The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 20, 1931, Page 4

® Pudlighea by Page Four F 13th the Co: vw York nd mail all “Winning the Illinois mprodaily Publishi City, N. ¥ checks to the Daily Work Telephone 56, Cable h Street, New York, N, Y¥ 6 “DATWORK.” Dail Control Ongo Worker fia? ist Party US.A Miners 3 tor the Program of the N. M. U. TASH By JOE ng the National Miners s coal fields, while not by ed, have been to a great ex- tent, sim 1 the application of the united front policy ing a road towards unity of the Mlinois 1 nd action based upon a militant progran the general leadership of the NMU., but a led by the miners them selves through their unity committees of action s of the coming struggles of the Illi- to draw the s depends on our abilit nois mi ranks of the miners together with the further appli of the united front tactic from be- low, and ou lity to expose repetitions of what | has taken place in Illinois time and again, namely, t of the miners through | the recent one led by ¥ led * diondson movements being the so-c: headed by Ri method to expose these The most effective and prevent them ad of move- be our united it will unite the miners on the ng a determination to progr? and eliminat- fake s at t To make poss assurance against fur- ther betrayals. the theory of our | inited front policy in action, uniting and lead- ing the miners in their struggles, depends on our understanding of this policy and our ability to put it into effect. Where, how, and when shall it be applied, on what basis, etc At the meeting of the National Committee of the Trade Union Unity League, held in Pitts- burgh recently, much criticism was made of our ‘activities of the N.M.U. in the Illinois coal fields. An impression was created that the policy reached by the Pittsburgh national unity con- ference held last July was not being carried out in Ilin Statements were even made that the united front movement that was given birth im- mediately after the conference, was now being abolished. It was pointed to the fact that the Unity Committees that were organized were re- cently transformed into locals of the N.M.U. Some comrades note this with alarm, and jump to the conclusions that the established united front policy has been ignored. At the time the Unity Committees were organ- zed in Illinois, the strike in the east was at its height. The basis of the Unity Committees at the time, rected on the issues of the strike itself, while at the same time we pointed out to the miners in the South that it was necessary to de- yp struggles at home, and use the Unity Com- mitiee as mediums to unite the miners on the basis of their own issues, and bring about uni- fdrm action. Some comrade in the Illinois coal | fields went to extremes. They laid too much em- phasis on Unity Committees and ignored the building of the N.M.U. What was the situation in the northern part of the state? The comrades here were building Unity Committees in a situa- tlon where we had not one member of the Union in the entire section of that field. Unity, they claimed, rested with the miners of Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia. This basis, everyone | will agree, I am sure, is not a basis upon which | we are to develop a united front movement of the Illinois miners, while the strike in the east was taken advantage of and a major issue around which the Unity Committees at the time were established, certainly the real living and existing basis for the united front lies princi- pally right here in Illinois, coming to the sur- face in the form of Grievance Committees and issues arising in the day to day life of the miners. It was therefore necessary to call to the atten- | tion of the comrades in the north the fact that they were nursing an animal that would die for want of breath, or in another way of putting it, they were busy building a wagon without giving regard to the pulling power. It became necessary to give the animal breath, and to supply the wagon with a horse; In other words, to place the basis of the united front movement on the issues of the miners at home, and to build the N.M.U. as a driving force in the unity movement, The following happened: We approached the miners in the Unity Com- mittee with the problem, made it clear that the N.M.U. had to be built. The result was when we asked the miners to join our union, all of them in the Unity Committees did so, and when this was reported at the T.U.U.L. board meet- ing, we were accused of changing the policy. I think that it can be said that we corrected the obvious misunderstanding and the incorrect ap- piteation of the policy. The building of the united front movement cannot be separated from the building of the union itself, and if at the present, we do not have in Illinois a broad united front movement, and if we do not have Unity Committees, it is because the union is weak. In my opinion it is only a dream to think of a solid united tront movement in the absence of the N.M.U. The Unity Committees must be established to take up the issues of the miners as they arise, to- gether with the members of the N. M. U. on a program or demands