The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 12, 1931, Page 4

Page Four ess and ne Comprodaily York City, N. Y nail al Publi AL Worker, checke to the Daily 13th Plenum Decisions ENSIFICATION OF MASS WORK AND GROWTH OF THE YOUNG COMMUNIST LEAGUE (Resolution of National Committee of League.) Th mass wot tremendous ing unem necessary speed te of growth of the L s entirely e possibiliti e new a new war out of ciel ss basis ¥ he League “The League catch mbership of the Pa as the first st much broader to and exceed the the fastest possible t becoming a larger than t In order t League mi izing a young workers, especially the economic strug- an be recorded in this the convention, this re- yet our weakest link. The YCI letter Convention stated that the League “shown itself the organizer and yet e the daily struggles for the most vital interests of the toiling youth.” The “left” sec- tarianism of the League is best expressed by our ability to talk generally of struggle, but our take up the day to day needs of the youth, ar League in the struggle for these needs. How m: aised concrete youth factories, in the uggle? That e so few youth sections, and none play a role in the struggle. How icts have made the League an inde- pendent political factor in the local electio’ coming forward with concrete economic, poli- tical and cultural demands for the youth, and youth forms of work? With exception of it and Chicago, where has our League be- gun to @efend the heeds of the unemployed youth? Whereas the League developed a real united front in the struggle for Negro rights, especially the Scottsboro campai To what has our and the Pioneers de- veloped a mass struggle for free food and cloth- ing for children? Ovr greatest weakness is still the failure to understand that we can build a mass League only through the leadership of the daily struggles. that really Secondly, there must be destroyed root and branch, the narrow sectarian attitude towards building the League. This conception fails to see the League as a broad mass organization, but as an organization of the chosen few. In all of the recent struggles, this was shown by strong tendencies to hide the face of the League. This is due to a fear of the masses on the one hand, and to the attitude that “not all young workers are ready for the YCL.” The results of these tendencies to keep the League a small “youth Communist Party” instead of a broad mass youth organization much larger than the Party.” International Youth Day was an example of this. More than 70,000 participated in the dem- onstrations, but only 900 applications were gotten for the League. In order to intensify the mass work and break down the sectarian approach to the building of tne YCL, it is necessary to have the closest poli- tical guidance and daily cooperation of the Party. There must be the completest mobiliza- tion of Party for the building of the League. ‘The decisions of the 13th Plenum of the Party which established Party responsibility the work of the YCL must be the basis for changed relationships in all districts. The League must overcome all separatist tendencies, must work losely with Party in all campaigns, and strengthen the Party core in the ‘League. for the m All of the work of the League must be based on the shops. In every single st building of shop, mine and mill nu League must come first. In all districts centration at con- the factories must be considered as the most important work. This must be con- nected with the struggle against wage cuts and also with the struggle of the unemployed youth for relief. The League must during the coming’ months intensify its activity among the unem- ployed youth and prepare especially for. the hunger marches. In all this work must come the systematic building of the revolutionary unions and youth sections The bulk of the membership must be drawn into the work of building the League. We must boldly bring forward new cadres, and patiently train them by giving them direct responsibility in the leadership. We must struggle consciou: against bureaucratic methods of work from the leading committees to the units. We must strug- gle against dny tendencies to stifle the initia- tive of the newer elements which is based on a lack of faith in the new young workers. We must develop revolutionary competition from be- low. This must be accomplished by the fullest discussion of our shortcomings and mistakes and the development of real bolshevik self-criticism throughout the ranks of the League. There must be real check-up and control by the mem- bership on the work of the leading bodies. In Pittsburgh and other districts where the League has grown rapidly in the past months, it The Y. C.L. Is to Participate in the| | 13th Plenum Discussions = | All functionaries and active members of the | Young Communist League are asked to partici- pate in