The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 9, 1931, Page 4

Address and mail all ehecks to the Daily 50 East 1 = re a es h Street, New York, N. ¥ at 50 East DAIWORK." orker. Porty USA. neh ail everywhere: anhattan and Bronx, JBSCRIPTION RATES: 6; six months, $3; two ,months, York City. Foreign One year New one year, On the Carrying Out of the | 13th Plenum Decisions HOW TO USE ICAL CAMPAIGNS THE PARTY APPARATUS AND THE POLIT- S OF THE PARTY TO BUILD THE SHOP ORGANIZATION By TOM JOHNSON It 'N a previous article I dealt with the methods of work of our individual comrades in the building up of grievance committees. In this article I will deal with the mobilization and the utilization e Party apparatus and the main political campaigns of the Party for building grievance ittees, and the entrenching of our Party and the revolutionary unions in the big factories. The Work of the District and Section Committees To carry out th calls not only n impr k of individual comrades work he shops, but a funda- mental change in the methods of work of our District and Section Committees. The work of every department of the District) Committee must be directed toward rooting our organiza- n the sho} es main t for the tions For nt this means first the f h of the Party registra- the d on of our Second it calls of the big shops in the ion industries. Through this survey we must establish where the oppor- i he development of struggle are best where in consequence our best forces must be placed. Third the org department must carry through our fractions an investigation in the mass organizations under revolutionary leader- ship to establish in what shops we have sympa- thizers working and how such sympathizers can be used to build shop organization. Fourth, the Org. Department must work out the proper methods for concentration on the fac- tories selected. Our past experience shows. the futility of expecting real results through the for- mal assignment of a street unit to concentrate on a factory. We must quit this formal approach to the question of concentration and work out concrete plans in each case. These plans should include: (a) The assignment of a responsible committee composed of the best fitted comrades in the street unit for the task of building up a grievance committee in the shop selected. We must be able to hold definite comrades’ respon- sible for this work and not the unit as a whole. (b) There must be placed in the hands of this committee all available information about the factory; the names and addresses of members ot mass organizations, readers of the Party press, ete., working in the factory. (c) Where we have one or more comrades actually working in the factory we must assure the closest cooperation In the work between the committee from tke street unit and the comrade in the shop itselt. To this end we should hold weekly conferences between the comrade or comrades in the shop and the committee working from the outside. The Org. Department of the District and Sec- tion must give real attention to such conferences and see that they are productive of results. (d) The Org. Department, through our frac- tions in the unemployed committees, must see that shock troops of the unemployed are set up for concentration on specific factories. Such troops must ofcourse include non-Party work- ers. They should be unemployed workers who formerly worked in the industry we are concen- trating on, and as far as possible unemployed who actually worked in the specific factory and have connections there. The work of the un- employed shock troops (selling press and litera~ ture at shop gates, holding shop gate meetings, visiting connections, etc.) must be coordinated with the work of any comrades who may be in the factory, and with the work of the comrades forces for a his wor The Building of the Communist Party | ‘and the Ripening of the Prere-| ‘quisites for a Revolutionary Crisis ‘The developing revolutionary upsurge, simul- taneously with the unsuccessful attempts of the bourgoeisie to sclve the fundamental contradic- | tions of the imperialist world (particularly in the world) creates the conditions for the growth lof the prerequisites of the revolutionary crisis in Germany and in Poland, for the further de- velopment of a revolutionary crisis in China and jin India, and for the ast of the prerequi- {sites of a revolutionary in other capitalist |countres in proportion as, primarly, the Com- | murlist Parties are able to mobilize and lead the mass movements against the capitalist of- | | fensive and political reaction, and to prove to} | the proletariat and other sections of the toiling | | | masses, on the basis of their own experience, | | | the necessity for a revolutionary way out of the crisis—From the 11th Plenum Resolution of the Communist International from the street factory. nucleus concentrating on the (e) Our District and Section Org. Departments | | Must see to it that a