The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 7, 1931, Page 4

Page Four t and mail On the Carrying Out 13th Plenum Decisions ot the LESSONS OF THE MINERS’ STRIKE AND TASK N.M.U. AMONG NEGRO MINERS By HARRY HAYWOOD Another grave of the strike was our f to cor ids for the Negro While our w laced the gen- eral of the Negro the strike r cretize these progran jenial of the r ner paid jobs ies, th ¢ ht to occupy the question of bi g ot around which hinges the and revolutionary referred to above, the U.M.W.A. fakers ation “no discriminas ced or color,” which prevent them from carrying Jim Crow palicy in regards nds rence betwei is a question 2 reform miner, that 4 in their cons nt of race, offers valuable lessons in regard to the building up of the mass circulation of the Liberator. The paper was received enthusia- stically by both Negro and white miners and used successfully in gaining wider contacts among the Negro miners for the strike and the union. Howeve er role of the Liberator was not at fully appreciated as witnessed in our failure to organize its systematic distribution, and to make a beginning in the work of build- ing up a mass Circulation of the Liberator in the mining fields. A smashing blow, therefore, was given to the tendency to regard this paper as merely orgar r for the L.S.N.R. and failing to see its broader role as an organizer for our mi organizations, union, unemployed councils, etc., among the Negro workers. In connection with these main shortcomings a number of additional weaknesses must be re- gistered, not one special leaflet was distributed among the Negro miners who remained at work, explaining to them why they should join the strike; no special disc ion on the Negro ques- tion was organized in the local union during the course of the strike, etc., etc. All of these shortcomings can be largely at- tributed to our failure to place the work among Negroes on an organized basis. Only at a rela- tively late stage in the strike, in fact when the strike wave was alrealy on the ebb, did we set CONSOLIDATION OF OUR INFLUENCE AMONG NEGROES In the struggle for Negro rights in which our Party has registered highly significant political victories, the utmost attention must now be concentrated upon consolidating our mass influ- ence organizationally by (a) intensified recruit- ing of Negro workers into the Party; (b) mass recruiting of Negro workers into the revolution- ary trade unions and unemployed councils and the development of their special immediate eco- | momic demands; (c) building of the mass cir- jculation of the Liberator and the crystalliza- revolutionary workers must be burned out. Spe- clal attention must be given to the develop- ment of leading cadres from among the Negr | upon certain limited demands in special cam- | paigns (Scottsboro) must be used as the start- |ing point to develop the broadest mass propa- | ganda for the whole Communist program on | the Negro question. The serious weaknesses | that have appeared at times in dealing with | the Negro petty bourgeoisie (Pickens, Negro | Press) must be systematically and energetically corrected—From the 13th Plenum Resolution | published in full in the October issue of “The | Communist”. tion of the LSNR groups around it. The last | traces of white chauvinism in the ranks of the| | masses in all phases of work. Concentration | up out a Department in the Union and work a concrete program for the development of this work. This program, adopted by the Central Rank and File Strike Committee, has’ until now been | but weakly put into operation. At the present time, the union is faced with the tasks of overcoming its isolation and in- trenchin ses of itself in the mines among the main ie rs who have been driven back m: Under The Fight Against the War Danger Nevertheless it must be stated that the in- of the struggle against the danger of war and against the danger of intervention against the USSR does not all correspond to |the intensity with which the imperialists are | | |preparing for war against the USSR. The agi- tation against the war danger is not carried on systematically, and in many cases only from jcampaign to campaign. The fundamental |weakness of the work of the Communists is that the concrete measures being taken in preparation for war in parliamentary commis- | sions, in the imperialist armies afid in the war industries, are not sufficiently exposed to the masses. The Communist Parties have not yet learned how to explain to the masses suffi- | ciently clearly the connection that exists be- | tween the war preparation of the imperialists and the growth of the exploitation of the op- | |pressed masses. They have not yet learned | |how to expose by concrete illustrations the fact that social democracy is the !support of imper- ialism.in the preparation for counter-revolu- tionary war against the USSR. tensity | necessary to carry into effect the following main tasks: 1. The concretization of the demands of the Negro