The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 24, 1931, Page 4

the Cc . York ¢ ress and mail all checks t ty, Ne | On the Carrying Out of the 13th Plenum Decisions | | | Results of Formalism and Old Methods of Work By EVA SHAFRAN Party held recently 1 attention to hit over the nods of work le it im- a ss factor railroads, etc. objective con- ing favorable ditions Only week t the D. fter this Plem esolution was |} out two weeks after i district ¢: same N.Y, Prop Dept decision, and put letter to the units—two consecuti to the week of the conference but not the week of the con- ference. commi has not met to work conference. It was not Agit Prop and Ore. suggestions on what called together wi Dept. to work out speci shops to concentrate, where to start and where to resume the issuing of shop papers, ete. It had merely a general vague idea that at this conference “we will have a general discussion @m shop paper work.” re with what we read How does this comp in the 13th Plenum resolution regarding shop work? “The building of shop nuclei demands a fundamental change of all our work, the transferring of attention by the whole Party wlar unit to this work... . ing of shop units under the present ms demands a change in the work in the Org. Dept., agit prop, language and wom- en’s dept—a change in all activity of our eentral and district office.” Not only this. But “The task of the districts, sections is to de- velop the work in the shop units individually, with an individual approach to each unit; to discuss with the members of the shop units or with one or two Communists the constant possibility for work during a short period, working out the special tasks that can be ac- complished during a week or two, and develop- ing this work regularly and systematically.” As can be very easily seen, nothing of this sort was done by the N. Y. district in prepar- ing a plan for the conference, by calling first upon the comrades working in shops,. shop units, street units concentrating on particular shops, to discuss and work out a plan of action in these various shops to be taken up by the dis- trict conference on shop and shop paper work. Instead of that there was a “gencral” vague idea about the conference, but nothing specific. Not only were there no plans made, but the calling of the conference was done in a typical formal “general communication—circular” man- ner. ‘ The announcement about the conference was placed in the Org. letter. About 25 or 40 general letters were sent out to agitprop directors, shop paper committees of the sections instructing them to get in touch with the units and see to it that the units and also comrades engaged in shop and shop paper work be present at this conference. ‘These were all the “preparations” and upon this, We are told, the Organizational Sec- retary of the district and leading com- | What Has Paterson Learned from the Miners’ Strike? The Plenum resolution calls upon the Party to study and apply the lessons ot the miners’ | strike, The experience in the Paterson strike can be studied more profitably if they would be viewed in the light of the lessons and ex- periences of the miners’ strike. | The Plenum resolution stated that the les- | sons of the miners’ strike “must be worked out in detailed application in each specific field | of trade union work.” Too often do we repeat | mistakes because we don’t study the lessons | and experiences of previous mass struggles. | Have comrades in Paterson profited by the | mistakes committed in the miners’ strike as | the failure of building the Party prior and dur- | ing the strike? | The Plenum resolution calls for “intensified | |study and propaganda of the tactics of strike | strategy and practice, especially in regard to | \the preparation and ending of strikes.” The | comrades in Paterson who have participated in the strike should make available to the Party | their experiences and lessons from the struggle. | We therefore call upon them to write short | articles in which they compare the lessons and | mistakes of their strike with those of the min- ers’ strike. The Plenum resolution dealing with the question of building the revolutionary un- ions and work in the reformist unions raises a number of points ( in the section of building | revolutionary unions) which should be taken up in the discussion of the 13th Plenum de- cisions. We could, for instance, suggest to the Paterson comrades to write articles on some of the points (of course, not excluding the | others): (c) Independant leadership by the re- | yolutionary trade unions through various forms of united front from below, grievance commit- | tees, shop committees, action committees, strike committees, etc, (e) Systematic building of new cadres by drawing in new active workers and responsible leaders from top to bottom; aboli- tion of the practice of relying entirely on out- side forces for organizational leadership.” ‘The present enlightenment campaign on the 18th Plenum on how to carry out its decisions must not be taken as a mere routine campaign. The very progress towards mass work depends n how well we understand the line and how well we will carry it out in practice. The comrades ‘who have been active in the struggle, particu- larly in strike struggles, must review their work In the light of the Plenum decisions and im- prove the mass activity and the building of the | revolutionary unions on the besis of the 13th Plenum decisions. We therefore hope that the comrades who have participated in the Paterson textile strike will take