The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 5, 1931, Page 4

Published by New York s and mail all ath S Addr Page Four the Comprodally Publishing Co ly one ALgonau Inc, daily except Sur checks to ee Sa thy ly Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York vee Dail Central Ong N.Y; Yorker’ Party U.S.A. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Foreign: one yea By mail everywhere: One year, $6;-six months, $3; two months, $1: excepting Boroughs of Manhatian and Bronx, New York City. r, $8; six months, $4.50, | On the Carrying Out of the | 13th Plenum Decisions ESTABLISHING C TION I TOM JOHNSON 1 IN order to ¢ through the central task of the | Parity today—the firm establishment of the | Party and the revolutionary unions in the big | factor he 13th Plenum of the Central Com- mittee called for a decisive turn in our methods of work from top to bottom. I deal here with the methods of work at the bottom—with the most important question of how our individual com- rades in the shop are to work to build grievance committees, and at the same time to build the shop organization of our revolutionary unions. npaigns against wage cuts | ed up with the individual By How the political and speed up be lir work in the shops What is a grievance committee? committee is the mdst element: A grievance form of shop organization I s of varying political opinions and or ional affiliations for struggle aganst concrete grievances. It unites members of revolutionary unions, whi Communis members of reformist unions, and unorganized workers shop for one specific purpose— struggle t concrete grievances in the shop felt by all workers alike. ll we set about building such a com- mittee? This means first of all making contact with individual workers. Therefore our comrades working in the shop must first of all be friendly with the work they come in contact with. Too often our comrades are so occupied in the shop with thinking over the decisions of last night's Section Committee meeting and mentally work- | ing out the agenda for tonight's agitprop de- partment meetings, etc. that they forget the workers shoulder to shoulder with them in the shop. Therefore they do not make friends with their shopmates, and therefore they do not build ance committees si ily, comrades in the shop must know their fellow workers. They must study each worker they come in cantact with individually, | find out his background, his particular interest: ete. Our comrades must know which worker is } honestly ready to fight for better conditions but | has teo loose a mouth and therefore, although honest, cannot be trusted too far, which ones are friendly with the foreman and may be po- tential spies, which ones have had union ex- perience. etc. All these things and many more our com:ades must know if they are to carry on effective Communist work in the shop. Once we have made friends with a shop mate and have established that he is an honest work- er and not a stool pigeon, how are we to ap- preach him to join the. grievance’ committee? First 2n exemple of how not to do it: A com- rade working in the largest steel mill in the world recently told me, “It’s impossible to get any of the workers in my department to join the grievance committee. They are all religious and the minute you mention the Communist Party they run aw: But why is it necessary to mention the Communist Party? and why is it necessary to carty on open and bitter warfare against religion with the workers we are trying to get to join the grievance committee? It is not necessary of course, and therefore we should not talk communism to every worker we approach to join the grievance committee, We must not make | him feel that to join this committee he must be ready o support the full program of our Party. Rather we must approach him on the common ground of the concrete grievances he, as well as the Communists in the shop, resents. Whether the outstanding grievance be a wage cut, a new method of speed-up, safety conditions,—no mat- | How st grie Ss TACTS AND BUILDI THE SHOPS | How can we overcome these natural suspicio! ter what—we must approach him by asking him his opinion of this question and what he thinks we workers in the shop can do to changevit. If he-is receptive then we can explain to him that several of the workers hawe already detided to do something about it and as a first step they are organizing a committee_of trusted workers to | work out ways and means of struggle against the grievance. This must be our method of ap- proach in the shop. Frequently our comrades in the shop make contacts they think are pretty good but that they are not yet sure of. Therefore they themselves correctly hesitate to come out openly and ask such a worker to join the grievance committee. How are such workers to be approached? First we must use comrades from outside the shop. If there is a TUUL or union organizer in the section he is the man for this job. Names and addresses of workers in the shop should be turned over to him to visit. These-workers when first approached by the union organizer (a stranger to them) will be suspicious. Particularly when he speaks of organization they will suspect he may be a spy sent around by the company. 