that the N.M.U. members take the lead to present. In my opinion Unity Committees must not be established as perma- nent institutions, but must be born as a result of burning grievances of the miners against which the NM.U. calls for action, and seeks the united effort of all miners in particular pit or territory for a particular issue or grievance, and this call not to come from Pennsylvania, Ohio, or any other section of the mining fields, but from the N.M.U. right here in Illinois, as weak as it is, and this weakness will be a phrase of the past so far as Illinois is concerned if we are successful in applying the united front policy:in a realistic timely manner, If the united front. policy will be used in a | hap-hazard manner, there is a great danger that we are apt to discredit it; it must not be played with, it is not a toy, it is a very effective method | in the hands of our union to smash the barriers put up by the enemies of the miners to keep | them out of our union and away from struggle that »would lead them to victory. The existing siuation in the Illinois coal fields presents to us a favorable opportunity to re- establish our union. Great unrest prevails among the miners, who are sick and tired of the strike-breaking officialdom of the United Mipe Workers of America to the extent where 70 per cent of them refused to pay dues to both Lewis and Walker, it was to our discredit that We weré unable to prevent the fakers at the head of their movement from repeating the purpose of other groupings like the re-organized movement head- ed by Howitt. However, as a result of the past betrayals of the Illinois miners, and such movements as the “rank and file movement” and on the other hand, the continuing attacks of the operators upon their conditions and being aware of a no- ticeable increase in the number of unemployed and realizing that the coal operators want to further cut their wages on April 1, the miners are beginning to look toward the National Min- ers Union for leadership. The adoption of three resolutions in five locals of the U.M.W.A., which represented by National Miners Union mem- U.M.W.A., is a sign that the miners of Illinois are again, despite the criminal mistakes of our union in Illinois in the past, willing to throw their strength in support of our program and build the N.M.U. into a power. Notes on Certain Cotton, Woolen, and Worsted Companies By Labor Research Association. RLINGTON MILLS, manufacturers of worsted textiles, has been a source of rich profits to the capitalists who control it, including William Whitman Co. of Boston. From 1877 to 1902 it paid dividends on common stock of at least 6 per cent per annum. From 1903 to 1912 the returns rose to 8 per cent anhually. In the years following the rates ran as follows—6, 2, 4, 6's, 7, 815, 9, 85, 8, 8, 8, 8, 61-3, 3 per cent But there were also stock dividends—one of 231-3 per cent in 1905 and one of 50 per cent in 1920. In 1923 the net profit of the company’s opera- tions was about 25 per cent on the capital stock of $12.000,000. In more recent years it has made operating profits, but after charging off for heavy reserves it has not paid dividends since July, 1927. Its current assets are now about four times its current liabilities. ‘ . Pacific Mills ranks after Amoskeag Mfg. Co. and American Woolen Co. as the largest textile manufacturing concern in the United States and one of the largest in the world At capacity cveration it runs about 620,000 snindles, 14,000 looms, 52 printing machines, and 95 bleaching kiers. It is primarily a cotton pro- ducing concern, worsteds making up possibly 5 per cent of its product Mills are located at Lawrence, Mass., Colombia | and Lyman, S. C., and Dover, N. H. About 40 | per cent of the spinning and weaving is done in {ts South Garolina mills, about 30 per cent at Lawrence, and the remainder at Dover, N. H. About 80 per cent of its finishing operations are carried on at Lawrence; the remainder at Ly- man, S. C. When working all its plants at capacity the company employs over 10,000 workers. Boston financiers control the company, four 1 of directors—R. Foster, P. Stockton, of the b D. G. Wing and R. I, Herrick—representing the Pirst Nat‘oncl-Old Colony Trust Co.. the most porerful benking merger in New England, while FP. L. Higginson represents the banking house of Lee, Higginson & Co., and E. 8. Webster rep- resents Stone and Webster, All of these’men are directors of nationally known corporations while anther director, A. Lyman, is also a director of the American Telephone and Telegraph Co. The company has been a rich source of in- come for the bankers who control it and the ee ‘ | cent—: | $2,565.21 other stockholders who include the richest, fam- ilies in New England and New York. The com- pany paid dividends continuously for 62 years excepting only 1882 and 1883. In 1912 it de- clared a stock dividend of 200 per cent following which it paid regular and extra dividends which ran as follows (multiply these per cents by three and you see at what rate the stockholders who | shared the stock. dividend melon, were being | paid): 1913, 6 per cent; 1914, 6 per cent; 