The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 21, 1931, Page 4

Pu h St., Page Four lished by the Comprodaily Publ New York City, a sng f Address and mail all checks to the Dally Worker, Cable unday th Street, New York, N, Y. at 50 East DAIWORK.” By mail everywhere: One year, $6; of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Foreign: six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs one year, $8; six months, $4.50. From the Directives on the 14th™* BATTLE OF TH Anniversary of the Proletarian | Revolution 1. The 14th Annive of the Russian Revolution takes place at a moment of the deepening crisis of world capitalism, (The de- velopment of a financial crisis, further reduc- tion in production, etc.) and of a more acute offensive against the masses (slashing wage- cuts, reduction of unemployment relief and in- At the same time the revolution- of the masses is growing. (British , militant demonstrations against “left” P struggle and labor party leaders, Chilean in Latin Ame! » tr es of ‘the revolution further strengthening of the Sov- , the growing militance of Negro and white orke e United States, etc.) In contrast to ditions of world capital- ism we witness the further successes of the Five Year Plan in the Soviet Union and the further improvement the conditions of the Soviet proletariat and peas The contrast of the two world systems of capitalism and so- cialism is becoming sharper. In the United States the conditions of the toiling masses are being worsened, cuts in the meager unemployment relief, denial of unem- ployment insurance, a new wage-slashing offen- sive, growing attacks upon the revolutionary movement, growing persecution of the foreign wn and Negro masses and at the ‘same time we witness the growing resistance of the masses (increase of the strike movement, rising tide of struggle among the steel workers; and increas- ing battles of the unemployed). As @ result of this sharp contradiction be- tween the two world systems, the sharpening of the relations between the imperialist powers and the class struggle between the workers and the capitalists, the war danger against the Soviet Union is becoming more acute (Japanese-Man- churian conflict with its menace to the Soviet Union, Hoover’s moratorium actions, German- French discussion, more feyerish attempts to establish the anti-Soviet front with America coming to the fore in this effort). 2. The Noy. 7 celebration must therefore be a campaign which will bring out sharply the contrast between the two world systems, espe- cially between the conditions of the workers in the United States and the workers in the Soviet Union. The Party must show to the masses during this campaign in its propaganda the revolutionary way out of the crisis for the work- ing class. It must tie up the slogan of the de- ntry } | fense of the Soviet Union with the economic struggles, the fight against wage-cuts, for un- employment relief and social insurance, and with the ights ay nst political oppression (Moi Harlan and Scottsboro, etc.), The campaign must stimulate the strike struggles and the efforts to organize the workers into the | revolutionary unions and Unemployed Councils | along the lines of the program of the Party. 3, The agitation of the Party in the districts and {n the Daily Worker must very popularly | bring out in concrete fashion the situation with | regard to unemployment, increased wages and favorable conditions of youth and woman labor, | the growing enthusiasm of the Soviet proletariat in the U.S.S.R. and the increasing misery of the masses, mass unemployment, further sharp re- duction of wages, denial of unemployment in- surance and cut down of immediate relief and the imposition of forced labor upon the unem- ployed in the United States 4. The campaign for Noven wise bring out the national minorities in the Soviet Union in con- trast with the growing oppression of the Negro 7th must like~ situation of the liberated { masses and foreign born in the United States. | An important feature of this year’s celebration must be the penetration of the agrarian dis- tricts, drawing the agricultural workers and small farmers into the celebration around the agitation showing the results of the policy of collectivization in the U.S.S.R., the liquidation | of the Kulaks as a class and the alliance of the proletariat with the peasantry for the building up of Socialism, in contrast with the situation | in the United States of increasing misery for the mass of agricultural workers and small farm- ers and the worsening of the conditions of the middle farmers, It must bring out the widening of the social insurance to woman labor, the drawing in of women into industry and their greater participation in the political life in con- trast with the situation in the United States and also the elevation of the conditions of the work- ing youth in contrast to the worsening of their conditions in the United States. 