2 The organizer must tell the worker who he is— that he is an organizer for the union. The work- er will ask how the‘ organizer got his name. To tell him ‘our comrade in the shop turned it in Will meair exposing our comrade and we are not yet certain how trustworthy this worker is. Therefore our organizer must tell the worker frankly that. his name was turned in by one of our members in the shop but that we cannot tell him who this member is as we aim to protect our members. This in itself will give the worker a certain confidence in our organization and our methods of work. If we>-are organizing a grievance committee our union organizer should not necessarily ask the worker to join the union at once, Rather he should tell the worker that the union has mem- bers in the shop and that the union is working to’ organize a broad committee of both its own members and non-union members and members of other unions in the shop, for the purpose of conducting a struggle against concrete griev- ances. In other words the worker should be urged first of all to join the grievance com- mittee. The difference between the union itself and | the grievance committee should be niade clear. One does not conflict with the other. We can and must build both broad grievance committees that unite the workers for struggle against spe- cific grievances irrespective of union affiliation or lack of it, and the shop organizations of the unions at the same time. It must be our aim to recruit the grievance committee members for the shop organization of the union as the workers learn more about organization and themselves become ready to join a more permanent and dis- ciplined organization. The grievance committee is necessary exactly because many workers are not ready to join such a formal organization as a union with regular dues payments, a certain amount of discpline, etc., but they are ready to join hands with their fellow workers in a loose organization for struggle against specific griev- anes, (Editor’s note—Another article to appear seon will deal with the organizatien’and func- tioning of the grievance committee in the’shop, how to conduct the meetings of the committee, how to activize the members, etc.) “LEADERSHIP BY COMMAND” By H. FRIEDMAN. (Section 8, Dist. No. 2.) UR section committee has decided to call a unit functionaries’ meeting to discuss prob- lems confronting our section. And there is no gainsaying that recent doings in our section have warranted a functionaries meeting; a thorough and comprehensive \discussion of oft-repeated failures and shortcomings suffers no postpone- ment. For the last few months everything in our section went topsy turvy. There is no coordina- tion of work between leading cadres and the entire membership. The various departments do not fulfill the tasks assigned to them. Many activities are undertaken but are not brought even to half way accomplishment. In a word, the wheels of the entire section apparatus are clogged, the work does not move and the see- tion membership is infested with apathy and stifling pessimism. A searching investigation | must be made at once to remedy the situation. A section functionaries’ meeting properly ar- ranged could do a lot to unearth causes and de- termine responsibilities. But how did the section committee proceed. with the plan of calling such a meeting? As usual. The section org letter informed the | unit bureaus that a functionaries’ meeting would fF 1, The present crisis of over-production | which arose on the basis of the general post- | war crisis of capitalism, weakens the position lot capitalism, by deepening and sharpening this | crisis, by increasing the elements of decay in | | capitalism, its parasitic features, the develop- |ment of productive forces within the frame- | work of capitalism. As a consequence of the sharpening of all the main contradictions of capitalism, the capitalist world is approaching the end of capitalist stability. This weakening | ‘of the position of capitalism is not a brief epi- 2C>. but the outcome of radical changes jn the ion of class forces in two world systems * UCSR and the capitalist world). The ‘attering of the position of capitalism is ex- | | rwecsed in the extreme instability of all capi- | talict international alliances and agreements, | |and in the rapid changing of “international | roupings of the capitalist powers, in the grow- 3 elements of the disintegration of the Ver- villes system, in the growth of imperialist sgression on the part of all capitalist coun- ‘ries against each other and above all against | ‘he USSR | ‘From Comrade Manuilsky’s Report at the “4 Plenum of Ahe Communist Internationai.) | | | a constructive one. be held “next Saturday, at 3 p. m..” at such’and such a place; “all functionaries must be pres- ent.” Did the org letter state what the meeting was for? Were the bureaus urged ‘to prepare a report based on an analysis of the situation in their respective territories, to, bring some sug- gestions or plans? Nothing of that sort. It is obvious that