the Party discussion. The articles on the youth should deal with the decisions of the 6th Convention of the League and the 13th Plenum of the Party. These articles should bring out the special problems facing the League and also the tasks of the Party in building the YCL. All articles on the youth should be sent to National Committee, Young Conimunist League, Box 28, Station D, New | York City, is absolutely necessary to take steps to consoli- date our preser This must be done by developing forces, new members’ classes, chang- nner life, and constant personal direction to must warn against spreading out and keeping what we have. is is one reason for our fluctuation which must be stopped. There must also be de- veloped continuity in the work of the units and districts, especially in our mass work ns, new without consolidati: huge In order to increase the tempo of work on the basis of the above, the NEC Buro decides: To endorse the line and praposals of the Pittsburgh Plan of Action, amending this Plan to the extent of instructing the Pittsburgh dis- trict to give more emphasis and detailed atten- Party Leadership in Building a Mass League “The work among the youth is more and more becoming a living, practical problem of today for our Party in every field of struggle, strike struggles, unemployed movement, Negro work, ete. The Young Communist League at its re- cent Sixth Convention demonstrated that it has begun to emerge from its critical condi- tion of a year ago. It must be stated, however, that the leadership and assistance of the Party to the Y. C. L. and the mass youth organiza- tions has been absolutely inadequate. This ne- glect by the Party, expressed in the practical work by failure to draw the youth into strug- | gles as an important, recognized factor results in turn in giving ground for wrong tendencies towards separatism among the youth them- selves (miners’ strike, etc.). The Party must in all its sub-divisions discuss the work of the Y. C. L. as developed in the resolutions of its Sixth National Convention, and elaborate business-like plans for assistance and leader- ship of this work, in the closest contact with the units and leading bodies of the Y. C. L. and fractions of the mass youth organizations. All Party organizations mus: carry out the de- cisions of the 11th Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, which gives to the Party the task of assuming responsibility for the building up of the youth organizations, for establishing youth nuclei where Party nuclei exist, to build up the youth membership to that of the Party and in excess of it. The Party organization must combat an; social-democratic tendencies of underestimat- ing the youth and must overcome the former relations which exist at the present. time and establish real leadership in assisting in the building up of the Y. C. L. (From the 13th Plenum Resolution printed in full in 'the Oc- tober Communi tion to the problem of work among the ~unem- ployed youth. This work with the beginning of the winter months becomes of major importance. 2. "Yo concentrate nationally on the coal and steel industries. This is to be done by major concentration on the Pittsburgh district, by sending in the best forces, financial aid, and by detailed political guidance. Chicago, Cleveland and Philadelphia to also be considered concen- tration districts, but to a lesser extent than Pittsburgh. 3. The immediate organization of the widest discussion all through the League on the deci- sions of the 6th Convention, the 13th Party Plenum and onr Enlarged Bur. 4. That in order to turn the League towards shop work and give detailed guidance to the work of the shop nuclei, that the NEC adopt direct patronage over the existing shop nuclei. This to be done by direct correspondence and guidance from the organization department to the nuclei 5.. That with the Party pro- posed recruiting dr’ the Buro work out a YCL intensive recruiting drive, based upon gain- ing members especially from the large factories. 6. That the Buro be instructed to immediate- ly publish a YCL recruiting pamphlet. Also that special mass recruiting leaflets be issued for steel and coal. 7. That in order to finance the increased work that we establish an organization fund na- tionally. Organization department to work out drive in detail 8. As a step in developing new cadres. full time district schools be organized at least in the following districts by the end of the year—Chi- cago, Cleveland, Pittsburgh and New York. 9. To take necessary steps to establish the Young Worker once more on a weekly basis by fullest support of districts to Young Worker drive. 