1915, 6 per cent: 1916, 8 per cent; 1917, 9 per cent—in addition that year to a stock dividend of 25 per 1918, 20 per cent; 1919, 11 per cent; 1920, 17 per cent: 1921, 12 per cent; 1922, 12 per cent—in*addjtion to a 100 per cent stock: dividend; 1923, 6 pen cent; 1924, 6 per cent; 1925, 33-4 per cent. In more recent years it has paid no dividends but in every year since 1925 it has made an oper- ating profit and in three years a substantial net. profit, the latest being in 1929 when’ net profit was $1,031,000 after all interest and other charges | which included large payments to banks and capitalists. In 1929 and 1930 the company was able to pay off $13,000,000 of 544 per cent notes, the last of its funded debt, so that it has no notes payable today. The company’s depreciation reserve is about 45 ¢ per cent of the gross plant account which is car- ried at the inflated figure of $48,458.900. These depreciation allowances are considered more than excessive by conservative financial observ- ers. For example, it set aside $1,459,000 for de- preciation alone in 1930. A leading specialist in analyzing textile stocks for investors considered the company as “better off at the end of 1930 than it had been for five years before, income losses notwithstanding.” Pacific has over $1,800,000 in cash on hand. Its last financial statement, June, 1931, shows current assets of $17,628.401 as against current liabilities of $1,404,008, leaving a higher net working capital than it had five years ago. It also has a surplus in its treasury amounting to As @ result of these facts the company’s heay- ily watered stock, nearly $40,000,000 of which is outstanding, is still regarded as a “good buy” for the “long pull” by the advisors to stock speculators. These speculators are naturally supporting the bankers in their decision to cut wages another 10 per cent, am SELF HELP—AND HOW Agitators’ and Propagandists’ _. Column Dividends for Bank Stockholders K spite of a financial crisis so serious that eapi- talist leaders try to create an emergency pool to pump artificial credit into collapsing banks, the biggest banks in the United States can still report huge profits. All banking profits have shrunk with the long industrial stagnation, but the leading giants and some of the well-placed smaller banks have continued to pay large divi- dends to their stockholders. Here are a few of the banks which have not reduced their dividend rates. First are five New York banks in which the House of Morgan and their closest allies dominate policies: Guaranty Trust Co. is paying without reduc- tion dividends of $20 a share or a total of $18,- 000,000 a year to its stockholders. Bankers Trust Co. is still paying 30 per cent dividends on its $25,000,000 par value stock, or a total of $7,500,000 a year. First National Bank (New York) pays what amounts to a 100 per cent yearly dividend. Part of this comes from the,stock of the banks in- vestment twin, the First Security Company, but. this stock was crested es a gift from the bank's surplus to its stockholders, and ownership in the First Security Compahy is inseparable from own- ership in the First National Bank. The par value of the bank's stock is $10,000,000 and its stock- holders receive yearly a combined total of $10,- 000,000 in dividends, New York Trust Co. continues to pay 20 per cent dividends on its $12,500,000 par value of stock, or a total of $2,500,000 a year. United States Trust Co., a small but powerful financial fortress quite unrelated to the defunct Bank of United States, pays 70 per cent dividends on its $2,000,000 of stock, or $1,400,090 a year to its stockholders, So when U. S. Steel Corp. cuts its dividends down from $7 to $4 a share (or really only to $5.60 for old stockholders, thanks to the 40 per cent stock dividend of 1928) the inner circle of Morgan-Baker stockholders can turn cheerfully to their bank dividends for consolation. (While the steel workers who had lost over 50 per cent in weekly earnings through part-time employ- ment and now have a 10 per cent cut in wage rates besides, are expected to find consolation in the fine phrases of Walter S. Gifford and will be faced with cops and machine guns when they strike to demand something more than starva- tion.) Chase National Bank, the largest bank in the United States, represents several financial groups (including Morgan) byt here the Rockefeller in- terests make up the strongest group. Chase National pays its stockholders $27,600,000 a year. One-fourth of this comes from the Chase Securi- ties Corp. an investment twin like the First Security Co. of the First National Bank. Chase Securities Corp, was created by a stock dividend presented to the shareholders of the bank; every capitalist whg owns shares in the bank owns the same number of shares in the twin company. ‘The bank stock has no stated par value but it is carried on the bank’s balance sheet at $148,000,- 000. The combined dividend totaling $27,600,000 is practically equivalent to 20 per cent. National City Bank of New York, the second largest in the United States, has a more compli- cated system of subsidiaries. The par value of the National