5. The campaign must expose the sham of the “planned economy” slogans issued by the bourgeoisie and social fascists and show them to be slogans for the further worsening of the conditions of the workers in the United States, and must e: lly expose the role of the reac- tionary officialdom and the socialist party in preparation of the war against the Soviet Union. Central Committee Statement The Recent Events in Cleveland "HE shooting of two Negro workers and wound- ing of four in a fight against evictions follow- ing similar incident in Chicago should give many experiences to our whole Party in mobilizing large masses of workers. In the past two years capitalism has taken a large number of martyrs | from our ranks. This has called forth a mass resentment (New York - Chicago - Cleveland) which must be even more consolidated into our ranks, Building the Party and mass organiza- tions. The Activity of Council No. 8. It is not accidental that the attack was made against Unemployed Council No. 8, which is lo- cated in the heart of the jim-crowed Negro dis- trict in Clev id. This council, with a mem- bership of 800 before the mi re (now reached about 1,200) is an active force in fighting against evictions and for immediate relief of the work- ers in that territory. It is especially this section with its large Negro population segregated that suffers more the brunt of unemployment. Recognizing this the sheriff decided to carry the eviction out at night. In this way attempting to frustrate the plans of the Unemployed Coun- cil to fight against the eviction. But in this they were mistaken. Immediately more than 300 were gathered to stop this new maneuver. Finding themselves frustrated the police were called and without warning the murderous shooting into the crowd was started. Immediate Response Against Police Terror. The workers heroically defended themselves as best they could from this murderous aitack. Un- daunted by the attack a meeting was held im- attended by hundreds of workers in protest against the murder and preparing to fight against the police terror. Despite the send- ing in of additional police to terrorize the Ne- groes in the neighborhood the Unemployed Council jammed its hall the following afternoon and marched back to the house to put back the furniture. The response of the Cleveland workers to the mass demonstration at the funeral even sur- prised many leading comrades. With over 30,- 000 at the demonstration and 10,000 in the line of march the Cleveland workers have shown that they support the Communist Party. Significant is the splendid discipline on this occasion and the fact that we succeeded prior to the funeral in wringing a number of concessions from the city adlinistration, While many plainclothes men were no doubt sent, not a policeman was to be found at the demonstration or near the line of march. The high militancy among the workers against this massacre forced the city officials to concede to many of our demands (removal of wounded to hospital, no police at funeral, march- ing through congested traffic area on a Saturday afternoon). Our Mistakes In This Campaign. In order to correctly estimate these events we must learn from the experiences in Cleveland. A number of these mistakes are too oft repeated, but in an “emergency” they are usually tested ‘and glaringly shown up. What are they? 1)"We waited too long before issuing our first leaflet: While the capitalist press shouted for more blood, we had no leaflets to counteract it. For example, the Press, “liberal” Scripps-Howard sheet, wrote editorially, “The occasion calls for the prosecution of the mob leaders under the appropriate laws.” But we waited until the sec- ond day before we had any leaflets issued. This was later overcome but some time was lost. The fact that we had the Uj Elore here was of con- siderable aid. It demonstrated what a Commu- Support the National Hunger March Demand for $150 Cash Winter Relief for Each Jobless Worker nist press can do in a city. tion and appeal in English it gathered 1,000 Hungarian workers for the funeral. 2) While exposing the Negro reformists in our propaganda we did not sufficiently link them up with the city administration of which they are a part. Especially was it necessary to tear off the mask of the Negro councilmen who were aiding the preparation of “race riots” on the basis that white Communists had “led Negroes to slaughter.” This was answered by the mighty demonstration which was attended by about 50 per cent white workers and w the greatest expression of Negro and white solidarity wit- nessed in Cleveland. 3) The quick response that was necessary on this occasion showed the lack of our emergency apparatus. It proyed to our whole membership that this phase of work, heretofore neglected, must be immediately corrected. In the present be prepared for any emer- atus that can cope with period our Party mu gency and have ar the necessary problems 4) The main resolvtion of the 13th Plenum stated concerning the Young Communist League, “The work among the youth is more and more | our Party in every field of struggle, unemployed movement, Negro work, etc.” Yet, only a short period since the Plenum we must record that the Paivy on this occasion did not carry out the decision of the Plenum. While the Y.C.L. re- sponded to the situation, the Party did nothing to help the League on this occasion. 