The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 6, 1931, Page 4

£ Published by the Comprodaily Publisting Co. ~» New York Gity, N. ¥ E& Address and mail ali checks ta the Daily Wor Page Four & 13th SI daily ALgonquin 4-7956. Inc. Cable except Sunday, at 50 East r, 50 Hast 13th Street, New York, N. Y. “DAIWOR.” Dail By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Fore! wo months, $1; : one year, $8; six months, epting Boterste $4.60. By HARRY L evaluating the work of the Party and Na- 1 Miners Union in the recent tri-state Miners Stri particular attention must be giv- en to the work among the Negroes. One of the most outstanding achievements of r Jendid spirit of solidarity ted betwee gro and white miners. roximately 6,000 Negro miners were involved he strike (nearly one-fifth of the total num- of strikers) This, as has already been pointed out, was the largest number of Ne- groes ever involved in any organized action un- der the leadership of the Party and revolution- trade unions. These Negro miners and their milies displayed the greatest milit; y, active- ly in leading in all phases of strike and union icket lines, on strike and relief officers in the union and women’s auxiliaries, etc, Negro miners con- st ed the backbone of the strike in a num- of mine: principle 6f workingclass solidarity met onse on the part of the miners, This is shown by the fact that even in locals with one or two Ne- gro miners, these were almost invariably placed in leading positions on Strike Committees and as Officers of the local unions. On'the whole, the splitting tactics of the coal operators re- ceived a smashing defeat in the strike. In developing and cementing this unity, the National Miners Union played a leading role. ‘The fact that the strike was led by our revo- ion, which placed in the forefront HAYWOOD with enthusiastic large masses of wh lutionary of its pro; m, unity of white and Negro min- ers on the basis of a struggle for the demands of the latter, was without doubt ‘the greatest factor contributing to this workingclass sol- the “White Chauvinism Stinks of Slave Market The 100 per cent Yankee arrogance divides | the American population into a series of castes, | among which the Negroes constitute, so to peak, the caste of the “untouchables,” who | are iy a still lower category than the lowest categories of human society, the immigrant laborers, the yellow immigrants, and the In- dians. In all big cities the Negroes have to live in special segregated Ghettoes (and, of course, have to pay extremely high rent). In practice, marriage between Negroes and whites | is prohibited, and in the South ythis is even | forbidden by law. In vafious other ways, the | Negroes are segregated, and if they dvérstep the bounds of the segregation they immediate- ly run the risk of being ill-treated by the 100 per cent bandits. As wage earners, the Ne- | groes are forced to perform the lowest and most difficult work; they generally receive lower wages than the white workers and do | not always get the same wages as white work- ers doing similar work, and their treatment is the very worst. Many American Federation of Labor trade unions do not admit Negro work- | ers in their ranks, and a number have organ- ized special trade unions for Negroes so that they will not have to let them into their “good white society.” This whole system of “segregation” and “Jim- Crowism” is a special form of national and si cial oppression under which the American Ne- |groes have much to suffer. The origin of all {this is not difficult to find: this Yankee ar- |rogance towards the Negroes stinks of the dis- gusting atmosphere of the did slave market. This is downright robbery and slave whipping | barbarism at the peak of capitalist “culture.” | —From the Resolution on the Negro Ques- tion in the United States by the Execu- tive Committee of the Communist Inter- | national, published in the February, 1931, 'HE Party registration of the membership which is to be carried through as a general mobilization for the tasks in connection with the decisions and discussions on the 11th Plenum of the ECCI and the 13th Plenum of the Central Committee, is to commence on October 12 and to continue until the middle of Novem- ber. The registration is to be cargjed through on the political line expressed in the editorial published yesterday in the Daily Worker. 1. The registration must take place within the units of the Party at special meetings called for this purpose. Special letters must be sent out by the units of the Party informing the members of the registration and the necessity to appear at the unit meeting in order to regis- ter. The greatest effort must be made to secure a full attendance at unit meetings. 2.. The registration consists in the filling out of the questionnaire, the examination of the Party membership books of the comrade to de- termine his dues standing, the examination of his trade union book if he is a member of a trade union, examination of his membership book in other mass organizations, which should serve to establish the activity of the Party mem- bers in the most vital mass organizations. 