miners on the basis of the local condi- tions im each mine. To conduct a real struggle | against any attempts of the coal operators to victimize Negro miners for strike activities by | placing our demands of “no discrimination of | Militant Negro miners” as a condition in local | strike settlements. | 2° "The crganization of mass actions for the | smashing of Jim Crow laws and customs in min- ing committees. (The Pittsburgh Party dist- rict proposes to organize broad united front | anti-Jim-Crow conferences on a section basis, | Picking out in this respect two sections where | Jim Crowism is most rampant. These to be | called under the joint auspices of the NMU, | MWIL and LSNR, will have the task of organ- | izing a real campaign against local Jim-Crow- ism.) 3. Organization of a sharp struggle against all hangovers of boss class prejudices in our | ranks. 4. The organization of the more active par- | Camp Hill campaign through the utilization of | | this campaign to widen contacts among Negro | miners, in building up of the union and in de- velopment of Negro departments and commit- tees in the Union. 5. Organization of discussions in the local unions in connection with carrying out tasks in Negro work. | 6. Building up of mass circulation of the Liberator in the mining fields, through the utili- zation of the paper as an organizer for the union | | among Negro miners. 7. Organization of Committees for Work | | among Negro Miners in each local union, for | the purpose of initiating this work. | ‘The party through its fraction in the mining | | flelds, must be the main driving force in carry- | ing out the above tasks. || -It is of the utmost importance that these | lessons of the Miners’ Strike be energetically | | and conscientiously applied in the development || of our Negro work in the steel campaign, in || which industry Negroes constitute a basic sec- |! tion of the workers. Prepare tor the Greater Defense Struggle Ahead By J. LOUIS ENGDARL 'AVAGE terror is the weapon of the bosses in carrying through wage cuts and other attacks upon the workers’ standard of living. This per- secution drive develops into mass arrests, de- portation drives, cold-blooded killings, during strike struggles. Thus the announcement by the great steel cor- porations, the rubber, coal, textile, automobile, metal mining and other great profit-taking in- terests, of widespread wage reductions, calls for the greatest mobilization by the International Labor Defense of all possible forces that can be enlisted in the defense struggles of the working class. The militant call of the Trade Union Unity League mobilizes the workers for struggle against wage slashing, for resistance to greater misery. Utilize Mooney-Harlan Campaign. The energetic carrying through of the Mooney- Harlan-Scottsboro Campaign, which has already developed into great demonstrations in many cities, must become one of the major means of developing our defense activities into a mass { movement in preparation for the struggles ahead. The affiliations of the Trade Union Unity League and all other organizations must be act- tvized through the proper functioning of defense groups, giving leadership to this work inside these organizatons, Wherever poussble there must be defense groups within the local unions of the American Federa- tion of Labor and the independent unions (Amalgamated Clothing Wor! of America, Railroad Brotherhoods, etc., etc.) It is not neces- sary for these organizations to be affiliated with the International Labor Defense in ordér to have initiative groups within them. Several members ‘or even one worker can raise defense issues with- 4g these organizatony é ‘ q se ee ai Be t ‘ Special attention should be given to those in- | dustries where wage cuts have been ennounced, especially steel, through building LL.D. branches, reviving old branches and aci:vizing affiliations in these territories and at least de- velopng contacts with the factories. Special agi- tation must be carried on before factories on an increasing scale through meetings, distribution of literature and sale of the Labor Defender. | | Wherever strikes take place sub-committee on defense activities must be established inside all strike cofflmittees to work closely with the I.L.D. This must become the basis for transferring the mass activity in which workers are arrested (picketing, demonstration, hunger marches, etc., etc.) into the mass protest for the release of the prisoners, before jails, courthouses and delega- tions to the governors of the states in which the persecution takes place. Not An Outside Organization, At no time must the International Labor De- fense appear as an outside organization merely eoming into the strike situation, The mass ac- tivities of the strike itself must become the mass basis for carrying through all defense activities in@uding relief for prisoners and prisoners’ de- pendents and even legal aid. When defense activities take on a mass char- acter, growing