City Bank stock is $110,000,000. Its stockholders receive combined dividends from the bank, the National City Company and the City Bank Farmers Trust Company otaling $22,000,- 000 or 20 per cent a year, Continental Illinois Bank and Trust Co. is the largest bank in Chicago. It pays only 16 per cent dividends, but with $75,000,000 of stock this mounts up to a tidy $12,000,000 a year for its stockholders. The most profitable bank in the country is Mellon's central concern, the Union Trust Co. of Pittsburgh which controls the Mellon National Bank and other subsidiaries. It pays on its own $1,500,000 stock the highest rate of dividend: 206 per cent a year or $3,090,000 yearly. | Wage Cuts for Workers and: The Mexican Government and the Ly mail everywhere: Une year wo, BX Muni, yoy ce of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: ene year, $2; o.. . pn By BURCK - League of Nations 'HE Mexican government has become a mem- ‘ber of the League of Nations. In accepting the invitation of the Twelfth Assembly of the League to join this combination of world im- perialism, the Mexican government made a ges- ture of opposition to the Monroe Doctrine. This was taken, in som’ bourgeois quartéfs of Latin America, as an indication of a change of policy by the Ortiz Bubio clique towards Yankee im- perialism. *Reports from Mexico went even as far as saying that the Mexican delegate to the League of Nations will undertake to voice op- position to Yankee imperialism in the name of the countries of Latin America. ‘The facts of the situation do not justify any such expectations. It is just as likely that the Ortiz Rubio delegate to the League of Nations will undertake to function there as an acent of Yankee imperialism AGAINST the peoples of Latin America and against the imperialist rivals of ‘the United States. This does not exclude the possibility that the Ortiz Rubio government may see fit to flirt with other imperialist powers, especially Britain, even putting up a certain show of “opposition” to the Yankees. But this does not change the fundamental réle of the Ortiz Rubio government—the role of servant and mainstay of Yankee imperialism in Mexico, However, there is certain significance behind the recent gestures of “opposition” of the Ortiz Rubio government to the United States. This clique of fascist murderers, which has grown fat and rich in the process of helping Yankee im- perialism to extend its domination in Mexico, finds itself confronted at the present time with @ growing wave of mass resentmen’ against it- self and its Yankee imperialist mastors. The masses Of workers and peasants, whose lives have been made unbearable by the deepening crisis and the rapacious exploitation of the native and foreign oppressors, are rising to struggle against. foreign imperialism, especially Yankee, and its native tools. At the same time, the Ortiz Rubio clique is being pressed very hard by the pro- British section of the Mexican bourgeoisie, which in part reflects the sharpening rivalries between Yankee and British imperialism. The Ortiz Rubio-Calles clique is therefore compelled to maneuver. It is forced to make certain gestures of “opposition” te Yankee im- nerialism—such as, its recent “défiance” of the Monroe Doctrine—in order to pacify and de- ceive the workers and exploited peasants while at the same time crushing mercilessly every genuine anti-imperialist movement. It is forced to make these gestures also for the additional reason that the domination of the Ortiz Rubio- Calles clique in the “National Revolutionary Party” is being seriously threatened by the pro- British section of this party and of the Mexican bourgeoisie and landholders. All this goes to show that the temporary and relative stabilization, which was brought about. under the guidance of Morrow, IS RAPIDLY “COMING TO AN END. The recent death of the “stabilizer” of Mexico under Yankee hege- mony may he symbolical of the approaching death of the regime that he helped to establish. Morrow's regime of temporary \and_ relative stabilization in Mexico was established at the cost ‘of the almost complete svbingation of the economic and political life of the country to Yankee imperialism. In the wake of Dwight W. Morrow, who was one of the pillars of the General Electric ard of the House of Morgan, came the further entrenchment into the eco- nomic and political life of Mexico of the Na- tional City Bank, the International Telephone and Telegraph Company, the Electric Bond and Share Co, (a subsidiary’of the General Electric), and other Yankee monopolist corporations. ‘There began a veritable orgy of imperialist rob- hery and spoliation in which the Calles-Rubio clique also grew rich and powerful. The foreign oil-trusts were securely re-established in their possessions. The Church was placated to make peace with the state at the expense of the peasantry, The carrying out of the Agrarian Reform, which at best was no solution for the agrarian problem in Mexico, was stopped al- together and a fresh campaign was instituted to drive the peasantry off the land. According ‘to Carleton Beals, 60 per cent of the land, privately held in