proper division of work 1s | | carried out in the street units in order to free | as far as possible the comrades working in im- | portant shops from the work of the street unit | | so that they may have time to carry on shop | work, visit shop mates at home in the evenings etc The Key Importance of Organization | | and Self-Criticism The power | organization of the working class lies in its Without organization the prole- | tariat is like nothing. Organized it is every- | thing. (Lenin) | | || i | “Every organization of the Party mu rict- | | ly see to it that the absolutely necessary criti- | | | cism of the Party defects, the analysis of the | ||general line of the Party, the summing | | |up of its practical experience, the ver- | | || ification of errors, ete., should be directed no’ at a discussion in the groups developing on the | basis of some “platform”, sion by the entire Part; etc. but at a discus- | membership.” (Lenin) ~ Finally the District and Section Org. Depart- ments must fundamentally change the present methods of leading the existing shop units ot the Party. We should make it a rule that the usual district and section Org. letters, which are designed primarily for street units, shall not be sent to the shop units. We should make it a rule that either the section or the district must lead the shop units through sending a personal rep- resentative to the shop unit meetings or where this is impractical, sending each week an indi- vidual letter of instructions to each shop unit. Each shop unit has different problems, and par- ticularly today when our members are not trained in this work, the closest personal leader- ship by the higher committees is absolutely necessary. The Agitprop Departments must change their methods of work in the same direction. In order to train our comrades how to work the Agitprop Departments should organize at once week-end classes in the most important sections for the comrades active in shop work. These classes must be very concrete and practical. They must explain in the most simple terms just how the work is to be done. The District Agitprop Departments must in- sure a constant stream of short articles to the Daily. Worker on practical questions of the work, experiences, etc., written by comrades actually at the work in the shops. On the basis of these articles, special reports, etc, the C.C. Agitprop Departnient should issue a monthly bulletin on the order of the monthly Shop Paper Bulletin, making these experiences available to the whole Party. The character of our agitation must be changed. We must see to it that all of our gen- eral agitation around various issues such as the | war danger, Mooney campaign, elections, etc., is in all cases linked up with conditions in the shop and is written so as to appeal to shop workers, In big campaigns we should get out fewer general leaflets in the tens of thousands | and get out many, many more leaflets addressed to the workers-of one specific shop and tying up the general campaign with the conditions and the problems of the workers in the specific shop. Scores of such leaflets, which bear the imprint of the shop itself, should be gotten out in the course of our general campaigns. Such leat- lets issued by the Party should not always be signed by the District or Section Committee. Where we have a shop unit in the shop they should be signed by the shop unit itself. Thus we will make the workers of the shop conscious of the role of the shop unit as the political lead- er of the workers of the factory. Wherever pos- sible such leaflets should be written by the mem- bers of the shop unit or by individual comrades working in shops where we have as yet no uni The work of all other departments of the Di: trict and Section Committees, Negro Depart- ment, Women's Department, etc, must be changed in this same direction. Use the Mass Cempaigns to Build Shop | Organization! Too often our comrades complain that the | Party is engaged in so many big campaigns— | elections, Mooney campaign, Scottsboro, work among the unemployed, the campaign against imperialist war, etc—that they have no time left for shop work. This indicates a completely wrong approach to the problem. Instead of act- | ing as a brake on our shop work these mass | campaigns must be a principal instrum-nt for the penetration of the big shops. I will use a ! couple of examples to show how this can be done. The “Build the Union Strike Fund” ot the N. M. U. By FRANK BORICH fighting mood of the miners has not in the least subsided. The miners well understood our new policy, namely the localizing of the struggles around key mines, on the basis of local demands. The National Miners Unibn center re- veives frequent reports of new, local strikes, un- ‘| der the leadership of the N.M.U. The National Miners Union receives requests for guidance and leadership from every mining field in the country. We will here quote a typical letter from a mining