10. That on the basis of the decisions of the 13th Plenum of the Party, and the decisions of the Pittsburgh Party district on the YCL Plan, special meetings be held of Party and YCL lead- ing comrades in all districts to work out con- crete basis for Party responsibility and aid to YCL, On the Carrying Out of the | -Workers! Join the Party of. Your Class! P. O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. Please send me more information on the Cum- munist Party. Name .... Address Btate Occupation Age ...sc+ -Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Communist Party 0. 8. A. Party, P, O, Bor 87 Station D. New York City. SUBSCRIPTION RATES Borck This picture is part of the Daily Worker page which will be printed in “Trud,” central organ of the Soviet Trade Union, on the 14th Anni- versary of the Bolshevik Revolution. A page prepared by the Soviet workers will be printed in the Daily Worker on November 7. The New Phase ot the World Economic Crisis (Leading Editorial of Moscow Pravda, Sept. 24.) (Since this was written the financial crisis has spread to the United States, which has still further aggravated the cconomic crisis. The U. S. has also entered a new phase of the crisis —Ed.) ees, he HE economic crisis has entered into a new phase of its development It is already two years since the fever of the crisi shaking the capitalist world. The crisis expresses itself in the panic on the exchange, the deflation of stocks, valuable paper, state bonds, credit obligations. There occurs a gen- eral, although’ varied and uneven decrease in wholesale prices. The present gigantic contrac- tion of production, unheard of in the history of capitalism, has gripped all of the branches of y in the capitalist world, except the war istry. On the basis of the contraction of pro- duction, unemployment has taken on unheard of dimensions in the history of capitalism. The production apparatus is working only 50 per cent of its capacity, and in many branches, even less than that. The contraction of the do- mestic trade on the basis of the sharp contrac- tion of the inner markets, is accompanied by a very exceptional contraction of the external markets. The carloadings of the railroads, ocean and river steamers, motor and other kinds of transport, has been reduced. The agrarian crisis is ruining tens of millions of peasants’ economy. The commodity accumulations have increased and continue irresistibly to increase on account of the gold cash not being used and not func- tioning as capital (United States and France). The disproportion between the different branches of production has sharpened in the highest degree; deepening the contradictions be- tween imperialism and the celonies, between in- dustry and agriculture, between the branches of pr ion with the predominance of monopoly, and the branches where the monopolies are not ret developed. Diyidends (profits) of the stock cerporations and of .the majority of the enter- prise, have sharply diminished, om the basis of the increase of prices—elements of the basic cap- ital are being depreciated. Because of the crisis | and the general decrease in prices, the process of production slows down considerably and is be- ing disorganized. Despite the unparalleled increase of the tax | pressure, the state incomes are decreasing, the budgets are becoming disorganized. Silver is be- ing depreciated. Already at the beginning of the crisis there came mass bankruptcies of the small and middle enterprises in the most weak and poor countries, The chain of international credit obligations began to snap; in the weakest coun- tries there began the depreciation of the cur- rency. In a number of countries where the crisis sharpened due to the specific local conditions, it has lead in the course of its deepening and broadening to the rising of the elements of the revolutionary crisis or to a revolutionary crisis. The contradictions between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie are deepening and sharpening. Large monopoly mergers have for a long time resisted the crisis. They attempted to hold up the price of their commodities to the former lev- els, or to hold back the process of price reduc- tions. They also held on to their commodities. They were saving their enterprises from bank- ruptcy by putting the burden of the crisis upon the workers, upon the basic peasant masses, upon the petty bourgeoisie, upon the small and middle | enterprises, upon the branches of production most weak in the development of monopolies. The largest imperialist countries have been transferring the burden of the crisis upon the conquered, weak dependent colonial and semi- colonial countries; through this they were striv- ing to save the balance of their budget, the sta- bility of their currency, the strength of their credit system. This struggle has lasted almost two years. The tens of millions army of unemployed, the wage reductions of the employed workers, the ruination of the peasant masses, the robbing of the petty bourgeoisie, gigantic starvation in the colonies, the robberous