twenty-nine states, is at present com- prised in haciendas of over 2,500 acres, 48 per cent in haciendas of over 10,000 acres and 20 per cent dm haciendas of over 250,000 acres. The working class standards of living were system- atically cut and reduced and a fascist Labor Code established—as part of a whole system of fascist rule—to prevent and crush the struggle of the workers against this oppression, The revolutionary movements of the workers and peasants were persecuted with the utmost bru- tality (the Communist Party, Young Communist League, the revolutionary unions of the CSUM, the militant peasant organizations, etc.), their leaders being jailed or assassinated. By these means Morrow's stabilization was established. The political structure of this re- gime, represented by Calles-Rubio, was to rest on the Mexican bourgeoisie, especially the big | commercial bourgeoisie, in alliance with the | landlords and Church, functioning under the | hegemony of Yankee imperialism: THIS RE- |GIME IS NOW CRACKING ON ALL SIDES. It is beginr'ng to give way to the growing pres- sure of the deepening crisis, the maturing revo- lutionary uvsurge of the masses, and to its own inner contradictions which are becoming inten- sified by the sharpening rivalries between Bri- tish and Yankee imperialism. During the period of its temporary and rela- tive stabilization under Yankee hegemony, Mex- ico had become more than ever a raw material appendix to foreign imperialism. Not only was the growth of native industry obstructed but also agriculture was being ruined finding itself at the present time below pre-1910 production excepting the West Coast fresh vegetables and bananas which ‘are mostly for export . That is why the outbreak of the world economic crisis in 1929 had struck Mexico with such tremen- dous force. Having become transformed into @ producer of raw material for foreign capital- ism, and the prices of raw material having fallen catastrophically because of the crisis, Mexican exports have been decreasing at a rapid rate. Mexico’s exports during the first six months of 1931 amounted to 177,703,235 pesos as compared with 271,928,819 pesos in 1930, which was al- ready a crisis year—a drop of over 65 per cent. This terrific drop in exports meant a sharp decline in production of petroleum, shutting down of mining, ruination and collapse of the henequin industry, sugar, coffee, etc. with a rapid growth of unemployment and misery among the industrial and agricultural workers. This drop in exports, together with the’ con- stant drain of the meager gold reserves by the payment of the interest on the foreign debts (Monte de Oca Agreement), resulted in the steady depreciation of the currency which was further robbing the toiling masses of their earnings and incomes. The “Calles Plan” not only legalizes this robbery of the masses but opens the way for their more intense and wide- ‘spread ruination. The deepening of the crisis is accelerating the disintegration of the Calles-Rubio regime. Its forced maneuvers of pretending opposition to the Monroe Doctrine, which accompanied Mex- ico’s joining the League of Nations, is evidence of this fact. By these maneuvers the Calles- Rubio clique proposes to fool the masses with the demagogy of opposition to the Yankees. These maneuvers are also intended to counter the moves of the pro-British wing of the “Na- tional Revolutionary Party.” But these maneuvers and pretensions are bound to fail. They cannot continue for long to fool the workers and peasants, nor can they succeed in liquidating the inner contradictions of the Ortiz Rubio regime. These inner con- flicts are sharpening daily because of the deep- ening crisis and sharpening rivalries of Yankee and British imperialism. But, above all, these maneuvets cannot save the present regime from. eventual collapse because of the rise of the revo- lutionary upsurge among the masses. The work- ing class and the toiling peasantry of Mexico, under the leadership of the Communist Party, will develop increasingly larger battles against the foreign oppressors and their native tools and supporters—Yankee and British, Through these independent revolutionary struggles, under the leadership of the Communist Party, the working class in alliance with the toiling peas- antry will bring the anti-imperialist and agrar- jan revelution in Mexico to victory, establishing % Worlers’ and Peasants’ Government, LS Leading the Masses The cops couldn’t find a solitary Communist in the whole crowd to arrest, beat up or appeal to make ‘em stop. The battle raged back and forth, with “Sheridan twenty miles away” and sound asleep, But the workers stormed ‘round the cops until teh sergeant in charge, in desperation, sent a “message to Garcia” in the form of a big bull te Section headquarters, where, we understand. something like the following took place: “Heyi A lot of woikers are blockin’ traffic at 9th St. an’ Ave. A.” “Y-a-h? You don’t say! How many?” “Streets packed with ’em, I'll say. Ain't you fellows goin’ to parade or somethin’?” “We WERE. From there to Rutgers Square. But the police refused to permit it. q 5 ‘we called it off. We're