3. The Ivrty members should answer the questions asked with regard to improving the recruiting of members into the Party, for strengthening the trade union and unemployed work, for the issuance of factory papers and agitation matérial in the factories, for the or- ganization and strengthening of revolutionary trade union groups in the factories, for increas- ing the activity of the Party members and strengthening the Party leadership and for win- ning Negro, women and youth members into the Party. 4. A definite time should be set aside for the registration of the members who have not at- tended the Party unit meetings, either a special might upon which to mobilize these comrades or to set up a committee to visit these comrades et their homes to register them and establish the reasons for their non-attendance 5. The District and Section Committees must, together, with the amits, take care that the regis- tration be properly safeguarded, 6. The District Committee through its or- ganization department and the section commit- tee through its organization department (where this exists) must lead the units in the conduct Fee » ae On the Carrying Out of the 13th Plenum Decisions LESSONS OF THE MINERS’ STRIKE AND TASKS OF THE N.M.U. AMONG NEGRO MIN ERS . | of unity in the struggle for equal rights on the | job, unity as an economic necessity. idarity. From the outset the basic demand of the Negro miners, “Equal rights including wages, etc., no discrimination in work assignments,” was placed forward as a main strike demand, and a constant agitation for solidarity was carried out by the union among the masses of miners, It would be incorrect, however, to fail to re- cognize that this unity was to a considerable extent spontaneous; that the objective condi- tions in the coal fields were particularly favor- able for the development of working class sol- idarity among the miners. The increasing star- vation and slavery among miners prior to the strike has brought masses of them, both Ne- gro and white, to regard unity in the struggle against the operators as an economic necessity. Hence their broad acceptance of our program in this respect. The chief shortcoming of our Party and Union however, consists in the fact that we allowed the question of unity of Negro and white work- ers to remain too long at the elementary stage In other words, we did not sufficiently politicalize the strike in the direction of the struggle against Negro oppression. Concretely, Jim Crowism is rampant in many mining towns throughout the strike area. Not only are Negroes segregated in regards to residence ‘in the company patches, and in mining towns, but they are also dis- | taining slogans, the sending of delegations of } ism tendencies among them. On the whole the or- On Party Registration | well as give assistance in thee filling out of the” | ment, etc., and the rolee of thee registration for | tration must. be specially instructed from the criminated against in public places and in- stitutions—restaurants, theatres, swimming pools, ete. It is obvious that by involving the miners in actions for the smashing of Jim Crow laws and practices in the mining committees, our union could have succeeded in breaking through much of this Jim Crowism and in this manner would have found way to still broader strata of the Negro miners. Such actions could have taken the form of mass boycott of places discriminat- ing against Negroes, the establishment of mass picketing before these places with placards con- Negro and white miners elected at protest mass meetings to local authorities demanding the ces- sation of these Jim Crow practices, etc., ete. The most opportune time for such actions was, when the mass movement was in full swing. Moreover, the drawing of masses of! white | workers into active struggle against Jim Crow- (which is chauvinism in practice) is part and parcel of the struggle against chauvinistic ganization of mass actions against local Jim- Crowism would have resulted in the raising of the whole movement to a higher political plane, and would have placed the unity of Negro and white workers on a more lasting basis. Our failure to organize such struggles resulted in the loss of a great opportunity by the Party and union for politicalization of the strike in regard to the Negro question. Therefore this failure must be regarded as a major political short- coming of the strike as a whole. The Scottsboro and Camp Hill affairs also provided excellent issues for the politicalization of the strike in regards to the struggle for Ne- gro rights. Wherever the question was brought forth sharply, favorable results were registered by our Union, both organizationally and in in- creased influence. For example, a Negro miner is reported to have said that he supported our. Union, not because it put forth the demand of equality for the Negro miners (pointing out that the strike-breaking U.M.W.A. also includéd in its constitution a clause on equality), “but be- cause the N.M.U. fought for the release of the Scottsboro lads.” Our shortcoming in this re- gard lies in the fact that we did not systematical- ly organize the participation of our union in this campaign. Our activities were mostly confined to adoption of resolutions and sending of tele- grams, True, special meetings were called by the LL.D. but these meetings were badly or- ganized and the participation of our Union was weak, (To be concluded tomorrow) of the