The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 14, 1931, Page 4

SUBSCRIPTION RATES: |= By mall everywhere: One, year, $6; six months, $3; twe months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City, Foreign: one year, $8; six months, $4.50. | Page Four On the Carrying Out of the 13th Plenum Decisions MASS PRESSURE EXPOSE By GIL GRE HE Detroit youth de ns’ jon for imme- diate relief and unemployment insurance hel tep in the correct dir attempt of the Det League ize independent actions in ta? struggle for the needs of the jobless youth. Tht demonstration, hi r, failed to bring to the forefront the te demands of the unem a lack of under: t social-dem on October 5 tion. It roit to or tand: with unem The New *Republic of October 1 was compelled to admit “But in Detroit alone, it has been estimated by medical authorities, at least one person starves to death every seven hours and fifteen minutes. A physician at the Receiving Hospital ntly that four people a are brought to the hos- ted r in this city rep day, on the average, , pital too far gone from starvation for their lives to be saved. Many others die loncly deaths out- side the ho: On one day in September, FOR IMMEDIATE ) SOCIAL DEMAGOGY DEMANDS TO rstanding The com- false und -demsgogy afraid ‘hat Mr. Murphy “would promise to grant these iemén First, it would be the dy of our comrades to or- ganize the young workers to ‘.emand immediate action. But, then again, whr¢ if he did promise relief due to the pressure of the workers? Would This show absolutely of how to combat soc rades in Detroit were it not expose Mr. Murphy all the easier once he failed to carry his promises out? It seems as if the comrases actually feared the danger (?) that Mr. Murpi> would grant + the demands, This shc that they themselves | were taken in by his demagogy. And suppose he did grant them. Would it not have been due to the mass pressure of the young and adult workers?, and could we not easily enough show to the masses? Could we not prove to them mass struggle that won these con- s? Of course we could! Plenum of the Pa and ch poi analyzed the dem.nded the ted out that the experi- for their The re- ame sed only i the struggi uncing.” ence of the 1 needs, and not the Pl solution of “It is necessary to unmask all these propo- sals of the republican, democratic and socialist andgthe A. F, of L. and all kinds of be achieved by parties, es. This ¢: progr To SOVIET By BURCK By JORGE Pas The Death of An Heiress Though unemployed workers and -impovere ished farmers are dying or killing themselves in desperation at their plight at the rate of 1,000 a day, that is not important under capitalism. “Local relief” will be “adequate,” especially when “coordinated” by the Gifford Commission set up by Hoover, What is important under capitalism is told by the Associated Press in the N. Y. Times (of Oct. 11), which claims it gives “all the news that’s fit to print.” What is important is cats; of course a cat of royal blood and none of your proletarian alley serenaders. Just as the capi- talist press gives rotogravature photos of all the nobility and rich, so the Times gave the follow- ing obituary of Mitzi, the ‘world’s wealthiest cat” "SAN GABRIEL, Calif., Oct. 10 (A.P.).—The last chapter in the monetary affairs of the world’s wealthiest cat, Mitzi, a blue Angora, which died intestate last April, will be written here today, “A Los Angeles auctioneer will ask for bids on the $10,000 furnishings of the $25,000 house which Mitzi occupied. The house has been maintained solely as a home for the cat, under the will of Dr. Maud Cain Ide, who died in Oc- tober, 1930. The cat died of a heart ailment at the age of 18. Among the articles will be a four- posted bed on which Mitzi had slept.” “Hurrah for capitalism and Angora cats! Life Is Short And art is fleeting, according to an old say- ing. But the revolutionary movement needs ae in Grand Circus Park where the homeless gather, three workers were found dead.” ‘The r Mr. Murpl governmen c y with th unmasking the politicians, and bosses’ agents, basis of concrete facts and thru the organization of the masses for struggle for our more artists, girls and boys (yes, and they may be growed up, too), We can’t promise them re- muneration before the revolution, but they can on the ical phrases of ~_ not do av, They cannot the fact that youth do ti not mar- and The t sufficiently un- derstand this. It did not place into the fore- ground the ands for ir ediate relief for the unemrp youth. This one of the for the cmall percentage of youth in the demon- stration o} 1 October 5. This den - tion vas of a 2 It was not ganized and pr he youth on the : le for immediate demands of Detroit @:plain this by ing, Ww to leave out the question of presenting demands to the city government mainly because oi the danger of Murphy uti ing this for his re-election as mayor. With his power of