directly out of the mass struggles, then the, basis has been found for the building of the International Labor Defense into a mass organization. Under these ccnditions, and with the carrying through of the correct defense poli- cies of the LL.D., it cannot then be said that there are too many persecutions for the 1.L.D. to take care of. Rather the increasing perse- cutions create in themselves the need and the opportunities for still further building the Inter- national Labor Defense into a powerful mass organization, truly—The Shield of the Working Class.” a * S OF THE, these condtions, it is urgently | | | ticipation of our union i nthe Scottsboro and | “WHEN WINTER COMES’ IN BUFFALO | another war which will kill off ten million work- | turn—Opening Jobs in Western New York.” By ROBERT NASH. 'HE current talk among the workers of Buffalo, on the streets, in cheap hash joints, is about the approaching terrible hard winter they will have to face. In conversation with some work- ers they bitterly remarked that it appears that the only solution for unemployment seems to be ers so as to give them a chance to get a job. But they also said that they will see to it that they are not among the ten million. This is the hateful mood of the workers when they face the prospect of another winter. The capitalist class is well aware of this mood, hence they bring into use their powerful organs of lying propaganda, the newspapers, which are carrying on a campaign of “good times” coming. The “Buffalo Times” carried such typical bunk of “returning prospertiy” by one named Silver- man, under the title “Construction Industry Up- Now let's see these “opening jobs in Western New York.” The new Ford plant, situated in Buffalo, was boosted in the press that 1,500 men would be hired. When “hiring” did begin over 5,000 workers turned out, coming from all direc- tions, walking five and six miles distance and some waiting on line from four in the morning. Twenty-five men were hired that day and since then nothing more. was heard of any hiring being done. The Great Lakes Portland Cement Co. was also boosted as hiring 3,000 men, but only about 30 were hired, claiming that hundreds were hired. The capitalist press carried pictures of the | new workers. The picture itself belied their | claims, for even a casual observation showed no more than 10 workers. Mr. Silverman in his article gives statistics to “prove” the “opening of jobs in Westezn New Yor We will take his own figures and what do we find: An addition to the St. James Hospital will cost $100,000 and will employ 25 men. Mind you, $100,000 expended in construction and 25 workers to be employed Home construction in North Hornel will amount to $70,000 and will employ 50 men. A $30,000 road construction and a $400,000 grading project in Hornel will employ 150 men. A $300,000 Catholic church will em- ploy 100 men. A $390,000 high school in Albion will employ 50 men. Where is the “opening ot jobs in Western New York”? The investments in construction even according to Mr. Silverman’s figures is $1,290,000 and the “huge” number ot workers to be employed is 475! This is for the whole of Western New York and in Buffalo alone there are over 100,000 unemployed. The lie of this prostitute journalist speaks for itself. The conclusion of Silverman’s article is a gem of fakery and “official optimism”. We quote: “George D. Cogswell, chairman of the Housing Committee of the Chamber of Commerce de- clared today that this city is heading towards the greatest five year period in its history. A golf course (isn’t this wonderful news for you starving workers of Buffalo?), homes (for whom, certainly not for the workers?), and other pro- jects are contemplated.” Mr. Cogswell, didn’t Hoover make a fool of himself already with his “return of prosperity within 60 days’? What “other projects” Messrs. Cogswell and Silverman? ‘You know you lie, Unemployed workers, golf courses and homes are being built, but not for you. When your landlord throws you out of your rooms the City Welfare in all its “kindness” sees that you and your family are moved into lousy, filthy, ver- min-ridden, airless, $15 “apartments.” You must be thankful though, that a golf course as well as & $300,000 Catholic church is being built for you, instead of fattories where you can find jobs. Such things are done only by the “terrible” Bol- sheviks, in the workers’ land, Soviet Russia, where factories are built so that today there is no unemployment there and churches are torn down because no one uses them. The arrogance of the bosses is beyond limit. ‘They build golf courses, “homes” and “other pro- jects” while the same vile, reptile, capitalist press reports that tuberculosis is on the increase; thab- “dispensary reports more patients this sum- mer ‘than ‘in five years; that the birth rate in the city of Buffalo is the lowest in its history; children, especially Negro children are forced to siay at home and not go to school, kecause they have no