registration. There must be close per- } sonal guidance and stimulation in carrying through the fegistration in accordance with the Party line and directives, In the course of the registration the organization departments of the districts and sections must be strengthened, or where none exist, it must be established, Where there are weak sections, direct guidance and supervision must be given by the district or- ganization departments. The registration in the units shall be led by the unit buros, or where there are not unit buros, by the leading func- tionaries of the units, whiclt must examine the Party membership books, the books of members organized in trade unions and other mass or- j ganizations. Comrades should be encouraged to write legibly 7. The registration must be prepared political- ly and organizationally for the carrying through of the registration, for enlightening thee com- rades upon thee purposes of the registration, as questions. Districts are to prepare the registra- tion by the holding of functionary meetings and where necessary by the holding of general mem- bership meetings. Such general meetings of functionaries or members must tie up the regis- tration with the especific campaigns of the Party, the struggle agains wage cuts, unemploy- organization of these struggles. , 8. All comrades Jeadihg in the work of regis- standpoint of understanding clearly the aims and political line of the registration and with the object of overcoming any difficulties, so that they are enabled to give the, greatest personal guidance and assistance to the units and mem- bers in the registration. 9, (a) The registration in the units shall proceed from October 12 to October 26. (b) The registration of cmrades not attending unit meetings shall take place from October 26 to November 2. From November 2 to November 16, filling out of section forms on the basis of unit reports and filling out district reports on the basis of section reports. 10. Party comrades are urged to send in articles supporting the registration on the basis of the life and experience of the Party units, section and District activities. Organization Department, CC, CPUSA. ‘What American STOP HIM! —— + = = Sa Maar Will See When They Meet Soviet Miners By PAT TOOHEY. (Note:—Pat Toohey, former secretary of the National Miners’ Union, has just returned from the Soviet. Union, where he spent over a year. In the following article he tells of the conditions that the miners who will be mem- bers of the American Workers Delegation to the Soviet Union will find. This delegation, now being organized by the Friends of the Soviet Union, will include a metal miner from the Mesaba Range, a bituminous and an an- thracite miner.) a kage departure of representatives of the Amer- ican miners with the*Friends of the Soviet Union delegates for the 14th anniversary cele- bration of the Russian Revolution ewill afford thém an opportunity to see and study the tre- mendous advantages the Soviet miners have won in contrast to their-American comrades. On September 23, the Ameritan capitalist papers devoted major attention to widespread wage cuts throughout the United States in all industries. These cuts range from 10 to 20 per cent. In the same papers a dispatch was ¢ar- vied from Moscow to the effect that the wages of Soviet miners and metal workers had just been increased 20 and 30 per cent. The Soviet miners’ conditions are the best of any in the world and they are constantly grow- ing better. Here the miners control, manage and operate the industry. ‘The profits of the industry are used for the betterment of the working class as a whole. They work six hours per day bank to bank. They work four days and rest every fifth. They are provided free of charge all medical, dental, hospital and sanitar- ium services. Theis houses, coal, rent, lighting and similar items are provided free of cost or at a very small cost. The Soviet miners are | provided with working apparel, boots, sanitary | up-to-date bath houses, ete. They are provided with every form of insurance such as sick, acci- dent, death, unemployment (in the days when there was unemployment). The workers them- selves do not contribute to the insurance fund. In addition, they receive a vacation of two to four weeks annually with full pay. These are normal features of the life of the Soviet miners. Our delegation can contrast these conditions with the terrible conditions of the American miners: mass unemployment, wages cut to starvation levels, hours leygthened unbelievable, no working insurance without safeguards, strikes broken by state and federal troops and hired thugs, leaders framed up and imprisoned. These are normal features of the life of the American miners. i Unemployment. While unemployment is the scourge of the American mining industry and hundreds of thousands are displaced as a result of capitalist rationalization, unemployment in the USSR mining industry is completely unknown. On the contrary, shortage of labor exists. The delega- tion can study and report to the American miners this tremendous difference between capi- talist and socialist rationalization. Rationaliza- tion in the Soviet Union has meant the im- provement of the conditions of the whole work- Ang class, economically, socially and culturally; it has