5) During the whole campaign we said nothing concerning the role of the “socialists”. But im- mediately following the murder, the “socialist” party came to the support of the murderers. It stated, “We condemn the leadership of the Com- munists who are fanatics and who are irrespon- sible.” What difference between this and the rest of the bourgeois press? While the “socialist” party is insignificant here, it must be recognized that they will be utilized by the bourgeoisie just when such events occur and we must frcm the beginning expose them before the masses. The Main Immediate Tasks. Here we do not wish to emphasize «ll prob- lems that have arisett as a course of this cam- paign. But only indicate some main points in our program of work. In separate articles it will be necessary to point out to what extent we are | successful in this work. In all speeches and leaflets responsibility was primarily stressed on the city administration. Now a mass workers’ trial is prepared where the city administration will be exposed and the meet- ing utilized to winning workers to the support of the Communist election program. ‘The largest number of those recruited must be kept in the Party. For this a special commission has been set up. Meetings are being called of all applicants, Classes “On What the Commu- nist Party Stands For” will be conducted and comrades assigned to be responsible that these new members attend the meetings (special vis- iting committees). Workers from large factories who have joined are being visited personally by members of the commission in order to help in organizing shop nuclei, 1m the section where the massacre has occurred a full time comrade has been placed in charge. Leaflets exposing the Negro reformists are is- sued as well as a series of meetings explaining our program, The L.S.N.R. is preparing for a broad united front conference to be held at the time of the Nat Turner ceatenary and to be linked up with the present murderous attacks here. All our revolutionary organizations have in- tensified their activity as a result of this event, to increase their membership and build the revo- luttonary movement in Cleveland on the basis of the tremendous support of the workers against the bloody attacks, With its special edi- | | | hind with their s LABOR UNDER THE FIVE E NIGHT-POTS By BURCK YEAR PLAN HE rapid development of industry in the Soviet Union during the past few years has been accompanied by continuous improvement in the working and living conditions of the popula- tion. The tremendous increase in the volume of production and the large extent of new construc- tion during the first two years of the Five-Year Plan resulted in a great demand for new workers, both skilled and unskilled, which increased by the fall of 1930 to the point where unemployment was completely eliminated. This in itself is an cutstanding achievement. Not only are all the workers in the USSR. employed, but their cultural level has been raised and their social consciousness aroused. Reflec- tions of this process may be observed in the vari- ous forms of the so-called “socialist competition” and “shock-brigade” work. By “socialist compe- tition” is meant friendly competition between branches of industry, individual plants, various departments of the same plant, or individual workers to increase the quantity or improve the quality of output, to reduce costs, or to exceed the plans for a given period in any respect. “Shock-brigades” are voluntary groups of work- ers who assume the initiative in setting the pace in their respective factories, mines, collective or state farms, etc. They also go, in case of need, to assist other enterprises or farms which are be- hedules. These socialist forms of labor activity have constituted important fac- tors in increasing labor productivity and in car- rying out the production schedules. The increased productivity of labor has, in its turn, brought about an improvement in the ma- terial well-being of the workers. The past few xy | years have witnessed a steady increase in wages, becoming a living, practical problem of today for both nominal and real, and a resultant raising of the workers’ standard of living to a level far | above that prevailing in pre-war Russia. Number of Workers. The number of wage earners in the Soviet Union has increased during the past few years not only in absolute figures but also in compari- son with the total population. The number of persons working for hire (excluding agricultural labor) increased from an average of 8,866,000 in the fiscal year 1926-27 to 12,429,000 in 1930, or a gain during the period of 40 per cent. The average annual increase in the number of wage- earners amounts, therefore, to over 12 per cent, while the average annual gain in the total pop- ulation during the same period was only 2.7 per cent. The proportion of non-agricultural wage- earners in the