town in Tennessee:— “Dear Comrade Borich:—We are and have been down here in Tennessee, shut in from the rest of the world until about a month ago when a comrade from the N.M.U. came down and opened our eyes. We have been doing our best to organize this place and we have done fine so far. We have got some of the mines nearly solid now. The men at most of the mines don’t make an average of more than 50c a day and are not making a half a living. I am going to do my best to organize this place solid, Please "mates ave Ny ¢ ’ The letter goes on to describe the miserable conditions under which the miners are living in Tennessee, and is appealing to the Center to help them organize against these conditions. It is because of this situation that the “Build the Union Strike Fund” campaign is of the ut- most importance to the future life of the N.M.U. The authority of the union has been well estab- lished as a result of the militant strike of over 46,000 miners. What is necessary now is to sta~ bilize our organization in order to be able to follow up this strike by giving daily leadership to the miners n ther struggles. The mood of the miners is such that almost any day a general flare up may take place again. A very tense situation exists at this moment in the Kentucky field, where a severe terror is raging. Only last week, Tom M: scough, our national organizer in Kentucky, was taken for a ride, and badly beaten up by company and uniformed thugs. In West Virginia, the United Mine Workwers of America agreed to ® wage cut of 20 per cent. This, on top of the many previous cuts The miners in Weet-Virginla, are up in arms against this new | to go,“plumb ‘to hell.” STAMP THEM OU The Orient Miners’ Strike and the Criminal Syndicalist Law By JOE TASH ad organizers of the National Miners Union and the Communist Party are being held by the Franklin County authorities in the Illinois coal fields, charged with criminal syndicalism. Scores of militant miners were taken. for quest- ioning, threatened with deportation and prison terms if they did not withdraw from the Na- tional Miners Union. The fire of the coal operators and their gov- | ernment was drawn by the militant step taken by the Orient miners last June when they struck two of the largest mines in the state of Illinois. The miners ‘struck against the laying off of a great number of them when the Chicago Wil-~ mington Iron and Fuel Co. decided to install loading conveyors and machines into the num- ber one mine. The attack against the Orient miners did not come in its sharp form until late in the strike. The reason for this is clear, the bosses thought that the strike was just another Illinois “wild cat,” and that the miners would return to work atter being told to do so by the officials of the | U.M.W.A. They failed to see in the beginning that the strike of the Orient miners was not only against grievances that’ existed in the Orient mines, but against conditions, that exist in the entire Illinois coal fields. After a month of struggle the character of the strike revealed itself to be of a militant nature and gradually connecting itself with the strike of the miners led by the N.M.U. in Penn- sylvania, Ohio and West Virginia and becoming a starting point for a strike that would sweep the entire Ilinois coal fields. For the issues around which the Orient strike was fought were the issues concerning all the Illinois miners, against mass lay-offs, against the effects of ra- tionalization and for a wage and conditions that would enable the miners to make a decent living. The strike had another role which was directed against the officialdom of the U.M.W.A, both district and national, and threatened to wipe out the company controlled by U.M.W.A. When Walker, district president of the U.M. ‘W.A. sent a telegram “instructing” the miners to return to work, the men promptly told him When John L, Lewis came to West Frankfort with the purpose’ of smashing the strike, two thousand miners jeered and booed, throwing Lewis into confusion. He yelled that the demonstration greeting him was carried out in a true “Communist” fashion and typical of action taken by the miners in Penn- sylvania against the officials of the U.M.W.A. Lewis Plans Attack With Operators It was not until after the failure to send the men back to work with the ready agents of the bosses, that the open direct and vicious attack came against the N.M.U. and its militant .sup- porters. Although the N.M.U. as such did not lead the strike in an organized. manner (due to our own mistakes and weakness) the bosses were aware of the fact that the N.M.U. policies which were being carried out through its mem- bers were the backbone of the struggle threaten- ing to spread the strike to greater proportions and linking it up with the great strike of, the miners in Pennsylvania, Ohio and West Vir- ginia. This is what the bosses feared. betrayal. A strike may result almost any mo- ment. ‘We must