughout the fleet. Meet- ings were held on board all ships, ship committees elected, port dele- gate conferences called for, and finally, on January 18, 1919, a na- tional interport conference was held in Lenten, attended by cyt" a hia dred delegates from the fleet. To Recalls Long Suffering stave off the thfedténed strike, the Admiralty was forced to make con- cessions, although:these did not fully satisfy the sailors. The Admiralty now turned their attention to breaking the powerful influence of the, Lower Deck So- cieties. Although called'“friendly” societies, | and actually carrying ‘out work of a | mutual aid character;‘they more and More tended to také upon themselves the character of ttadé unions, and were actually regarded’ as such by the sailors, who joined in large numbers, In the 1919 movement, they had taken the lead. \THéy ‘had been given an increasingly revblutionary orien- tation by the sailors:who had joined the navy for the duration of the war only, many. of whom: had long rec- ords of servicerinitradé union and work-shop activity: Tb. is on record that in 1919 severalof these So- cieties had passed-reslutions calling for their amalgamation into a single trade union affillated: with the Brit- ish Trade Union Congress. It is highly regrettable-that-at this time, when the trade union movement was in a highly militant mood, it did not Support this proposal,and that the sailors did not fight, generally, Admiralty Adopts Measures Repressive Thus, while the Admiralty now of- ficially recognized the: Lower Deck Societies, they demanded that they drop any tendency-to: take up trade union activities../A seheme of “wel- fare conferences*:.was introduced, similar to the state-controlled Police Federation, which the government had introduced ‘after breaking the Police strike. vee f The Admiralty, followed up this at- tack by prohibiting ‘the men to write to the press by curtailing their elec- toral rights and denying .them the right to take part in political activ- ity. Everything | ible was done from this date onwards to weed out revolutionary elements,..amongst the sailors and to prevent the remamder from coming int. ocontact with’ revo- lutionary working-class, ideas. ‘The Admiralty ‘did everything pos- sible’ to prevent a Yepétition of the 1919 outbreak. Political agents ‘were introduced on the-ships under the guise of “Instructor Officers,” who organized lectures, eté. The Admir- alty sent out to all ships a weelly bulletin of “Empire Study” to be used by the naval schoolmasters ‘and in- Struction officers: aA’ political test was ‘cunningly’ int¥edaced «upon all new recruits under'the guise of an examination of géreral knowledge. How anxious they.ate to keep out even boy entrants; who: have the slightest ideqlogical:ecnnection. with the class struggle sis; clearly shown by the fgllowing questions in’ a ‘recent examination: * “What do you know, of Siy Aus- tin Chamberlain, the gold <tandard and ‘the Third, Internzticna}?” “What do you know of the fol- “lowing: Chiceritr, Stresemah, A J. Cook and: Neville'Chentb<"leini?” Pay Cuts Enforced.: Later, in 1925, the Admirelty wes desirous of intrédudirg an all-round cut in pay. ' The protest of ‘the men, however, was of such a threatening nature that the Adniiralty was forced to make a retreat and instead, intro- duced the scheme whereby men join- ing after 1925 would receive a new scale of pay, eight or nine: shillings a week less. The created unrest in both sections. The post-1925 entrants protested: at having to-do equal work for unequal pay, and the pre-1925 men_regarded it as a preliminary step towords bad conditions. The Road of Class Struggle. The present. outbreak among the sailors shows that the men were sailors show that the men were forced by the actual situation to take the moadof the class struggle in their efforts to find a, remedy. Their cour- ageous action destroys; at oné blow all the hopes of, loyal “class collab- crapion that the Admiralty have Negras trying to build up for the last 12 years,,.At, the same time, it will act as a.tremendous spur and example to the, soldiers, airmen, and Police, who are also. due to suffer ex- actly similar pay reductions from October 1, to say nothing of the great impetus it will giye..to the already rapidly developing jyass movement in the industrial centers,,,,. The English revejutionary move- ment is mobilizingethe- widest possible support for the sailors and assisting them to take advantage of the pres- ent moment to: extend,.the aims of the struggle by pubting.forward addi- tional demands. fot.,,full | politica! rights, marriage ‘allowances to be paid to all ratings».against the com- pulsory religious instruction and for improved food. Every person ‘subject: to the Naval Discipline Act, who:“shall make any mutinous assembly,yand. shall lead or Incite any other: petson to join in any mutinous assembly,” is subject to penal servitude om any other such punishment as.may be decided upon by court martial. Tt is clear that the: present move- ment marks ani even higher stare than that reached 'tiy1919, Taking place at a time when every section of the working massts ts faced with at- tack by the National: government, and when the mood of the masses is re- miniscent of thé general strike pe- viod, it gives every possibility of the wstfeation af thavantien worttneclass uitder revolutionary leadershin, oN O'Bryan.