meant incréasing the number of workers, raising of wages, shortening of the working day, the all-round development of socialist economy. Hours. ‘The Soviet miners work six hours per day for underground work and eight hours for surface workers. The eight-hour day on the surface is gradually being replaced by the seven-hour day, with the majority already working only seven hours. Parallel with the lowering of hours go periodic wage increases. Accidents. While the American coal industry is a slaugh- ter house, killing 3,000 miners a year and in- juring 100,000 others with the victims’ de- pendents very little if at all protected, such con- ditions do not exist in the USSR. There every possible precaution is taken to safeguard the lives and health of the miners. Underground medical depots fully equipped are in every mine and are manned by experienced doctors to treat accidents On the spot. Compared with the pre- war level, the fatalities up to 1929 had decreased 45 per cent. The widows of the victims each receive eight months’ salary in a lump sum and three-quarters of her husband’s average salary throughout her lifetime. Also free rent, coal, light and government responsibility for the wel- fare of each child until the age of 16. : Wages. From 192 to 1028 wages of Soviet miners ine} iviet Union! , The “Pacifist” Incendiary of the War 'HE New York Times, one of the most boast- ful of the bourgeois papers, which published the other ddy a deliberate, false forgery and Provocative document “issued by the Comin- tern,” is now speculating in one of its recent editions on the topic of “The Two Manchurian Crises.” The main idea of the editorial is that Secretary Stimson “had better luck with the)/ Manchurian note of last week than with the Manchurian note of two years ago.” In July, 1929, he “received from Litvinoff a reply which | went even a bit beyond requesting Mr. Stimson | to mind his own business . . ; by contrast the | Japanese reply today makes pleasant reading.” it is correct that the policy of the. United Statés in 1929 was.a complete faffure and that “Sy contrast” events in Manchuria are now de- veloping “pleasantly” from the point of view of the “pacifist” war makers. In fact, what was the policy of ‘American imperialism ih Man- cHuria two years ago when the Chinese generals, instigated by the imperialist powers, violated openly the agreement with the Soviet Union, and what is it now.when Japan is taking Manchuria away from China and beginning the division of China before the eyes of the world?) - . Workers should remember that the attack of Chiang Kai-shek and his henchmen and the seizure of the Chinese Eastern Railway. was directed yot only against the Soviet Union but against the workers and peasants of China gen- erally and of Manchurte especially. The Chinese militarists would never dare to carry through such an insolent assault if they were not a tool in the. hands of the imperialists and open traitors of China, The success of the imperialist policy and first of all of the ploicy of Amer- ican imperialism under such conditions would mean a beginning of a new organized interven- tion against the Soviet Union and the utilizing of the terroristic enslavement of the Chinese masses as cannon fodder for this intervention. This is why all'the reactionary forces in China, up to the Riissian white bandits, hailed this im- perialist plot and the notorious note of Stimson, as a very important link in the plot. This is why not only the irom resistance of ‘the Red Army, but also the support of the working masses throughout the world, first of all the support of the Chinese workers and peasants, were united to defeat this provocation in 1929 in Manchuria. - And. it is not an accident that whenever Amer- ican diplomacy receives the advice to keep its hands off the Soviet Union, it remembers this Manchurian-iesson: “mind your own business.” What is the policy of the American imper- jalists now in the “second Manchurian crisis” and what kind of “peace and order” does it strive to establish in Manchuria? It is suffi- cient to remember some facts to have a clear answer to this question. In the first days of the occupation which, by the Japanese tactic of sudden plunder, was of decisive importance from a military point of view, the League of Nations represented the situation as if it were an acci- dent which can and would be settled by the “good will from both sides” within the next two hours. Stimson went still further in this base hypocrisy by declaring that it is nothing to be worried about, that the occupation of Manchuria was merely a “mutiny of soldiers on both sides.” Stimson couldipermit himself to play with such 7 > creased 74.9 per cent. Ih the ensuing two years wages increased 18 per cent. In February, 1931, the miners received a 20 per cent wage increase and in September, 1921, another 30 per cent in- crease. And they will go higher yet. ‘The American delegation will have an oppor- tunity to meet the Russian miners, to talk to them and see for themselves the tremendous ad-° vantages they enjoy. They will bring back a truthful, first-hand report.. It. is. therefore of the utmost importance that every possible sup- port be given this delegation. A wide campaign among the miners and workers in other indus- tries must be