give leadership to these struggles. We must have a fund which will enable us to respond properly to every call for action. ‘The National Miners Union sends “Build the National Miners Union Fund” coupon to ail lo- cal unions. Every member of our union and the women’s auxiliary must get into action to sell the coupons. In addition to this, the local unions will use their initiative, in devising other ways and means of raising a strike fund, through ar- ranging of affairs, etc. This task, however, should not only remain the task of the members of the NMU. It is the duty of every class conscious worker to lend a hand in building a powerful National Miners Union, the only union which carries on an un- compromising battle against the starvation policy of the coal operators and the government. We appeal fo all workers to send funds for the daily battles of the miners. Send all funds to the National Miners Union, Room 204, Oil Penn x any § Homes of the miners were invaded at all hours of the night, miners were driven into their yards at the point of guns in. the hands of deputy sheriffs. The office of the N.M.U, was ran- | sacked, the organizer of the Communist Party | arrested while speaking to a meeting of miners, warrants were gotten out for organizers of the N.M.U., including the writer. While the terror against our union is let loose, the miners are coming closer to the N.M.U. This was proven at a meeting which was addressed by Walker himself. At the conclusion of Walker's speech, the writer took the floor. When some henchmen of the district machine tried to stop him, the audience yelled: “Let him talk.” They Hstened with glee to the attacks made against Walker and Lewis. After speaking several minutes, I was arrested and taken off the plat- form amidst the protest of the miners. The sentiment at this meeting was for the N.M.U. and representative of the mood of the miners in the entire field. Edmonson Betrays The “rank and file” movement, headed by Edmonson, played the black role that we warned against. Edmonson and his followers advised the men to go back to Lewis and Walker, which meant the breaking of the Orient strike. Need- less to say that because of this action, the so- called rank and file organization for the time being has disappeared, it has served its purpose, it broke the Orient strike, it drove the men back to Lewis and Walker, and it served to isolate the miners of Illinois from the strike led by the N.M.U. in the East. However, the danger of other movements of similar character (pro--~ gressive in words and reactionary in deeds) can not be underestimated, and the N.M.U. must fight to expose any and all fakers “who mas- querade as “champions of the miners interests,” but who have either only their selfish interest in view, or to mislead the miners. It is our task to show the miners that a movement will only stand and fight for the interests of the miners when it is based upon a militant pro- gram and not upon an individual. Edmonson still has the brass to try to regain the confidence of the miners; he is still uttering demagogic ‘and misleading statements. Dema- gogy will not help Edmonson any longer, His deeds have been too plain to the miners: Miners Active ‘The arrests of the organizers of the N.M.U, in the Northern section of the Illinois coal fields, did not mean that the work had ceased. The local men did @ successful job of the work plan- ned. This fact goes to show that the workers and especially the miners are capable and possess the initiative when given responsibility, to carry through necessary functions in an organizational campaign.’ In the southern section, in Franklin county which has always led the fascist onslaught against the N.M.U., the sudden sharpness of the attack drove the miners for the time being into a state of fear, Although the militants have been forced to make a temporary retreat, and although the U.M.W.A, together with the coun- ty authorities ‘are using every means to keep the miners in submission, the situation is such that with the correct organizational approach a mass movement can be developed under the leadership of the N.M.U. The congitions in the Orient mines as well as in practically every mine in the district are the same and worse than they were before the strike. The men in the Orient mines work one week out of every five, and this is only in theory, they are supposed to work on that, basis, many of the miners work one and ~ two days a month. The Orient men seeking a way out, have again been betrayed by another faker, Criticism is due to the N.MU. in the Illinois district for allowing this faker to mislead and betray the miners; it was due to our weakness, and the unclarity of some of the organizers re- garding the role of the Edmonsonites that was to a great extent responsible, and it is to be noted that the past mistakes of the union had cast an unfavorable reflection. However, Ed- monson has through his own deeds exposed