total population mounted during this period from 60 to 77 per 1,000 and is ex- pected to reach 85 per 1,000 in 1931. The num- Jvotzkyites Try to Disrupt the Un- employed Movement in Minneapolis IN pursuance of their counter-revolutionary line, the Trotzkyite renegades do not stop even before attempts to disrupt the unemployed move- ment. Thus, through their agent, Otto Von Schop- pleroi, who pretended to be a good member of the Party, they have attempted to disrupt and split the Seven Corners Branch of the Unem- ployed Council of Minneapolis away from Com- munist leadership, and to disrupt also the Workers International Relief. But all their provocative attempts have been frustrated, and the District Committee of the Communist Party District 9 has exposed and expelled Otto Von Schoppleroi, and he will be known now to the workers of Minneapolis as an enemy of the revolutionary movement who is working hand-in-hand with the renegades, and with whom all revolutionary workers and workers’ organizations will have nothing fur- ther to do. District Committee of District 9 Communist Party of the U.S.A. ber of non-agricultural wage earners in 1931 Is estimated at 13,713,000, which represents an in- creased from 399,000 in 1929 to 694,000 in 1930, ‘The total number of wage-earners employed in agriculture, on the other hand, declined about 6 per cent during 1928 and 1929, and then in 1930 regained the lost ground with a slight excess. ‘The actual totals were 2,123,700 in 1926-27, 2,007,- 000 in 1928, 1,989,000 in 1929, and 2,158,000 in 1930. The decline is to be accounted for chiefly by the fact-that, as a result of the collectiviza- tion movement and the drive against the kulaks (well-to-do peasants) in the years 1928-30, the agricultural laborers formerly hired by the kulaks joined the collective farms and were no longer classed as wage earners. It may also be laid in part to the fact that the organization of col- lective farms and the mechanization of agricul- ture created a surplus labor power in agricul- ture which was absorbed by industry. The in- crease in 1930 was due to the organization of many new state farms (grain, cattle, and in- dustrial crop). Wage earners on state farms, in- creased from 399,000 in .929 to 694,000 in 1930, or by nearly 300,000 (75 per cent), while those in agriculture as a whole increased by only 169,000. ‘The ‘number of wage earners in private trade dropped from 87,000 in 1926-27 to 24,000 in 1928-- 29, and their share in the total number of work- ers in trade from 13 to 3 per cent. In all branches of labor the number of persons employed by the private sector (not including domestic workers) dropped from 419,000 in 1926- 27 to 190,000 in 1928-29, while their share in the total number of workers fell from 5 to 2 per cent. In census industry the private sector has almost disappeared. Thus, in 1930, the distribution of workers in census industry was as follows: state enterprises—95.4 per cent, cooperative enterprises —4.1 per cent, private entepriss (not including foreign concessions)—0.1 per cent, concessions— 0.4 per cent. ‘The greatest growth in the number of workers was recorded in those branches turning out pro- ducers’ goods. This was a result of the policy carried out during the first years of the Five- Year Plan of placing special emphasis upon the development of heavy industry, as a necessary basis for the advancement of the national econ- omy as a whole, including light industry and agriculture. The Marvelous Milkmaid —- Norman Thomas By HARRISON GEORGE. A from milking cows, Norman Thomas, leader of the so-called “so- clalist” party, has other notable accomplishments. the art of being—in appearance, at least—on both sides of the class struggle. In the “New Leader” of Oct. 17, Thomas essays to reprove his erst- while “comrade” of yesterday, Ramsay MacDonald, as—“sorry figure who has hypnotized himself into thinking himself a messiah, but a messiah without a program.” Which, of course, is nonsense, because MacDonald has a program. And everyone knows that it is against the British workers and for British Indeed, Thomas himself infers as much, by saying that the National Government of Britain, at the head of which MacDonald stands: “Justified cuts in unemployment insurance on the ground of lowered cost of living and proceeded by inflation to increase the cost of living.” Now, workers, if MacDonald's National Government represents the | interests of the capitalist class, why should Norman Thomas be so silly as to say, in the same article, that it is an “unnatural” government?, Is it not the most natural thing in the world that(until the workers over- throw the. capitalists and set up their own Soviet government) capitalists capitalists. control government for their own advantage? But—hold! save a hazy pathjotism.” So? A “hazy patriotism,” however, that results in wage cuts, both direct and indirect. (by inflation of the currency). obscure its capitalist class character. But by accenting their “PAST records,” Thomas, the American “so- clalist,” indicates that the National