carried out to make their trip a success. . i Endorse the F. S, U. delegation which carries with it a group of fighting American miners! Send your greetings to the 14th Anniversary Celebration of the Russian Revolution. American workers, establish closer contacts with the Soviet workers and peasants! Swell the mighty army of Friends of the So- ~ By BURCK Fire , a phrase that may turn out to be not so harm- less for the imperialists—“A mutiny of Japanese and Chinese soldiers’—is not this thé feature that can’ and will from+a historical point of view in the not too far distant future, alter the whole situation in the East and change the en- tire map of the capitalist world generally? But for the time being the “mutiny theory” of Stimson and the policy of “optimistic” observa- tions based on this theory »was namely. this policy that corresponds at its best to the Japanese rob- bery in Manchuria. Only the first stage of this robbery was completed and the strategic points of Manchuria was secure in the hands of Japan. Only then the imperialist liars remembered that somewhere and sometimes they jabbered about the “outlawing of war” and even promised to protect the yictims of an aggression. To stimulate this protection, the European and American peace makers addressed a “friend- ly advice” to Tokyo of “withdrawing the Jap- anese army beyond the limits of the railroad,” adding a reserve about the necessity of having in mind the security of “life and property of Japanese and other foreign citizens.” The oc- cupants ,therefore, can now on a legal basis hold the most important towns in Manchuria and even spread the occupation and the military ac- tions under the pretext of defending the “life and property,” a pretext that is not difficult to find. and still easier for the Japanese provoca- tors to create in Manchuria. After accomplishing its duty in such a splen- did manner, the League of Nations, the guardian angel of peace, decided on September {3th to disappear from the stage and adjourned for fif- them. Ke By JORGR What’s the Matter? Resolutions on “colonial work.” Hundreds of workers, sometimes thousands at every meeting { | about “helping” the oppressed colonial peoples. » Demonstrations for~“Hands Off China”; ditto for Cuba (an altogether too small a ditto, though!). Big interest in Nicaragua; trerliendous excite- ment about Chile; revolt in Honduras sets every> body agog; Red Shirts and Gandhi breech-clouts draws crowds of comrades to hear about India. How many nuclei of the Communist Party in New York City? About 150, they tell us! In- structions to each one to select a comrade to take the training in the Workers School on “Colonial Problems.” Results? JUST THREE REGISTRATIONS! Reason; Just plain boneheaded, opportunist provincialism, with no small touch of pollution by imperialist ideology. In short: Not a Leninist understanding of revolution, Shame on you! Forced Labor ‘We have, in the Daily, pretty well proven that the “forced labor” fairy tales about the ‘Soviet Union in the capitalist press are just lies. But while we have’ succeeded in convineing non- Party workers that it's a lot of hooey, altogether too many Party members must still believe that forced labor is a Communist principle, Particularly those Party functionaries (and we include the League very specifically!) who think it their duty to browbeat and terrorize the mem- bers until the latter, if new members, leave the Party in desgair at the demands made upon In a certain Y.C.L. unit (now, don't all speak at once!) some members speak occasionally to one another and to applicants and new mem- bers, of how the Communist movcement “wants you to die for it.” “We must be ready to die any minute.” “Nothing matters, not even death.” And ‘so on and so forth, until from this ex- aggeration of the correct self-sacrificing CLASS role of Communists, this nonsensical sectarian heroic posing, the prospective or new member’ gets the general idea that only Grade A heroes can qualify as members, or that the Y.C.L. is @ recruiting office for the undertakers. These crepe hangers with their “O, death, where is thy sting; where grave thy victory” have driven more young workers away from the ¥.C.L. than any legitimate expectation of sud- den and violent death justifies. “I want to live,” thinks the new member, “but these fellows want me to go out end DIE! Just die! Jump out a window! Hang myself! Tell Red Sparks about the organizer! Take © poison! How thrilling, eh? Not for me! T wan- na live—and have some fun!” All of which impresses no bureaucrat. If a new member drops out: “Well, he was a weak element, anyhow!” And the forced labor brow- beaters on the one hand, and the Death's Head Hussars on the other, pursue their righteous way untroubled by the turn-over in membership. ; “Discipline” ... A word to conjure with! Dis- cipline and activity are imperative. Without them a revolutionary party cannot exist. But it never occurs to the bureaucrats that party membership is not compulsory, that the human problems of the individual member must receive consideration—and that by giving such consid- eration the Party establishes better discipline and gets really MORE activity. Even if it occur to them, they ignore it. There is invari- ably “an emergency” to excuse the ignoring. Maybe a