him- self. The miners, on the other hand, see clearly in the N.M.U. and more so due to the recent attack, the only organization that has the un- derstanding of the present situation, aug std pecan to unite and lead the miners to K By BURCK 25,000 LawRence TEXTILE STRIKERS Fighting American Miners, Steel Work- ers and Seamen go to Greet the 14th Anniversary in the Soviet Union ‘HE delegation of American workers from the basic industries has been elected-to go to the Mth Anniversary celebration of the Russian Revolution—15 delegates elected from the coal regions, the steel mills and the harbors of the U.S.A. All of these workers are active in the struggles now raging against the new wage cuts and the Hoover program of starvation. ‘These workers have been invited by the Rus- sian trade unions to visit the Soviet Union to participate in the 14th celebration of the suc- cessful overthrow of czarism and exploitation— to examine at close range the tremendous ad- vance of the Five-Year Plan, the Giant factories, the Giant farms which mean increase in the standard of living for the workers and peasants. These delegates will report to the masses in the Soviet Union of the hunger and death that is widespread in the “mighty land of imperialism and prosperity.” ‘This occasion is a very important one. Many delegations of workers have gone across before. But at the present time when the war prepara- tions are being feverishly prepared to attack the | Soviet Union, workers coming from the basic in- dustries, from the.very heart of American capi- talism, come to the Soviet Union to build strong- er the ties of solidarity. ‘The lies and slanders of the capitalist writers against the Soviet Union still continue. Only a few weeks ago Wales, the star reporter of the Chicago Tribune, told of “the failure of the Magnitogorsk and the loss of 125 million dol- lars.” WALES IS A LIAR. Magnitogorsk opened two blast furnaces on October 1 in spite of diffi- culties and because of the tremendous enthus- iasm and ability of the Soviet workers to build their Socialist state. The Five Year Plan has smashed the lies of capitalist reports—is considered on ‘all sides a success and will be completed in the period of four years, The workers and peasants of the Soviet Union are preparing their second five- year plan to make even mightier strides of pro- gress in the industialization and the socializa~ tion of the farms, Already the defenders of the capitalist states are beginning their attacks on the second five-year plan. Last week the Herald ‘Tribune, speaking the sentiments of the Hoover administration, wrote as follows: “The second Five-Year Plan will have to be seriously modi- fied, if not ultimately abandoned.” In the eyes of the capitalist press the Five- Guaranteed to raise a laugh in any worker and Year Plan, the,second Five-Year Plan, all the plans of the Soviet workers are failures. They deliberately make these reports in mad efforts to hide the facts from the workers, But the workers are seeing the sharp contrast between the “dol- Jar” land of unemployment and hunger, and the Soviet land of Socialist upbuilding and workers freedom. At this time the delegates from the basic in- dustries will be able to visit the basic industries of the Soviet Union and then go back to report to the American workers. Their trip and all of the meetings held will mean the mobilization ot greater masses of workers and farmers in the United States for a mighty army of Friends of + the Soviet Union. ‘The Friends of the Soviet Union delegates will carry the greetings of the militant fighters of America to the 14th celebration and the pledge of thousands and tens of thousands of friends of the Soviet Union to carry onthe struggle for the advance of the Workers’ Fatherland. — Workers! Organize the Friends of. the Soviet Union, Build stronger ties of International Soli- arity, Defend the Soviet Union! POSE ares reson T Visit the homes of the unemployed workers. List all cases of starvation, undernourishment, inade- "quate relief. Carry on a sustained and steady struggle for unemployment relief, for the starving families from the city government, the large corporations and employers. Have large delegations of unstas‘oyed workers present at evory mer gh sble) city council to fight for adequate re- Hef for all cases of starving and undernourished workers’ families. , ‘ v Which is to say that we're off the press with @ whang-doodle five-cent pamphlet of some ! choice selections from this column entitled “Red ~ Sparks” in a pocket-size edition, two-color cover | with a red hot anvil (ain't that funny?) and a mean-looking hammer banging at it, This is pamphlet “Number 1” of the Red Sparks series and if you want Number 2, you'll have to clean up this edition of Number 1. Only 3,000 copies=illustrated by Ryan Walker—and 40,000 readers of the Daily Worker, so you bet- ter send in your order quick to the Workers Library Publishers, Box 