any serious attempt at putting a sop to the downward trend of our section activi- ties must include reports from the uhits based on previously well arranged discussion by the unit membership. And what took place at the functionaries’ meeting? The ojd story again. A poor report was given by the section org sec'y., a number of functionaries spoke for 5 minutes each, giving yent t6 their “hard luck stories,” 2 District reps sermonized quite at length and the “ceremony was over.” Was it in keeping with the alarming situation r in the section to assign to the section org secre- tary, a comparatively new comrade in the sec- | tion, the task of making the report? It goes without saying that the report, omitting as it did many important aciviies and problems, could not give a clear Picture of the true state of af- fairs in our section and therefore could not be Nor did the report so much as pretend to take the pains of looking into the factors responsible for the thousand and one complaints the comrades from the floor have aired. And the 5 minute speeches—what could a rank and file functionary, unschooled in speaking economically, accomplish insofar as telling what ails his unit, where, in his opinion, the trouble lies, what could be done to right things, etc.? What did the meeting do to en- lighten the comrades why, for instance, the speakers’ bureau does not function (resulting in open air meetings not being held) and how to remedy the situation? Or what did the meeting accomplish to put the Negro Department in our section on a functioning basis? Did the meet- ing go into the causes that make for the apathy and irresponsiveness of our comrades? Not at | all. It appears as if the leading comrades in our “section have been swayed by the old habit that. whenever trouble crops up a meeting has got to be called “to talk matters over” to clear their consciegce. But does it require great intelli- gence to see that such formal and time-worn procedure: attached to calling of meetings will not lead us ‘anywhere. And this—only a few weeks after the 13th Plenum where so much was said about the curse | of leadership by command, G ORGANIZA- FROM EDITOR TO READER Why Not Wise Up On Things? was suggested a few days ago by a member of our Daily Worker Clubs that it wouldn’t be a bad idea to develop in the clubs this fall and winter little Study circles to study some im- portant subject of special interest to the work- ing class. We at once seconded the motion and promised to do all we could to assist in the or- ganization of these circles. Whereupon it was pointed out that due to the geographical location of the clubs, many of them located a great distance from the Workers’ School, it’ would be difficult to get competent in- structors for the classes. Study circles, we were givén to understand, could not function very well without instructors. . Which all reminds us of how we did a good deal of study in the theory of the class strug- gle far, far from the native habitat of any competent instructors, Indeed we weedled out much of our political education in a nigg cool capitalist jail with a big fat guard looking down our neck most of the time. Now we do not mean by this that if workers wish to study they should throw their hats over some jailhouse wall and then go around to the warden and request admission.. We merely wish to point out that workers can study with- out: instructors being right in the class, pro- viding they can get the materials and follow an outline, settling all points on which they, get balled up by correspondence withyan instructor. We scratched our head éyer the question and “it finally occurred to \us that the Workers School here in New York has an excellent lot of lessons arranged for correspondence students in the Fundamentals of Communism, So we looked up the boss man of this school and put the proposition to him, -What rebate can Daily Worker clubs get for a correspondence course? And we think that the Workers School didn’t do so badly, because where it would cost one worker eight dollars to get the whole series of lessons on the Fundamentals of Communism, the school offers it to Daily Worker Clubs. for five dollars for classes up to ten members, and a class of over ten students gets it for the reg- ular price of one, that is, eight smackers. Now, you readers who haven't yet gotten your friends around you and organized a Daily Work- er club in your, parlor — or your kitchen — get busy and get in on this. Now what makes confiderable difference, be- cause otherwise you go without this careful training or, if you have.to subscribe individually for the course and there's, let’s say, six of you, it would cost you $48—which is @ lot of kale. * But if there’s six of you in a Daily Worker club who want to study the Fundamentals of Com- munism, you get it for a total of $5, or less than one smacker a piece. This includes all postage ag all lessons are sent postage paid and a big envelope with postage on it is sent along to return your answers on the questions the school asks, and also any ques- tions you are dark on ang wish information from the teachers about, ‘ ‘This