oppression of the weak | and conquered nations, the mad destruction of “productive forces and the annihilation of al- | ready produced commodities, the ruthless offen- | sive upon the social legislation, health measures | | | and the cultural expenditures, hunger, starva- tion, “suffering of the toilers—all Was tried for the salvation of the large monopoly undertak- |, ings, from the blows of the crisis. The imperial- | ist countries have conducted in the course of | two years a mad and desperate struggle in order to preserve from crashing the commanding posts of the financial oligarchy—the banks, concerns, trusts, syndicates, the credit and currency sys- tem, the system of international deb.s and pay- ments. The international bourgeoisie, which has come in this struggle into the sharpest crash with the proletariat, with the productive forces, with the toiling masses of the dependent semi- colonial countries, has attempted by all means to overcome the crisis, to actually soften it. All this in order to find a capitalist escape from the blind alley. But in vain—it did not find it The doctors of the ill, decaying, dying capital- ism—the social fascists of all ranks and colors, with all their might are helping the bourgeoisie. However, social fascism has proven itself in the struggle with the crisis just @s powerless as fascism. The summer of 1931 has brought the sharpest onrush of the crisis and its transformation into a new phase. af To the world industrial crisis which was oc- now the credit money crisis which has grown on the basis of the industrial and agrarian crisis. “The credit money crisis has passed in a number of countries into a currency crisis. The same as with the economic crisis, the credit money crisis is developng wumevenly—in jumps. Having sapped away, first of all, the credit system of the colo- nial and semi-colonial lands, having washed away the foundation of credits in the dependent countries in South America, it has for the first Taking Stock ot Our Forces By LENA CHERENENKO ARE witnessing in many parts of the country important strikes and struggles of organized and unorganized workers against wage cuts and worsened conditions. In many of these struggles we do not see in active leadership the Party members and organized Party groups (units, fractions). In the past few weeks we witnessed such struggles in the Loft Factory, Hosiery Plants in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Connecticut; Dock strike in Boston—now Lawrence, West Virginia, ete. Here we see workers going into struggle against the offensive of the bosses. Our Party is getting into swing in these struggles but still lagging behind the masses. Where is the activity of our Party members? Is it being organized effectively in the basi¢ industries and in the large factories? Are we crystalizing the desire of the masses for struggle into an organized movement? Are we penetrating into the very heart of the working class, into the factories, , mills and mines? ‘The Party is taking stock of its forces, The Party registration will make known where our forces are and how they can best be utilied for concentrating on the basic factories, To penetrate inside these factories and give lead- ership to the developing struggles of the work- ers. This is the purpose of the present Party registration. Some comrades on hearing of the registration, have remarked, “Just another registration.” -Such an attitude indicates that the comrades do not understand and underestimate the decisions of the 13th Plenum. The registration is a weapon for rooting our Party in the factories, The y- gistration contains many questions but necessary for the Party to have all the information to make possible the redistribution of forces to make the turn te mass work and the building of a mass Communist Party possible. This will make the slogan of Lenin: “Every factory a fortress for Commgnism,” a reality. companied by the agrarian crisis, has been added” time broken out in Europe, in Austria. Then the credit money crisis reached Germany. The Hoover proposition calculated to prevept it, has proven to be blank cartridges. The credit crisis began in Germany and has shaken the entire central, east and southeastern Europe. Torn with contradictions, attempting to profit by the catastrophe of other countries, to squeeze out political and economic profits from the | breaking down of their own economic system, the imperialist countries have pushed each other toward the economic precipice. The credit crisis Of central and eastern Europe has jumped to England. From July, the largest imperialist country, England, has conducted an unsuccessful struggle against it. France and the United States have rendered assistance to England after they themselves had brought the English financial system to the end of the precipice, but they could not save her, England