demagogy he would promise to grant these demands, and not allow us time to expose and point out to the workers his fakery, because this was on the day before the primaries.” writ- demands for immediate relief and unemploy- | ment insurance. We must prove to the work- ers, through their experience in struggle, that enly through mass struggles can they force the enactment of a genuine unemployment bill, and other concessions.” “Utilizing Even the Slishtest Signs | of Protest of the Masses” || Only by conducti everyday only by really fighting for the everyday interests of the workers and utilizing even the slightest signs of protest of the masses of the wot gainst exploitation | | r tic w the Communist Par- able to achieve the broad united front below, defeat Social Democracy, create mass revolutionary trade unions, or revolution- ary trade union oppositions, win the majority of the working class and lead the working class to the decisive battle for the dictatorship of ! the proletariat. (From the Resolution of the 11th Plenum of | |the Communist International.) persistent systematic and DEEPER INTO THE RANKS By SAM DON. ‘HERE are local elections this year in Boston. Elections for City Council in all the twenty wards of the city. There are 150 candidates running for office. The largest number in years The ihcrease in number of candidates, many of whom are competing with each other in social demagogy will tend to confuse and mislead the discontented ‘kers, Amongst the 150 candidates the Party candi- dates are not to be found. Why? Is it because the ruli class barred the Party from the ballot? Not at all. Nor is it-because a large number of signatures were required and the Party did not succeed in obtaining them. The number of signatures required for a ward can- didate is about fifty. There was not even an early attempt made to mobilize the Party for the election campaign in the city of Boston. Can it be merely explained by “criminal negli- gence?” We do not think so. Undoubtedly, as he leading comrades in Boston have stated, there wes criminel negligence. But it is more than that. There are two reasons for it: First— the underestimation of the election campaign and linked up with it anti-parliamentarian ten- dencies in practice. Second—insufficient ability to coordinate the various campaigns of the Party and to concentrate simultaneously on more than one basic activity. What is the meaning and what will be the political consequences of the Party's failure to participate in the Boston city elections? To stete it briefly and sharply: (1) The bourgeoisie swiilfind it much easier to fool the workers with dts election demagogy. (2) Inability of the Party successfully to bring those workers who accepted our leadership in various economic struveles under our political influence. Failure to utilize the election campaign as a means of developing struggles and building the Party. (3) Workers anxious to vote for our Party will be compelled to abstain from voting and partici- pating in our election c-mpaign altogether. And what is worse. Many \vorkers will, because of our own failure, vote for candidates whom they might consider a “lesser evil.” On October 4th there was a demonstration held on the Boston Commons against the wage- entting campaign. The meeting was held under the auspices of the Party with Comrade Minor as the speaker. There were eight thousand workers at this meeting. Comrade Minor’s re- nark tat the Boston workers will vote red this year was greeted with thunderous applause. Yet. . . . Well, the lessons are so obvious that there is no need for any comments. Just two examples throwing more light on uses for this condition. In Chelsza, Mass., the Party will be on the ballot. But how was the Party unit mobjized for the elections. The unit bur was not explained the general political importance of the elections. The result—the unit bureau brings in some tech- nical motions to the unit meeting. A political discussion developed around the technical mo- tions. A number of comrade ting that there is no sense in partici the ‘Two reasons were given ie Party @ates could never be elected. (2) We cannot competent comrades to be nominated. , we see clear evidences of in the mobili of the mber And more than t! Defl 4... anti-parlicmentarian tendencies, How deep- 4 elections. candi- he routine manner | for the tep to get more deeply into the ranks | tionship and create a pood basis for self cri- | ber of towns in the District. | Lawrence elections is an achievement. It as- sumes special importance because of the strike. Here we see to an extent correc- | which must be simply seated the anti-parliamentarian tendencies are at times can also be seen from the following case. In Malden, Mass., the Party is partici- pating in the local elections. When the question | of elections came up for the first time in the | | unit there were some expressions of