shoes and no clothes; and an Italian work- ing woman with a brood of six was arrested on a framed up charge of stabbing a parasitic charity investigator, a charge which the poor ‘woman pleaded not guilty and held for $1,000 beat, ~ at VANCOUVER UL. mwa + ie fn The Tactics ot Class Against Class By D. Z. MANUILSKY. L ye are still other reasons that hinder the Communists in undermining the influence of Social Democracy. One of these is our own mistakes, especially our mis-application of the tactics of class against class. Theory of “Lesser Evil.” The tactics of class against class, which were dictated to the Communist International by the sharpening of the class struggle, by the process of the fascisation of Social Democracy, by the increasing importance of the Communist Parties ig the labor movemént, and by Bolshevization, hes completely justified itself. The importance of these tactics is increasing especially a# the present moment of the crisis, of sharpened struggles of labor against capital, and in con- formity with this, the sharp turn of all bour- geois groups, including the Social Democratic Party, still further to the right, 1. e., their fascization, and in view of the necessity of con- ducting a most active struggle against Social Democracy as the police force of capital. The tactics of class against class is a sharp-edged weapon directed against Social Democracy, with the aim of exposing it in the eyes of the broad masses of worttxs, which frequently accept it | as the “lesser evil.” Thus in Finland we see how, after the Lopuan Coup, the Social Demo- crats utilized the coup to get control of the union movement, its property and its halls, and even pro-Communist workers voted: for the So- cial Fascist Party at the. elections, because they feared the “victory” of Fascism. The same thing can be observed in Austria. The fear of victory of the Conservatives in England still keeps the British workers, who are betrayed every day by the MacDonald government, under the influence of the Laborites. Similar senti- ments hinder the successes of the Communist Party in the Scandinavian countries. And this proves that the Communists have not yet brought about a change of mind among the millions of non-Party workers,.and not even in the con- sciousness of the Communist workers. The class against class tactics have not yet been learned. by the masses. Our speeches on the fascization of Social Democracy in connec- tion with the sharpening of the class struggle have been taken formally, outwardly, and have not penetrated the flesh and blood of the Com- munist Parties. This-is a sad fact, but it can- not be denied, The danger of the illusion that Social Democracy is not reactionary is becoming extremely serious in countries like Poland, where perpetual squabbles take place in the very camp of fascism around the state pie on the question of utilizing more effective methods of muzzling the working class and the revolutionary peas- ants. The Communists, in spite of favorable conditions, have not succeeded”by the tactics of class against class in completely shaking the position of the Social Democrats in the working class. Evidently the Communists make mis- takes in applying these tactics. Opportunist Passivity and Lagging Behind. What are these mistakes? Firstly, opportunist passivity in the struggle against Social Demo- * cracy, a kind of tactics of defense and not of attack. This is expressed most clearly among Communists who are working in the reformist trade unions. Scores of examples could be quoted of how Communists have played the role of “strong silent men” in the reformist trade unions, who explain their passivity by arguments about the necessity of keeping their position and not being expelled from the trade union. The struggle against so-called trade union’ legalism was a struggle of the Communist Parties against this type of opportunist passivity. International Brandlerism formed its trade union policy on thjs system: of capitulation to. the Social Demo~ crats. In the past, this tactic of defense was fostered by the conditions of “stabilization.” The | Communist International end its sections had to carry out a great deal of work in order to put the Communists on = path of more decisive streggle against Social Democracy to correspond to the sharpening of the class struggles and the growing upsurge of the revolutionary movement, : Has this work been completed? Have we over- come opportunist passivity in the Communist ranks? This cannot be said. In many cases, even in the best Parties, we still have residues of opportunism. The Party officials frequently lag behind the new revolutionary non-Party workers in revoluttonary activity. For example, in Austria the workers who came over from the Social Democrats to the Communist Party are frequently a much better and more militant ele- ment than the Communists of long standing in the Party. In order that the fight against Social Democracy may be successful, the Com- munist