only going to speak at the Square, not parade. Maybe they didn’t read our second announcement. We can't march without @ per- mit, y'know.” “Uh-huh. I know. An’ we bin tellin’ them woikers that the parade wuz forbidden. But they won’t go "way—won’t take our word for it. Wotta you fellows goin’ t’do?” “Dunno. Wotta you si “Well, You fellows pias, BO before this without a permit, ain’t yuh?” “Gosh! We never thought-a tHat! right over!” Which is why a hugely successful election march from 9th St. and Ave. A to Rutgers Square was held recently under “leadership” of Section 1, District 2, C.P.U.S.A. . A Bold Man, And a Bad One Heywood Broun must have taken an extra quart the other day and decided to move vio- lently to the “left” of Norman Thomas, who is going in strong for reforming capitalism with not even a whisper of some possible difference between the working class and the capitalist class. Broun rejects such policies, and in a little election sheet, called the "West Side Socialist News,” breathes alcoholic repudiation to the line of his fellow “socialist” candidate, saying: “Wwe cannot and should not give our full enthusiasm to reformist movements.” Then, throwing the dead soldier at the bar- tender, he blurts out: . “Speaking for myself, I am wholly devoted to the doctrine of revolution.” No doubt some meditative hiccoughs made him pause. Even with that “speaking for my- self” freeing the “socialist” party from such “extremist” policy, still it looked bad, that word “revolution” standing there in cold type. So the addition: “TI am not speaking of machine guns or barri- cades. .. . I am, before all else, a pacifist. But I am thoroughly in sympathy with the belief that weapons such as a general strike may very properly be employed in conjunction with the use of the ballot to reshape our national aspira- tions and needs.” Ummm. .. If a general strike ever is called te “reshape national aspirations” it MIGHT be all right. But, even in such a case, these is still the question—it MAY or MAY NOT be “PROPER.” And who can say that it IS “proper” if all “right-thinking”, people, such as the editor of the Scripps-Howard papers, declare it “entirely improper?” Alas, no one, since mere workers don’t count. But still, we must at least try to get their votes. Hence, let the “socialist” Norman ‘Thomas acecpt the endorsement of the Citizen's Union and get the capitalist votes. I have an- other role to play than crawling under the bed in a lewd Bowery farce, so I take the bit (or the bottle) in my teeth dnd roar defiance: “I intend to answer none of the questionnaires sent out by organizations such the Citizen's Union. They mean very well. But we are play- ing on opposite sides of the street.” So a new “left wing” appears in. the supposed “socialist” party. “New Methods” All unknown to thousands of revolutionary workers, there exists in this country a small group of renegades from Communism who fol- low the counter-revolutionary Trotsky—in fact two groups of them since one group expelled the other. And since these birds have been indus- triously reading this column in an attempt to make capital out of our crocodile, let’s see whether they feature this little bouquet in their next “exposure”: The Trotskists in Minneapolis are pretending to copy the Party’s new methods of work as re- gards “individual approach,” and worked out the following formula in parody of it: 3 1. A committee of two is elected to look up a “desirable element.” _ 2. Select a Hot Mamma with lots of “It” and an “S, A.” unblemished with any “B. 0.” Only the face need be innocent. 3. Arrange that the Hot Mamma makes “contact” with the “desirable element.” 4. The committee lays down the tactics, which may vary within the Hot Mamma Strategy. The Hot Mamma demands that the “desirable ele- ment” teach her to swim (that she knows how already has nothing to do with the case). Or, since workers are little interested in the sad fate of Trotsky, who is perpetuall yon the point of death but who never actually expires, and doctors are much easier. to recruit, the Hot Mamma suddenly develops a painful disorder a little below the equator and calls in the “de- sirable” medico. 5. After a month or so of “ideological prep- aration,” when the Hot Mamma reports that the prospect understands the “movement” in all its phases, the Committee goes into a huddle and decides that the hour is struck to sign up the “desirable element.” True, the way is long and risky to these “per- manent revolutionists” and personal sacrifice is demanded, even more fram the “desirable ele- ment” than from the self-abnegating Hot Mam- ma. But the world proletariat must be saved from the appalling dangers of “centrists.” So— play both ends against the middle. ia ec Oe ‘ Socialism—but not for women:—That ought te be the slogan of the election program of Ben- BI Daublin, “socialist” candidate for judge of the Supreme Court of New York in the Sec- ond Judicial District. He said “No” to the ques- tion of whether or not he approved women serv- ing on juries on the same terms as men. Of course, on second thought, the “soctalists” are against socialism for men, tool We'll be }