resistance. For instance: There is no purpose for the Party participating in the local elections because the Party has been granted a permit for open air meetings, which affords an opportunity to pre- | sent the Communist principle . anyhow. It could not happen to such an extent had there been more political enlightenment. If our units were real factors in the territory where they function they could not possibly pass by the ward elections—the local elections. The top would be able to coordinate much bet- ter the various activities would bé more all seeing, if the bottom would have more initia- tive, if there would be more pressure from be- low. One of the me:ns of achieving this end is and to help the bottom become more politically sensitive. This will also develop the proper rela- | ticism. The lessons of Bostan were not in vain. The .| Party will most likely be on the ballot in a num- | In towns where strike struggles and strike movements were de- | veloped and led by the National Textile Work- | ers’ Union. The participation of the Party in the tion in practice. Correction in practice is im- portant and significant. But by itself it is not @ guarantee yet against a repetition of such a deplorable condition. A discussion must be im- mediately developed in the entire District on the basis of the concrete experiences, both fail- | ure to be on the ballot in Boston, as well as succeeding in placing the Party o.: the ballot in other sections. The discussion must be carried through on the basis of sharpest self criticism— which means not only to state organizational reasons—but also to dig a bit deeper and see the political factors. Through such discussions, (not by vulgarization) taken up and so organized that it will penetrate the ranks. Political discussions based on con- crete experiences, dealing with the growing tasks and activities of the Party, will tend to develop new forces and make the present forces more effective. The study of strike strategy is one of the most important means in mobilizing the Party for the present campaign against wage cuts. The 13th Plenum called upon the Party to organize the study of strike strategy. We must take the various strike experiences and review them in the light of strike strategy. The New York district made a, good beginning in that direction. A special functionaries con- ference was held to discuss the experiences of the Paterson strike in the light of strike strate- gy. The keen interest shown by the comrades to the discussion emphasizes both the need and the importance of such discussions At the same time the following must be noted Tn the reports and in the early discussion the strike experienc were taken up mevely in a descriptive manner ¢ 4d nob suffielatly in the light of some basic lessons of swike straicgy, | the strategically important points. | of Mukden, on the Korean frontier. ' ditions which The Advance of the Japanese |The Forced Labor Army into Manchuria By NISHI HE underground rumblings, which have been increasing daily in the shaky capitalist world, | have now broken out in a warlike explosion in the Far East, in an armed invasion of China by Japan. In the night from 18 to 19 of September, the Japanese artillery suddenly opened fire. After bombarding the Chinese troops and arsenals for some hours, the Japanese commenced t@ ad- vance. Mukden, the capital of Manchuria, was captured after an obstinate fight in which there were hundreds of killed and wounded on both sides. The Japanese troops advanced with tre- mendous swiftness from the harbor town of Dairen, along the Southern Manchurian railway to Mukden and further northwards in the di- rection of the Chinese Eastern railway, as well as in a south-western direction along the Muk- den-Tientsin-Peking railway, and occupied all In view of the superiority of the Japanese army, Chang Hsue-Liang, the war lord of Manchuria, ordered his troops not to offer any further resistance. Nevertheless, the concentration of Japanese troops and warships is still going on. Accord- ing to reports from Tokyo, measures are being taken in the Japanese naval dockyards to send further warships to North Chinese waters. The Japanese war Ministry have instructed the Jap- anese commander in Korea to make ready to occupy the district of Tsingtao, in the province The Jap- anese broadcasting station has sent out a report that all unsolved problems must be settled in ac- cordance with the views of the Japanese author- ities during the administration in Manchuria by the Japanese military authorities. The military occupation of Southern Man- churia is today an accomplished fact. The ener- getic, swift and planned manner in which this | action has been carried out prove that here we have to do with a long-prepared military ac- tion with clear aims. The aim of the Japanese imperialists however is not, as they assert, to obtain satisfaction for the murder