148, Station “D,” New York City. You New York folks who will take in the big Daily Worker-Freiheit Bazaar, look for the lit- erature boys and gals with the Red Sparks pamphlet. Get a handful and tuck them in the mail-boxes of your despondent frietids. | raise the hair of any capitalist, Daily Worker Clubs and other live organiza- | tions get 25 per cent off in 50-s or 100-s, post- Ft age paid by the Workers Library Publishers, to | which orders should be sent. Let the uninitiated know that Communists can grin and eyen bust right into laughter— while they bust the bosses in the eye. O. eitiee Holy Christofer! “Christopher Christ, forty-eight, who said he had lived until recently at 248 W, 48th St., col- lapsed early today on Eighth Ave., just below 42d St. Physicians said Christ was suffering from starvation. Christ said he had spent yes- terday walking about the city seeking employ- | ment. He was taken to Bellevue Hospital." From the N, Y. Post of Oct. 1. However, although Christ came to Manhattan and found no place to lay his head, it was not for lack of good hotels. While Christ was wan- dering, homeless and starving, through the streets, from Washington the Voice of President — Hoover was booming over the air, saluting the opening of the new Waldorf-Astoria Hotel. Why should Christ have no bed? Here 12,000 guests assembled in the forty-seven storied pal- ace of exclusiveness, to listen to the fat-head Executive of American capitalism gabble from Washington, as follows: “Our hotels have come to be conducted in far larger vision than mere profit making. The opening of the new Waldorf-Astoria .., carries on a great tradition in national hos- pitality.” But Christ held no invitation, “National hos- / pitality” did not register. » ‘ The N. Y. Times sang thus of the opening night: “Every dining room has beer engaged for to- _ night.... For the fruit cocktail only, there | will be 10,000 oranges, pears, apples and pine- apples. There will be 200 gallons of soup, 100 pounds of fresh Russian caviar, and 1,200 lob- sters. Vegetibles and meat run up into the tons.” But Christ was broke. Christ didn’t even hear Hoover's speech from Washington telling how . | the Waldorf-Astoria was not at all interested in “mere profit making.” Thus it came about that the papers reported: “Physicians said Christ was suffering. from starvation.” Jesus Christ! Pa Tai a. Talk about a cheap lot of stick-up men, two of ’em in Wyoming went three times through the pockets of forty unemployed workers—and got -only thirty cents, 2 ee 4 Mishter Shouse, we shee, ish for Beer! Isn’t This Beautiful! This, boys and girls, is all about a “socialist” party which isn’t a socialist party. Perhaps you’ye heard that before, but this is a new wrin- kle on it. We take you by the nape of the neck and drop you forthwith into the middle of an argument, the following being written’ by a gent in Utica, N. ¥., to the local capitalist press, the “Utica Press”: © .. “To the editor of the Press:—As a member of the socialist party, I take exception to the unfair, unsportsmanlike and un-American statements published in the local newspapers regarding my- self and other members of the Socialist party who signed the socialist designating petition for, Charles S. Donnelley and other democrats as the candidates of the socialist party in the fall primary. : “As an American citizen , .. I refuse to sur- render my right of suffrage to Otto L. Endres or any other publicity seeking spokesman of oui party. The real socialist believes in princip! and one of these is opposition to dictatorshij Mr. Endres believes himself to be a , let him retire to a foreign country. I don’t have to take my choice for mayor the committee of the socialist party... . Is it crime to be a Democrat?... I will Mayor Donnelley, for his record . . . justifies th support of all real American members of socialist party.” This above, dear reader, was signed by John Esposito, on August 26, 1931, A.D. at so | N. ¥, And as it reveals, upholds the heaven right of American “socialists” to nominate Dem- of September 29, we nip the following bit sequel to this “socialist’-democrat letter: “The socialists, ful in their effort have Eara Hanagan, Demooratic candidate, ale. cline the socialist nomination for sheriff, seek his scalp at the general election by ‘aging their members to temporarily depart f party principles and vote for the Republican ca didate, it was stated yesterday by Otto L. re teas Caiees or te Oe ead on a train, and from him learned that Cam hasn't a dollar invested in land, He leases f1 y the Government at 37% cents per acre. Government wanted té upset his apple-cart, bi 4 the Morgan interests wouldn’t allow it. My question -was, ‘Is he making any money?’ answer was, ‘Well, if he keeps on much longe he will have to hunt up another million | widow. His whole scheme is founded pot and bluff)” — , $1; excepting Boroughs $8; six months, $4.50. By JORGE 5s We're Off!