is in the midst of a credit crisis and simultaneously with it a cur- reney ers. Through this the credit crisis be- comes a -vorld general crisis. It has’ not yet gripped the United States and France, fowever, they are also feeling the trem- blings of the thunder... it already begins to spread in Holland and Switzerland. Its develop- ment will be continuous. However, the change of international payment obligations snaps in so many places, upon so many important and sensi- tive portions, and the mutual connections of the world capitalist economy are so close that the international credit crisis becomes unavoidable. The credit crisis will produce a mass bank- ruptcy of the largest banks of the large and largest monopoly undertakings. The Crediten- stalt in Austria, the two “D” banks in Germany, (Danat and Dresden Banks), the Credit Bank in Hungary, the Royal Madi in England, the Nora Wolle and other giants of monopolist capitalism in Germany showing the possibility of crashing of the strongest fortresses of the international financial oligarchy. Upon the world exchanges they are already gossiping and whispering that Krieger went bankrupt, that Royal Dutch is in straits, that Schneider-Cruesot and the Banque D’'Union of Paris are involved in the vortex of the middle European crashes, that the Vienna Rothschild and the London Rothschild, and to- gether with them the largest banks which are financing the world trade, will roll over the precipice of bankruptcy. It is sufficient to name these giants of finance capitalism in order to grasp the meaning of the depth of the “confidence crisis,” of the panic, and desperation which has seized the world ex- change. The new phase of the world crisis is character- ized by the fact that the usual autumn seasonal revival has not occurred in a single large capi- talist country. On the contrary, there occurred a new sharpening of the industrial crisis; produc- tion is contracting more and more in the United States, Germany and England and especially in France. The new phase of the world crisis is being ac- companied by a tremendous sharpening of the agrarian crisis which has found its expression in the catastrophic fall of prices of agricultural products after the harvest. The new phase of the world crisis finds its expression in the extremely strong explosion of the exchange crisis. The further sharpening of the industrial crisis, i sharpening of the agrarian crisis, further the credit crisis which is becoming general, and the currency crisis which has gripped a number of countries, including a number of large countries, as well as the new exchange crisis, are the ele- ments of which the new phase of the world eco- nomic crisis is being composed. The interna- tional bourgeoisie is seized with panic before the storming elements of the crisis of its economic system, and before its catastrophic repercussion. In the struggle of the two social-economic sys- tems, in the rivalry between capitalism and so- cialism, capitalism is suffering new strong de- feats. At the time when the capitalist world is being shaken by ever new blows of the crisis, in the Soviet Union socialism is attaining new vic- tories, Gigantic new plants are being started; state farms and collectives are being developed and strengthened, the socialist sector has become the deci@ing one in agrarian economy. The pro- ductigs forces of the Soviet land are growing. By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, twe months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City, Foreign: one year, $8; six months, $4.50. BY GROPPER woe Another Savior of America The weekly run of capitalist dope usual jn the “Liberty” magazine, taken over by MacFad= den, who hopes to save it from bankruptcy and turn an honest penny, is enlivened in the issue of Oct. 17 by the following program of none other than Al Capone, he of the “scar-face,” known as “Public Enemy No. 1” (which is horse-radish, of course, for without there were a capitalist class, there would be no Al Capone). Capone is loyal to capitalism, of course, and thus repeats what all 100 per centers say about the workers. He says: “We must keep America whole, safe and un- spoiled. If machines are going to take jobs away from the worker, then he will need to find something else to do. Perhaps he'll get back to the soil. But we must care for him during the period of change. We must keep’ him away from red literature, red ruses; we must see that his mind remains healthy. For, regardless of where he was born, he is now an American.” Isn't that superb! What a touching unity of purpose within the ranks of capitalism to “keep the worker away from the reds!” From Al Capone, the police, Mattie Woll, Norman ‘Thomas and Hoover, all are “seeing that the worker’s mind remains healthy.” Some day not far distant, though, not the workers, but all this tribe will