Government is “unnatural” most par- ticularly because it is a coalition of openly acknowledged capitalist lead- ers with a supposed “socialist” prime’ minister, MacDonald. Thomas says as much, referring to it again as: “|, , this unnatural alliance of political Tory party with a MacDonald dressing.” But, stop! he denies to his “comrade,” MacDonald. If tt be “unnatural” Here the Rev. Thomas discovers something! tional Government of Great Britain is “unnatural” because: “Its leaders, judged by their past records, have nothing in common Incompatibilities, this What of the American “socialist” leader, Mr. Thomas, himself? The Citizen's Union of New York, which is certainly a capi- talist political organization, which in fact specifically states that it does NOT endorse “any platform or program” of the “socialist” party, has endorsed Mr. Thomas for Borough President—and Mr. Thomas, far from coldly rejecting it, coyly accepts this openly anti-soclalist support which for. Ramsay MacDonald to appeal to British lecters to support what is called a “non-partisan” government, what ts it for Norman Thomas to appeal for votes in New York City under the name of the “Norman Thomas Non-Partisan Committee,” a circular of Among them is | “socialist.” Thomas, the “social ‘The Na- living.” Not so fast! Not so “hazy” as to Indeed, ist,” which lies before us signed by thirty persons, none of whom is a More, the N. Y. World-Telegram, which is certainly a capitalist journal, gives Mr. Thomas, the “socialist,” a five-column feature write-up in its issue of Oct. 16, as a “Busy Righter of Wrongs.” assuredly indicates that capitalists can and do support so-called “social- ists” for office in America, as well as in England. Still more, the N. Y. Times, hide-bound reactionary paper, does not find it “unnatural” in its issue of Oct. 16, to speak a few kind words for the candidacy of the “socialist,” Mr. Thomas. And, by the way, it notes that Thomas would ably second the lone republican in the city adminis- tration, a Mr. Baldwin. Why does the alliance between a Tory named Baldwin and a “socialist” named MacDonald in London, nauseate Mr. a ” of New York, who seeks alliance with another “Tory” republican named Baldwin? But if Thomas can stand on both sides of the question of “social- ist”-capitalist coalition, his agility is no less when it’comes to a program. Again we repeat his censure of the British National Government: “It justified cuts in unemployment assistance on the ground of low- ered cost of living and it proceeded by inflation to increase the cost of All of which From this, workers might judge that the “socialist,” Norman Thomas, would hotly oppose wage cuts now being put over on American workers under the pretense that the cost of living is lower than before, and with equal heat would object to increasing the cost of living by inflation. Although Thomas thus bitterly scores Ramsay Mac- Donald for such outrageous sins in the New Leader of Oct. 17, Norman ‘Thomas had already comniitted himself to these anti-working class policies in the New Leader of Sept. 26, where he, in open justification of the wage cutting campaign begun by the U. 8. Steel Corporation, said: “In a time like this when prices are falling and the PURCHASING POWER OF A DOLLAR IS INCREASING, in a time, that is, of “defla- tion, sooner or later WAGES ARE GOING TO BE FORCED DOWN.” So much for Thomas’ approval for direct wage cuts. Then, in direct endorsement of increasing the cost of living, for which Thomas scolds MacDonald, Thomas said: “At present we must choose between further deflation or conscious and modest inflation. It is the latter that should be tried.” There, workers, you have the program of the “socialist,” Norman ‘Thomas, against the program of Norman Thomas, the “‘socialist.”. in fact, you have the program of a capitalist, pretending to be a “social- ‘There you have the reflection of MacDonald’s hypocrisy in the hypocriay of Norman Thomas ‘There, A Story of Sik Stockings By N. CARROLL. Whee strike of 8,000 full fashioned hosiery work- _ ers in four states against a 35-50 per cent wage-cut agreement of their union has been smashed by the officials of the American Fed- eration of Full Fashioned Hosiery Workers, part of the United Textile Workers Union. This cut affects approximately 18,000 workers, who have been working two to three days a week for the past 2 years, the majority being young girls making from $6 to $35 and the men, skilled knitters, getting from $30 to $60 weekly. This cut is embodied in the agreement signed with the Manufacturers’ Association which was or- ganized by the leaders of the A. F. F. F. H. W. The leadership of the union has posed for years as “progressive.” Its leaders are “socialists, anarchists and are under the influence of Muste-ism. It was necessary for them to give a good ex- for this cut and this is it: “That the non-union mills, being compelled to compete with the union mills under the new scale, will them- selves have to cut wages, and thus force the non-union workers out on strike,” This is remarkable strategy! But