course starts from the ground, and gives you an understanding of what capitalism: is, how it works, its development into imperialism, explains what “capitalist contradictions” are, the . cause of economic crises, war, what part the workers play and the colonial peoples in over- throwing capitalism and establishing the rule of the workers. Naturally it explains why the Com- munist Partv exists and what its function is in relation to the working-class. ei Daily Worker Clubs \.ho \ant to get this course of lessons should write direct to the Workers School, 35 East 12th St; New York City. Be sure and tell them you write for the Club, so you get the special price. .Workers! Join the Party of. Your Class! P. O. Box 87 Station D. - : tm New York City. Please send me more information on the Cum- munist Party. . Name Address ony saneeeweereeeeanecesenees SUMO osc eeeeeeee ~ Occupation padadenapwessnsyaveccsed ABO coe nes .Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Communtst Party 9. 8, A. Party, P, O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. | e) says: “The question of payment of fines must be again emphasized very strongly. Just as much as it can not be the duty of the I. L. D. to sup- ply proxies (substitutes) to serve the jail sen- tences of convicted workers, on the same prin- ciple it canriot be held the duty of the I. L. D. to pay the fines of convicted’ workers. To recog- nize such duty would paralyze the I. L. D. and also discredit it. With the tremendous increase of persecution of prolétarians, because of the sharpening of the class struggle the payment of fines of these victims would easily and quickly exhaust all financial possibilitiés of thé orfan- ization. The I. L. D. must. not undertake and must definitely refuse to pay fines. ‘There shall be no exception to this rule. If any organjzation thinks that a worker con- victed end fined in the course of his activities should be réelievéd from serving time by paying the fine, that organization must make thé rais- ing of the fine the basjs of a separate campaign. In the course of the campaign the workers will show their agreement with the correctness of such a proceedure by the organization.” We add the advice of the International Red Aid: “The I. L. D. should never pay fines be- cause this encourages the courts to lay down high fines, and the government gets new forms of income which is used as a rule directly for keeping up police and prosecution agents.” About Bail. 4 “The matter of bail, has been handled, also not from a class struggle standpoint but often from a bourgeois, sentimental approach. Re- leasing workers on bail is not a question of prin- ciple, but is rather a matter of political (class- struggle) expediency and necessity. Bail is not to be put up just to save a worker from spend- ihg a few days or weeks in jail, pending trial. Victories are not won in capitalist courts by legalistic methods, but are won with proper mass protest. In hundreds of these cases money spent for premium on bail, would be be.‘er-spent for mobilizing mass protest, etc., and for the care of the dependents of the prisoner-in the event that capitalist justice claims its victim. hitherto mentioned. The resolution Bail is most important politically when the ‘ Se, Workers—-Learn Militant Class Struggle Defense Policy By GEORGE MAURER. ARTICLE I. » ee question relates to points (a), (d) and ( By BURCK “defendants face Jong years in prison and who because of their leadership in the workers’ strug- gles, are. needed out of prison to arouse and mobilize further struggle. The unpolitical, bourgeois, sentimental placing of bail as a rule, as a matter of principle, has seriously ‘interfered with the effective carrying out of the main tasks of the I. L. D.”, The LR. A. speaking of its American section (i. L. D.) says there’ has been “too much at- tention devoted to legal ‘activities; expenditures of large amounts for lawyers, bail, fines and appeals. The payment of fines (and accompany- ing court costs) and premium for bail bond must be declined by the I. L. D.”. Here the question of cost for bail bond is treated just as is the question of fines. The I. L. D., on the other * hand, of course, does not oppdse the release of workers on bail It does state that it cannot alone assume the obligation to p&y costs con- nected with bail. ' 4 ‘ Further, vital points are dealt with in other @rticles in this special supplement, in the Labor Defender (the I. R. A. Surveys the I. L. D— ‘July, 1931, and an article by the writer in the October Defender) in the pamphlet “Under I. R. A. Banners,” in the “Remarks of Comrade Browder on I. L. D.” in a recent issue of the Daily Worker, in the new pamphlet’ announced herein, and in the “I. L. D. Builder,” monthly Bulletin for functionaries. Full diseussions are to be held by the I. L. D. in,conne: ‘on with its national organization con- ference, J ‘ov. 1st, and in the other, most inter- ested cles struggle and revolutionary organiza- tions. We must prepare for the still greater mass pe-secutions and arrests which will acconi- pany the strikes and struggles against hunger this winter. The