Parties must first of all concentrate their fire against opportunist passivity in all the forms in which it may appear. Class Against Class Tactics Do Not Eliminate United Front Tactics. Secondly, the Communists frequently forget that the tactics of “class against class” do not negate the tactics of the united workers’ front. On the contrary, they imply’ primarily the widest application of the latter taetics, as the, tactic of class struggle. By the very fact that we are fighting, we expose Social Democracy by facts, by practice, by experience, taken from the struggle of the working class. This is the lan- guage that is understood by the masses of work- ers, and not theses on the fascization of Social Democracy. In order to expose Social Demo- cracy successfully, we must think the thoughts of these masses. We must learn to put Social Democtacy in such a position that facts would more eloquently reveal to the workers its treachery than the most fiery Communist speech the task of which is to generalize the thoughts “and deductions of the workers. Yet the meth- ods of our agitation among the Social Demo- cratic workers are extremely bad, We talk to them as if we were faced with a Communist audience, for whom the treacherous character of Social Democracy is perfectly clear, or cs if they had already broken with the ideas of Social Democracy and only needed a slight push to join the ranks of the Communists, At Party congresses and conferences, we try’ more to con- vince each other of the fascization of Social Democracy than to work out speeches to be de- livered to the non-Party and Social Democratic masses. If a worker does not leave the Social Democratic Party it shows that he is not con- vinced of its treachery, that he thinks that the path of compromise and class collaboration is more expedient than the class struggle. We must show him the reverse by systematic and persistent work with him; we must approach’ him with agitation on a level with his under- standing. ‘ ( Learn To Listen To Arguments of Fakers. At the same time the Communists must or- ganize the united workers’ front. This means we must keep in constant contact with the rank and file Social Democratic masses in the fac- tories; we must organize joint meetings with them, and conferences; we must work out a program of demands jointly with them and non- Party delegates; we must convince them, argue with them; we must learn to listen to the argu- ments of rank and file Social Democrats so as to smash them the more easily. This means that we must discuss with factory trade union delegates, who have not discredited themselves as spies and lickspittles of the factory manage- ments, questions which agitate the workers for the purpése of organizing activity jointly with the Social Democratic workers. This is of spe- cial importance at the present time when the’ Social Democratic apparatus is in many places beginning to crack from below, ‘This means, further, that the approach to the struggle for the independent leadership of class struggles of the proletariat in the various coun- tries must oF 4n_ the respective countries in accordance with the varying importance of: the Communist Parties and with the varying rate of radicalization of the masses and their loss of faith in the Social Democrats. We must not mechanically transfer the methods of assuming independent leadership of class struggles from the German Communist Party, for example, to the British or American Communist Party. We Whe NCS ae (To Be Concluded In a Subsequent Issue.) | hil ti ae iy Publist 20, I daily -¢ Sunday, at 50 East & = yr SUBSCRIPTION RATES: y York City, N. Y Lele ALgor 4 Cable “DAIWORK.” ak or s@r . By mail everywhere: One year, $6).six months, $3; twe months, $1: excepting Boroughs all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. Y. \ oe of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, $8; six months, $4.50. Central a wnist Party U.S.A. = ere eee ———— % de ieee ts = = | By BUBCK | THE FIRE-EATING ACT | By JORGE oe] Isn’t This Beautiful! This, boys and girls, is all about a “socialist” party which isn’t a socialist party. Perhaps you've heard that before, but this is a new wrin- kle on it, We take you by the nape of the neck and drop you forthwith into the middle of an argument, the following being written by a gent in Utica, N. ¥., to the local eapifalist press, the “Utica Press”: “To the editor of the Press:—As a member of the socialist party, I take exception to the unfair; unsportsmaniike and un-American statements Published in the local newspapers regarding my- self and other members of the socialist. party who signed the socialist designating petition for Charles S. Donnelley and other democrats as the candidates of the socialist party in the fall primary. “As an American citizen . ... I refuse to sur- render my right of sufftage to Otto L. Endres or any other publicity seeking spokesman of our party. The real socialist believes in principles; and one of these is