the national leadership, Emil Rieve, Smith, John Edelman, Carl Holderman (notorious ev- scab himself, and at present chief strikebreaker from the United Textile Workers) reckoned without their membership. Local after local came out on strike aaginst the agreement, telling the A. F. F. H, W. to go to hell. Then the leaders of that union worked out a new game in which the strikers were the goats, Expert Stalling In this game, the local officials and th committees became the central players. one they stalled off the declaration of “strike,” and Spent days discussing, arguing, voting, talking, blowing off steam, in a clear effort to demoral. ize the strikers. In Dover, N. J. they took FIVE strike votes. Holderman went from local to lo- cal, urging the workers to return to work, and was booed and heckled chiefly by the young strikers, who wanted a real strike. No organi- zation was set up; the old shop committees, representing the organized workers, the knitters, or about one-third of the entire shop, became the “strike committees,” in only isolated cases with the addition of 1 or 2 more girls. No picket lines were organized, and no relief, Only daily meetings for talk and more talk. “Compromise Talk” From the beginning a group of local officials have been propagandizing for “a comprise of 15-25 per cent wage-cut, in place of the 50 per cent.” This despite the fact that Gotham made a quarter of a million dollars in 6 months of 1931, a 70 per cent increase over 1930; despite the fact that other hosiery companies report in- creased business in 1931, and this is the pro- holiday season. Then the strikers went to Readinz, Pa., where the great Berkshire mills are Iccated, in a picket line 3,000 strong. They encircled the plant, and who should be at thet head but the scab, Carl Holderman! Is it surprising that the Berkshire workers, al- ready working under rotten conditions, refused to come out and join hands with a union whose agreement provides for a 30-50 per cent cut now, and more to come later, and whose picket, leader is such a strike-breaker 2g this Holderman? It isn’t surprising. Yet, when one department, 100 footers, came out against a 10 per cent cut, they found the Picket line down at the park, being urged by the leaders to go back home. Finally, it was Governor Pinchot’s “friendly” murderers, the state troopers who the AFFHW Officials said would “help the strike,” who dis- persed the great picket ilne without meeting any resistance, and made an “agreement with the Jeaders to cut the picket to 75! And now workers say they believe the leaders themselves called the troopers. The Philadelphia members of the union also failed to come out. Bulldozed by their national leadership, distrusting the hypocritical local of- ficials, remembering unemployment, and many previous disastrous strikes, they voted 756 to 460 to stay at work. But when they were told last week to come North to scab, they tore up their union books. And when New Jersey strik- ers threatened to come to Philadelphia to picket the UNION mills, Smith, the national organizer, warned: “You come to Philadelphia, and you'll find plenty. of police waiting for you!” Openly Strike Breaking The local officials openly played back into the hands of the officialdom of the union and the bosses. When Gotham, N. Y., plant advertised for scabs on Oct. 3-4, a picket line of 12 was placed at the shop, and a dozen girl strikers went into the plant, The rest of the strikers were taken to a meeting! The National Textile Workers Union, from the first day of the strike, warned the hosiery workers of the game of the national and local officialdom of the AF.F.F.H.W. N. T. W. U. members were met by the officials with violent measures to prevent the strikers from hearing the program of the N. T. W. U., which included RANK AND FILE STRIKE COMMITTEES, MASS PICKET LINES, EXPULSION OF ALL THE WAGE-CUTTERS, from national down to local officials, and ORGANIZED SPREADING OF THE STRIKE. Today these workers are back at work, with the wage-cut and with their dues checked off by the bosses—35 cents weekly for the girls, 50 cents weekly for the men—the concession of graft the union leaders got in return for put- ting through the cut, The hosiery workers have learned many lessons about the officialdom of the A. F. of L. and the Muste-ites. ‘The fight is not over. More struggles will take place when the workers taste the starva- tion in store for them. The National Textile Workers Union calls upon the hosiery workers to REFUSE TO PAY THE CHECK-OFF! Build up progressive groups in every local under the leadership of the N.T.W.U.! Join the National Textile Workers Union, the only union which can and will lead the strikes of the textile work- ers; the union which is controlled by the rank and file and whose program is fight against the bosses and their officials. Fight against wage- cuts! ‘ ‘The struggle against militarism must not be postponed until the moment when war breaks out. Then it will be too late. The struggle against war must be carried on now, daily, hourly.” (Lenin.) W