I .L. D. must plan much more educational work, classes for active I. L. D. workers, etc It must recognize the lack of poli- tical life in the organization as a whole. It must understand the need to internationalize its work t® link up national issues, with inter- national struggles. It must put the work among the Negro “toilers as one of the most important tasks. To do all these things, it calls for the help of more hundreds and thousands of mem- bers to take posts in I. L. D. This is required to help lead the mass struggle against boss terror, capitalist justice, lynching, and for the release of all class war prisoners. ' ~~ 7} General Fabrics Strikers Continue Struggle — By ANN BURLAK ) ita twenty weeks of militant struggle, the strikers of the General Fabrics mill are more determined thar ever to win their strike under the leadership of the National Textile Workers Union. Even though the company has succeeded in keeping a group of scabs in the mill through the most vicious brutal clubbing of strikers on the picket line when they tried to prevent the ‘Scabs from ‘entering the mill; the strikers who have the sympathy and,support of the vast ma-_ jority.of workers in this community have pledg= ed themselves to intensify their struggle against the General Fbrics through a counter-offensive move. f ; At a meeting of over one hundred and fifty strikers a vote was taken On issuing the follow- ing statement ‘to the workers of Rhode Island: To All Workers of Rhode Island; Blea Statement of the National Textile Workers Union and the General Felrics Strike Commit- tee. Approved at a general meeting of strikers in Central Falls, September 20th, 1931, 136th Day of the Str'ke! Fellow Workers: ¢ The strike in the General Fabric Mills is on! The worst slave driving system and the rot- tenest working conditions in the whole silk in-~ dustry forced us to strike, We will continue to strike for our demands: 1, No more than 4 looms to a weaver, 2. All weaving jobs to be mixed, no jobs of bags alone, or of any one article. 3. The price on chiffons, georgettes, flat crepes, ~and white bags to be $2.20 for 100,000 picks; the price on brown bags to be $2.60 per 100,000 picks. 4. The 10 per cent bonus on the night shift, and’ the 5 per cent bonus on the afternoon shift to be restored. 5. Price lists on all styles to be posted inside the mill where all workers can see them, 6. Only one loom fixer to a section, the num- ber of looms to a section, to be agreed upon by the Fixers Committee and the management. 7. A standard pay of $15 a week for the drop wire girls, 8. No discrimination. + ’ =—= 3 By JORGE el . Wanted: Information “Dear Jorge,” writes a” comrade from South Carolina :— “I see by the papers that Bill Murdock ‘is still national secretary of the National Textile Worke ers Union. This is interesting to me, as I am‘ an organizer for that union, but ‘way down South. I had thought he might be still in Jail, or deported by now. ‘ ~ “And speakin gof mislaid strikes, as the other day, I see a little story on tie bocce sad page of today’s Daily Worker, which implies that the Paterson strike is over, ‘when it says: /Dur- “jing the strike, the militancy....” ete, This, algo, is of special interest to me, since I am doing N.T.W.U. work. I read the Daily every day, alsa Labor Unity and the Southern Worker each week, but Ihave no idea if the Paterson strike is still on, won, lost or anything about it. Maybe you can enlighten me, ~~ “I believe the N. T. W. U. had a National Council meeting on Sept. 5th, where undoubted- ly some important matters were discussed. I would’ be interested to learn what took place. As I have not heard a word from the National Office of the N. T. W. U. since the early part of August, in spite of repeated requests, pos- sibly you can let me haye a few facts.” Well, we knew that the comrade was “sold down the river,” but we are handicapped in answering by grape-vine telegram as the old abolitionists. used to do, Firstly, we don’t know, either, what has ‘be- come of the Raterson strike. Maybe there never was a strike and we just. imagined it. Maybe there was and maybe it’s still on. We don't know and it seems doubtful whether the or- ganizer of it knows, either, v Maybe, in fact, there just ain't any National Textile Workers’ Union at all. Maybe it’s what the philosophers call a “social myth.” And Thaybe, finally, the Trade Union Unity League “ might do something about it. ¥ifure It Out . Under the heading: ‘Maybe this is the Cause cf Industrial Unrest” we get the followng, pub- lished by somebody called “The Leals of Science” down in the Shoutin’ Methodist country in Hagerstown, Maryalnd. “In the year, there are only 365 days; you work only eight hours 2 day; therefore, thete are 16 hours a day in which you do not work. This amounts to 244 days a year, leaving 121 days. There are 52 Sundays, leaving 69 days, you work only half a.day on Saturday, amounting to 26 days, Iéaving 43 days. One hour each day for lunch, making 16 days, leaving 27 days. You tafie two weeks vacation, amounting to 14 days, leaving 13 days, Thete are 12 legal holidays, leaving one day, and ycu are sick at least one day out of the year; THEREFORE, YOU DO NOT WORK AT ALL!” “ On top of all this, you probably are one of those rascals who want. unemployment insurance to be paid for by hardworking “stockholders! But we see some more about these “Leals Science.” It says: ‘ 2 “Anyone filling-out an application sending it, in with a donation of 55 cents has @ very good reason to believe that they will be elected to stroll to EDEN, which is first _ stroll toward Paradisce, which is the highest stroll in Eden, where is located the Conoke for freedom.” jf ?fMl- 2fM-?