join Al Capone on HIS way “back to the soil.” * * * Laugh—If You Dare! The miseries of the poor are the sport of the rich. In the old days, when Roman slaves re- volted and were burned to death in rows along the Appian Way, if we recall aright, the noble ladies of Rome used to take delight in riding along the road thus illuminated and making bets on which slave body would burn the longest. We are reminded of that by one of the “jokes” pulled off in the “Vanities” show of the notori- ous Earl Carroll of the “girl-in-a-bathtub-of- wine” fame. Not that we went there! But a reader who got a free ticket tells us about it. The scene runs thus: In conditions of extreme poverty and hunger, an old woman and her daughter anxiously await the return of the granddaughter, who had gone out to look for a job. ‘The young girl returns without a job, but with a loaf of bread. It develops that she had given her sex to a baker to get that. The old woman and the girl’s mother express horror. But not at the extremity to which the girl had been driven by hunger and unemployment. Oh, no! Here the normal filth of capitalist society rules that out, and the climax is reached when the girl’s mother ordets her: “Go back to your baker—and get a pie!” And you, reader, before you laugh: Go out to the nearest park. See the homeless women and girls sleeping there. Think of the tragedy of their lives and remember the dish of filth served up by Earl Carroll for the rich of New York, Then laugh—if you dare! Now It Can Be Told But only by British publishers. One of those rare generals who don’t—or rather has yet— died in bed, General W. S. Graves, U. S. Army, evidently had ill luck trying to get an American publishing house to print his revealing book, “America’s Siberian Adventure.” But the British have for some time been printing anything passable that gave a black eye to Uncle Shylock. So Cape ‘& Smith, British publishers, with American offices at 139 E. 46th St., New York, printed the general's book. Since General Graves commanded the Ameri- can war against the Soviet Union and invasion of Siberia, refutation of it will be difficult for Hoover, Stimson or any who came after him, or who apologize for that outrage. And we guess that Stimson won't try to refute it, and will try to “ignore” it, His book unmasks the welter of imperialist intrigue between Britaim, America, France and Japan, and leaves naked the fairy tale that American troops invaded Siberia to “save thé poor Czech troops.” It was to overthrow the Soviet Government, to which Graves gives a certain amount’ of respect, and re-establist Czarism and capitalism. Since all the \paytrioteers are forever belly- aching about the Soviet “interfering” in “our” affairs, Graves’ words can well be remembered: “I doubt if any unbiased person would hold that the United States did not interfere in_ the internal affairs of Russia. By this in- terference the United States helped to bolster up, by its military forces, a monarchistically inclined and unpopular government.” Graphic Hokum * A gink named -Yawitz, writing a low form of O. O. McIntyre stuff in the N. Y. Graphic of ptember 24, reveals through the mouth of a wholly imaginary “sympathizer” that the “Reds incite the police to beat them.” And, of course, “Representatives ‘come here from Moscow every few months and detail the plots.” You see, we native born reds haven't the brains to think up such things as coaxing, per- suading and even “inciting” the timid, mild- mannered, and bashful cops to beat us up. But this fairy tale proceeds from the plot to the action: ‘. “Two of their best female actresses fall on the ground near a policeman in the crowd and start yelling that they are being beaten.” Of course, the cops never thought of such a thing. But the poor, innocent things are soon . involved and, says the Baron Munchausen, “The police get into action of absolute necessity.” Pretty soon this Graphic artist will be telling you that Sacco and Vanzetti were not electro- cuted at all, but committed suicide! “The soclalist production is growing. In the strug- gle with the difficulties of the growth which are being overcome, the proletariat of the country is attaining victory after victory in the accom- plishment of the Five Year Plan. Being confident in its victory, confident in its future, the working class of our country—the shock brigades of the international proletariat —is showing to the toilers of the entire world the only way of escape from the crisis. The revolutionary movement of the proletariat in the capitalist countries and the national lib~ eration movement in the colonies are on the up- surge. The broadest masses of toilers are more and more eonvincing themselves of the bank- ruptcy of capitalism as an economic and political. system. The masses are rising to the struggle for the revolutionary escane from the crisis. Mo