opposition to dictatorship. ~.. If Mr. Endres believes himself to be a czar or king, let him retire to a foreign country. . .. I don’t have to take my choice for mayor from the committee of the socialist party. ... Is it a crime to be a Democrat? ... I will support Mayor Donnelley, for his record . . . justifies the support of all real American members of ‘the socialist party.” This above, dear reader, was signed by one John Esposito, on August 26, 1931, A.D. at Utica, N. Y. And as it reveals, upholds the heaven born right of American “socialists” to nominate Dem- ocrats on the “socialist” ticket. But that isn’t all! From the same “Utica Press” of September 29, we nip the following bit of sequel to this “socialist”-democrat letter: hi “The socialists, unsuccessful in their effort to have Ezra Hanagan, Democratic candidate, de- cline the socialist nomination for sheriff, will seek his scalp at the general election by encour- aging their members to temporarily depart from party principles and vote for the Republican can- didate, it was stated yesterday by Otto L. Endres, socialist county chairman.” My gawd, WHAT A PARTY! e Cee Chicago, “Let’s Go”! ‘ It seems to us that a situation is arising in Chicago to which some attention might be-given. One letter we have says: “This is the flop dis- trict and there is a soap-boxer speaker here every evening speaking to many readers of the Daily Worker, advocating ‘Steal it’, instead of organizing.” Well, maybe the Party can’t do anything about it, if the police puts up such peop!> to talk. But you workers who read the Daily,should make such a soap-boxer feel mighty uncomfortable and let him know whet you think about him. ~ Another, letter says, in part: “I've been watch- ing the meeting at Washington Sq. in Chicago for the past five months. The radicals hold meetings there each night. Seven out of ten of these speakers just talk to take up a collection to get a bottle of moonshine. I know what I’m talk- ing about. I see things for myself, just a lot of drunken bums, z “I and others were going to join the Reds, but what we saw at Wash. Sq. would tur any- one away. Don't think I’m not in favor of Rus- sia. I sure hope Russia has good luck. These speakers should be exposed, they don’t care about the working class.—W.C.H.” Well, comrade, we are doing our part in’ the exposing. Only please don’t get all the hole and corner “radicals” mixed up with the Com- munists. We don’t believe that anyone who is Speaking for the Communist Party is taking up collections for moonshine. It must be some gang of “radical talkers” who pretend they are “Reds” but are: not. ‘ : ,And maybe the Party cannot do much about it for that reason. But if it can do anything, it certainly should start right in. A little organized attention to such fake “Reds” would soon put a stop to this sort of thing. You workers who read the Daily and attend such meetings should do your part in inaking sure that the Party O.K.’s the speaker. Holy Christofer! ‘ “Christopher Christ, forty-eight, who said he had lived until recently at 248 W. 48th St., col- lapsed early today on Eighth Ave., just below 42d St. Physicians said Christ was suffering from starvation. Christ said he had spent yes- terday walking about the city seeking employ- ment. He was taken to Belleyue Hospital.”— From the N. Y. Post of Oct. 1. However, although Christ came to Manhattan and found no place to lay his head, it was not for lack of good hotels. While Christ was wan- dering, homeless and starving, through the streets, from Washington the voice of President Hoover was booming over the air, saluting the opening of the new Waldorf-Astoria Hotel. ° Why should Christ have no bed? Here 12,000 guests assembled in the forty-seven storied pal- ace of exclusiveness, to listen’ to the fat-head Executive of American capitalism gabble from Washington, as follows: “Our hotels have come to be conducted in far larger vision than mere profit making. . ... The opening of the new Waldorf-Astoria ... carries on a great tradition in national hos- pitality.” Christ held no invitation. “National hos- pitality” did not register. The N.Y. Times: sang thus of the opening night: - i, “Every dining room has been engaged for to- night. ... For the fruit cocktail only, there will be 10,000 oranges, pears, apples and. pine- apples. There will be 200 gallons of soup, 100 pounds of fresh Russian caviar, and 1,200 lob- sters. Vegetables and meat run up into the tons,” But Christ was broke, Christ didn’t even hear Hoover’s speech from Washington telling how the Waldorf-Astoria was not at all interested in “mere profit making.” Thus it came about that the papers reported: > “physicians said Christ was suffering from starvation.” Jesus Christ! 7 j Talk about a cheap lot of stick-up men, two of ‘em in Wyoming went three times through the ~ pockets of forty’ unemployed workers—and got’ only thirty cents, o 8 8 ‘ Mishter Shouse, we shee, ish for Beer! sy ‘eae 2 Sa Re RRR II er is —— Mn oy