-f12-M2M,.:; x2fififffi vbgkaj cmfwyp Well, that’s an attractive offer, though nothing is mentioned about any Eves thrown in with the stroll in Eden. But if you get all that’s offered for 5 cents, what mightn’t you -get for about $1.35! What, Ho! Music Music hath charms to soothe the savage boss, though mass picketing is the main line. ° All of which brings us again to talk about working-class music, and right gladly. Because there is a chance for all you boys and girls off in what are sneering called “the sticks’—but whom. we cherish as the apple of our eye, to liven up your meetings, your strike. meetings, your affairs—and we have particularly in mind the social a‘fairs which should be a big part of.the Daily Worker Club meetings. Came to our office,’ a spokeman for the WORKERS MUSIC LEAGUE, affiliated with the Workets. Cultural Federation, address 63 West 15th Street, N. Y. City, and revealed to us a lot interesting things, ‘ 9. Recognition of the Mill Committees. The vicious 12 loom system which exists in the General Fabrics mill has thrown hundreds of weavers out of a job. The restoration of the 4 loom system will give more jobs to hundreds of unemployed workers. Therefore, our strike is the cause of\the unemployed workers as well as all the silk workers of Central Falls and Paw- ‘tucket. A ‘We have fought for these demands tn the face of the most brutal police terror, which, broke all laws in refusing our right to picket. Police clubs, tear gas, riot guns, were used brutally by both local and state police. Machine guns were mount- ed on the mill roof, the United States Immigra- tion Department lined up with the shylocking Company we ate fighting and tried to terrorize the strikers. Then a judge of a ir court, whose whole relations are heavily interested in textile manufacturing, and who himself, rumor has it, is a in the General Fabric |’ mill, and this imposes severe penalties, tries to scare off bondsmen by insinuating re- marks, places’ unreasonable and barbarous bail on those strikers who cic arrested, all in the in- trests of the robber concern, the General Fabrics Campany. .. ’ The Strike is on—and will stay on until the mill management meets the Strike Committee to discuss the above demands, Met No vote will be taken until such time as there is a report of such a conference to be acted upon. 5 Let no false rumors deceive you. Every textile worker and especially those in other silk mills should do all in their power to raise more funds for relief and defense. Send all funds, food, shoes or other help for the strikers to addresses below. ' National Tetxile Worker Union offices— 1755 We Street, Providence, R. I. 189 Main Street; Room 109, Pawtucket, R. I. eo Central Street, Central Falls, R. 1. , This Workers Music League will help you or= ganize bands, or choruses; it furnishes instretor— and prints instructions on its music for you who can't Be reached from here. And—it publishes revolutionary music, songs with notes and words. It wiil publish at least one song, one NEW song, each month! And the first.one will be out in a. few days. Regular sheet music, selling at one dime. And soon, in cooperation with the Y. C. L. and the Workers Library, it will ublish A book of workers’ songs, with music. _ If it's music, see the Workers Music League! Oh, yes, the first song, out ‘soon, will eb called “The “Comintern.” - * ¥ sae of 245 British Traditions - ‘Did you notice that it ‘all depends on whose traditions are being gored? When the British sailors mutinied, Lord help us what a lot of hullabaloo! From Land’s End to John-O’Groats the capitalists and their “so- cialists tools wailed at the “violation of the sacred traditions” of Britain. e- Now, how many barrels of printer's ink have our “liberals” used in days gone by to tell us that England and the English will “always” settle things “peacefully,” because, so this liberal fic- tion ran: will NEVER come to bloodshed.” ‘Well, what do you see now? A rapid transition from the “democratic form of capitalist dictator- ship to the fascist form, with the “socialist” MacDonald setting the pace. “Orders in council” or dictatorship decrees instead of “democratic” made laws, Mounted police raiding down women , and children, clubbing hundreds of starving workers. Bloodshed here, theer and everywhere! But—not word out of any British capitalist or even the’ “Socialists,” in mourning for the ‘violation of tradition.” : aed ‘There wasn’t much in that “democratic” tradi- tion, after all, was there? And the “liberals” are all hooey, ain't 2 AEA Deron Pe tose 4 ee