of the Jap- anese captain Nakan ura in Manchuria, nor for the blowing up of a bridge on the Southern Manchurian railway by Chinese troops, Here it is a case of an open outbreak of the extremely fierce fight of the imperialists for markets, for the final annexation of Manchuria by Japan; it is a prdlude to the division of * bankrupt, pourgeois-feudal China no longer into spheres of influence, but into colonies. The Sino-Japanese conflict is in reality an episode in the concealed fight fv: power in the Far East between Japan and its allies, England and France, on the one side, and the United States on the other. Japan is also aiming at creating a bulwark against the “Bolshevik danger,” which is growing also in the Far East: against the Soviet Union and against the Soviet China which is rising and upon whose banners there is in- scribed, in additjgn to the social emancipation of the toiling masses, the national emancipation of China and the expulsion of all imperialist Powers. ‘When, nearly two years ago, the Seiyukai gov- ernment, headed by General Tanaka, was re- ‘The fact that a number of leading comrades in their reports and speeches did not mention any of the lessons and experiences of the miners’ strike and textile strikes, still further empha- sizes the point that we participate in various strikes without attempting to bear in mind the lessons of previous strike struggles. Allowing for the differences in both industries, yet there was much in common in the recent strike struggles. ized experience. One of the reasons we do not deepen our theoretical knowledge is because we allow many important experiences of the ‘class struggle to go by unstudied, not generalized. We therefore see quite often that in relating strike experiences the comrades merely describe the events without seeing the background of them and their inner connection, and the per- spective flowing from the events. The result is that there fs only an attempt to correct. inci- dentals of the struggle without creating the con- will remove the basic causes for committed errors, placed by the Minseito government, at the head of which today stands Baron Wakatsuki, the Japanese bourgeoisie and big landowners, mob- ilized the press in order to persuade the work- ing masses of Japan and China that the brutal, reactionary and militarist methods of rule prac- tised by Tanaka had given place to a “better” “democratic-liberal” regime. The two years that have passed since then have, however, proved that nothing has changed in the policy of Jap- anese imperialism towards the Japanese, the Korean or the Chinese working masses. The “new” policy which was to restore the sinking prestige of Japan in China has miserably failed. The United States, under whose influ- ence the approchement between Nanking and Mukden was brought about, is rapidly penetrat- ing Chinese and also Manchurian economy. The “encirclement plan against the Southern Man- churian railway,” with the aid of which Japan exercised political influence and economically penetrated Manchuria, was realized by means of American capital. Japan’s influence in Man- churia has constantly declined since the day Chang-Tso-lin tried to escape the tutelage of ‘Tokyo. But Japanese imperialism cannot aban- don its plans to conquer Manchuria. For Japan, the domination of Manchuria is absolutely ne- cessary as a source of raw ‘materials for its heavy industry, as a market for its industry and its capital exports, and as market for its super- fluous population. This explains also why, in view of the in- creasing influence of its American rival, Japan could not abandon the “reactionary-militarist” methods of Tanaka, but applied them still more rigorously. Whilst the “positive” poi.cy of Ta- naka found such concrete expressions as the military occupation of Shantung, the bloody Japano-Chinese collision in Tsingtao, and the dynamite outrage, carried out by Japanese sold- iers against the Manchurian ruler, Chang-Tso- lin, the two years’ imperialist activity of the “democratic” government has been no less rich in Japano-Chinese incidents. One can call to mind the numerous protests issued by Tokyo against the construction of new Sino-American railways in Manchuria, by which Japan's economic-monopolist position was brok- en; the de jure recognition of the Canton gov- ernment by Tokyo (this is a manoeuvre against the diplomacy of American imperialism, which supports the Chiang-Kai-shek government in Nanking); the numerous revolts of the generals instigated by Tokyo against Chang Hsue Liang, who is allied with Nanking. Under the pressure of American imperialism, the attitude of China towards Japan has be- come increasingly aggressive in the last few months. To every protest from Tokyo, Nan- king answered with two counter-protest notes. The campaign for the abolition of extra-terri- toriality also assumed the form of an economic boycott of