fiye-cent “emergency”, but twill do. Of course there are slackers. But if they slack persistently enough and are always absent, browbeaters let them get away with it, because they are having such an enjoyable time bull- ten days. As far as the Kellogg Pact is con- cerned, the respectful corpse preferred even not to reveal its existence. The results of the “diplo- matic efforts” to re-establish “peace and order” in Manchuria are as follows: In relation to peace, Japanese airplanes are bombing systematically and without any hin drance Chinese cities, trains and villages, killing soldiers and civil people within and without the “treaty areas.” (The number of’ Chinese killed by ot bombardments at Paishan-Chengtse reached ) 2 To relation to order, in Mukden the martial law does-not allow Chinese citizens to appear on the streets, except between 8 o'clock in the morn- ing and 5 o'clook in the evening. To what ex- tent might this bloody brutality and terror reach in the Chinese villages? The Japanese Foreign Minister, reported in the bourgeois press to have shed tears of sadness at the first in-' ‘formation of the war in Manoburia, now de- clares in an official answer to the Chinese gov- ernment that “the Japanese troops were being gradually withdrawn from Manchuria . . . as the formation of Chinese peace maintenance committees progressed.” It means that Japan openly declared that the’ withdrawal of the army depends upon, and is led’ out to the extent in which the “peace committees” are organized. But these “peace maintenance committees” are namely these groups of the open’ Japanese agents in Manchuria which are preparing for ther the destiny of Korea, Such is the situation in Manchuria. Is it not sufficient that the New York Times speaks about the Japanese reply as “pleasant reading?” | But, the reader might ask, are the American and European imperialists interested in the strengthening of the position of, Japan in China and especially in Manchuria? Of course not. But they are interested in utilizing the Japanese occupation as a factor which accelerates the disintegration ,of China, creating. new favorable conditions for the penetration of each imper- jalist group in China for its own ends. This is why the policy of Stimson and of the League of Nations that by not hindering, encourages the Japanese occupation, on one stage, does not ex- clude by any means, but\on the contrary, in- cludes the open intervention of America and imperialist, Europe in Manchuria at another stage, at the moment when it will correspond to their robber interests. And the decisive factor defining the war policy of the imperialists in’ Manchuria is the hostile activity against the Soviet Union and the attempt to use this military operation in the north China’ to push forward the intervention against the Soviet Union. It is sufficient to policy in Manchuria in the bourgeois to mee i" dozing those who are conscientious enough to attend and try to do everything they can: “Where are you on Monday? What do you do on Tuesday? Why do you want Thursday free? Oh, a wife you have, is it? And she wants you to take her to a movie Thursdays, like before you joined the Party? Umm ... A wife is bad enough. ... But to go to MOVIES. .. ! What for you-join the Party to go MOVIES? ...” etc., ete, Maybe some new members will write us thelr concrete experiences of how they are required to do fored labor, to break all old acquaintances, wrench their family arrangements of years sud- denly up by the roots, the lack of comradely con- sideration of these human problems by the func- tionaries, whether they are allowed the two nights a week for reading and study that th Party is SUPPOSED TO ALLOW. 7 direction. One day, for instance, the bourgeois telegraph agencies give the information that the Soyiet Government has an interest in the Jap- anse occupation as a result of the existence of @ secret agreement between Japan and the So- viet as to the division of Manchuria. An- other day the same source informs us that the Soviet Government planned to invade Man- churia under the command of Voroshilov ages the Japanese occupation. On the third day in- formation was given contrary to both of these reports, or combining all of . Finally, the Japanese imperialists, by developing the military operations northward and nearer to the Soviet Union frontier came out themselves with such @ proposition. The dispatch in the New York Times from Shanghai informed us that the “Japanese high command is admittedly alarmed because of the growing concentration of Russian troops on Siberian soil.” The attempt of the imperialists to use the second “Manchurian crisis” inf the same way as the first one against the Soviet Union becomes more and more clear, e workers can and must learn very much fi the Manchurian events. The decisive les- son is that the war in Manchuria was prepared and is being-carried on under the cover of “pa- cifist” phrases and “pacifist” institutions, with the ‘active participation of all the social fascists in this-bloody plot. Next week these “pacifist” lies, under the guidance of American imperial- ism and its representative, Mr. Hoover, will grow to unprecedented dimensions. The five year nayal disarmament“holiday, the gold and silver conferences, these and other combinations will gover