Japanese and English goods, as well as actual attacks on Japanese subjects. The ex- tent, of the attacks on Japan became alarming. Three particularly characteristic incidents occur- red, illustrating the growing complexity of the situation in Manchuria. On June 27, Nakamura, a captain in the Jap- anese army, together with his companion, was taken prisoner and murdered by Chinese soldiers in Manchuria, Neokamura was travelling “on a secret mission” with a false pass and in posses- sion of 100,000 yen to Inner Mongolia, probably in order to stir up a revolt there against China and the United States. Japan demanded satis- faction; Nanking refused. ss “ On July 2, there took place the “Wanpaoshan incident.” The alleged terrorizing of Korean chung was used by the Japanese as a pretext for organizing anti-Chinese progroms in Korea, as a result of which 140 Chinese were killed and 118 wounded. On August 18, there occurred a third incident in Tsingtao, when Chinese attacked 600 members of the reactionary Japanese “Kokus- nikai Club” and killed 25 Japanese, Japanese imperialism felt itself seriously threatened by these attacks against its oppres- sive rule and political power’ in Manchuria. It was clear that Japan would deliver a counter- stroke, even if it thereby incurred the danger of an open conflict with the power behind the | these bankers and their political lickspittles! | while millions of jobless starve. Plan of the Amer- ican Legion E ARE the “heroes” of the World War. Row after row of emaciated defenders of “hu- manity and democracy,’ lie in their hospital beds coughing, hacking and wasting away. This is the T.B. Hospital at the National Soldiers Home, Sawtelle, Calif. The physcopathic, gen- eral and other hospitals here only repeat the horrors, if anything, even more ghastly. Legless men, armless, back-bent, blind, shell-shocked and disabled, we now reap the fruits of victory —our valor won, Now for those who came through the bloody carnage intact, are the fruits of victory too sweet. The warriors of France and Flander's fields now stand in long queus at factory gates and swarm through the slave marts vainly seeking a job that is ever elusive. The former kakhi-clad Jad now wears rags and exists on breadlines, garbage, | ‘adly donated as charity. Their use- fulness to Wall Street's financiers and muni- tion mant facturers is at an end. But yes! The plunderbund does“ reward the veteran. Partial loans upon the Bonus were al- lowed—at 4 1-2 per cent interest. And of course the interest on a long term loan will eat up the remaining principal. Comparing this with the immense profits of the war speculators‘and the government's action in reembursing the railroads for their war losses, President Hoover's speech to the delegates assembled at the Amer- ican Legion Convention that the veterans ask for no more loans on the remainder of their Bonus, seems audacious and crude. Nice people The leadership of the American Legion, Veter- ans of Foreign Wars and Disabled American Veterans are puppets of the master class. They mislead the rank and file veteran, betray his interest and openly serve the enemies of the workers. They are militaristic, fascist-like in character and upon occasion—even strike-break- ers. They endorse the government’s policy of spending billions of dollars for war preparations ‘They favor in- .tervention and war against the land of rising socialism, the Soviet Union. Small wonder that two hundred veterans at the Sawtelle National Soldiers Home tore up their American Legion membership cards on September 24 upon learn- ing of the Legion's betrayal of the Bonus. Plans of the American Legion, department of California, to care for the 22,000 unemployed ex- servicemen in this state, during the coming win- ter, were revealed recently in the Los Angeles Press. Federal aid will be asked and the Secretary of War will be requested to supply tents, cots and camp equipment and that emergency camps be established at the National Soldiers’ Home, Sawtelle, Ballon Fields, Arcadia and Presido, San Francisco. But as usual, there is a joker in all this pur- posed relief. The Legion, so loud in its denun- ciation of the “forced labor” myth in the Soviet Union states that “light” work will be given to those in the camps. This will be considered payment for board. There is forced labor al- right, but not in the Soviet Union, ‘Another joker in the projected “aid” will be the assignment of a provost and military per- sonnel to each of the camps. There is to be strict, military discipline and military training for the jobless veteran. What can this mean but another move for preparation towards imperialist war, perhaps Chinese government, the United States, and kindling a fresh world war. In spite of the “Kellogg Pact” and the “League of Nations” the imperialists, in accordance with their nature, still resort to their last argument: force of arms. Two members of the League of Nations are at’ war. According to the latest reports, both parties are sending reinforcements and fresh fights are proceeding. The fuse of a new world war has been lit. Only the unswery- ing will #0 peace of the Soviet Union and the revoluttonary united front of the toilers of all coungstes can prevent the fresh world slaughter, a practice up in advance while washing dishes, carrying a hod or swabbing decks. Which reminds us that it’s a fact that an ocean of artistic genius slumbers, repressed by capitalist conditions, among the workers. That's why we get so sore at the snobbery of the capi- talist cartoonist “Bing” Darling, who sneered at the Soviet Union by saying that “It looks like the bosses have disappeared and left the jan- itors and office boys in charge.” We have a janitor in the Workers’ Center that has real genius as a sketch artist and another that is just as sensitive to music as any vir- tuoso. And we don’t think any less of the possi- bilities of their development as artists in those lines merely because they make darned good janitors. But what we wanted to say was to speak a good word for the efforts of the John Reed Club to develop pictorial artists by starting a class for workers who crave to draw, paint and sketch. The class begins Oct. 19—and the mod- els wear overalls, if you want to know. For $3 a month you get three lessons a week; for $2 a month, two lessons a week and on Saturdays Young Pioneers get in for a nickel or so—for paper they use up. Develop your talent. Apply at 63 W. 15th St. Eugenie Hats and Mascara “Dear Jorge:—A few days ago I read your paragraph on the sectarianism of the Young Communist League. Here is a similar case: “Recently some Communists, whether unem- ployed, marine workers or just what, I don’t know, came marching down Second Ave, for the election campaign. “Just coming out of our house, we were in- spired by a band at the head, playing the In- ternationale. My husband, sister-in-law and I, hurried across to join the demonstration. “Imagine my embarrassment when an oldish- Jooking girl with wild flowing hair and typical Russian blouse actually pushed us out of line and told us that we had no business there and should go to the back, “You see, my sister-in-law and I were dressed in Eugenie hats and had on lip-stick. T wish the comrade will read this and realize that to organize the American young worker she will have to put up with a lot besides Eugenie hats and mascara. I am sure other workers have had similar experiences and should not hesitate to write about them, as this helps to break down the sectarianism which is driving many good elements away from your movement.—Mrs. J.M.” All to the good, comrade! This idea of in- sulting everyone who dresses according to the ordinary standard (set by bourgeois custom though it is) of American workers, is worse than just foolish. It is politically impermissible. It reminds us of the old 1.W.W., when any- body who showed up with a white collar was suspected of being a dick in many cases and made to feel unwelcome in all cases. Conversely, we have from experience become suspicious of the intrinsic political stability of those who, being able*to dress like the rest of the workers, go in for an attire that cries “Red” as far as the eye can see. ‘We recall that one of the most egoistic and unprincipled opportunists it has been our mis- fortune to meet, Albert Weisbord, maintained his dirty bourgeois policies while covering them with the pose of a ditch-digger’s outfit. Eugenie hats and mascara, you are welcome if you bring along a rebel against capitalism! Wild hair and Russian blouse, this is a revolu- tion of the masses, not a stage for star per- formers. We don't demand that you change your shirt, but your attitude toward the masses! Eee ii War is coming: Even Thompson's hash-houses have a sign up: “Pre-war prices.” Only they forget to add—“with post-war indigestion.” against the Soviet Union. The American Legion acting as the tool and mouthpiece of the capl- talist war-mongers plainly tell the ‘unemployed ex-servicemen to get ready to become cannon- fodder or starve, All this after the “War to end Wars.” ites serves the interests of the veteran, either jobless or employed, and that is the Workers’ Ex-Sere vicemen’s League. ‘Together with the Unem- ployed Councils, they must rally the ee jobless and worker ex-servicemen and this new scheme to enslaye and militarize the veteran jobless. ‘Uhey must fight for the imme- diate payment of the bonus in full, jobless in-” surance, immediate cash relief for their fami- lies, non-evletion for inability to pay rent, and free gas and electricity! Veterans join the Workers Ex-Servicemen’s League! Fight forced labor by veterans} ! Pe nh f ‘We quite often repeat that,theory is general- | peasants by the Obinese population of Chang” Only one organization of veterans fights and -(