this seriousty and # number ticles will be written for the Dally discussion. fl ‘ades of the shop paper committee expected between 100 and 150 comrades to show up at | the conference! These comrades, it seems, still bel in the magic of circular letters and in- structions. They have instructed the “key com- rades” to get in touch with others, and there- fore, the success of the conference is assured nothing else had to be done! What were the results? Eight comrades of six units of four sections showed up to the con- ference aside from two comrades of the district shep paper committee and one comrade of the district agitprop department. There are 14 sec- tions with 142 units in the district! The 13th Plenum in speaking about the old worn out formal methods of work and stressing the need for the new revolutionary methods of day to day work as outlined above further states: “Unless this fundamental change in our methods of work is made, no good results can be expected.” Do not the results of the N. Y. conference show the correctness of this state- ment? Naturally the conference on shop and shop paper work called by the N. Y. dis 20th did not take place. The ei rict for Sept t comrades who came from the units were highly indignant, | n and ‘pre- and correctly against this formalis bureaucratic practice that was displayed i paring” and calling this conference. One com- rade stated that “this shows how much shop work is underestimated in our district, and ac- counts for our slowness and little accomplish- ments in this field.” This comrade is absolutely correct. Not only does it show the underesti- mation of shop work but it shows a great un- readiness to change this condition on the basis of the 13th Plenum line and decisions. It shows the need of the sharpest turn away from for- malism, to real Communist day to day activities based on specific conditions in particular shops. Shop paper work cannot be separated from shop work generally. Therefore comrades can- not say that this conference was badly pre- pared because it was a conference not for shop work “but merely for shop papers.” The Plenum resolution states the following -regarding shop paper work: “Our shop papers must reflect the grievances of the workers in the shops and on these issues organize shop committees of the TUUL unions, at the same time winning the most ad- vanced workers for the Party and organizing them into shop nuclei.” What is to be done now? The N. Y. district must at once draw the necessary lessons from this experience of the unheld conference, and maké the sharp turn that the 13th Plenum called for. The work of the agitprop and Org. depart- ments and the shop paper committée must be coordinated with the work of the particular shops the Party is concentrating on, and with the individual comrades there. The Org. ‘agit- prop department and the shop paper committee must meet immediately to draw up a detailed | planned program of work based on these con- centration points; in line with this it should decide where to start shop papers and where to resume those papers that have been discon- tinued as a result of the neglect in work. After this plan is adopted by the district de- partments, the particular comrades in those shops and units of concentration should be called to separate small conferences where the plan of action worked out by the higher com- mittees should be outlined and a discussion de- veloped on the basis of the particular problems facing these comrades in the shops and all nec- essary changes and additions to this program be made. After these small conferences have been held, and after the work has been started on this basis a section conference can be called to take up this program of work on a section scale. Only after the small unit and shop confer- ences have been held, after the section confer- | ences have been held and the work developed from the bottom up, we can then call a district conference to take up a detailed discussion on this work, exchanges of experiences gained, etc., on a district scale, and try to develop this work throughout the district. This district confer- ence based on all the work done previously and on conevete proposals for widening and develop- ing of the work in the district, will then be a conference not of mere “talk,” but of action. The experience of the N. Y. conference must serve as a lesson and a sharp warning against formalism and old methods of work, not only for the N. Y. district but to all districts, sec- tions and units throughout the country. We must fight this formalism in line with the 13th Plenum decisions and resolution, by doing ac- tual ground work, taking up particularly shops and specific problems there, and “helping our comrades in the shops to solve their problems.” This is the first in a short series of articles on this most important subject, a series which every revolutionary worker should read and carry out.—Editor. By RALPH SIMONS | HE objective conditions for the development and strengthening of the revolutionary trade union movement in the United States and the development of large mass struggles, are very favorable at the present time. The class lines are sharply drawn and defined. ° The miners’ and textile strikes which are out- tenacity have once more underscored these class division lines. They have once more proven the strike breaking line of the reactionary trade unions and their “left” lieutenants from the Muste camp and the pitiful renegade Lovestone group. | working class that on the other side of the class | barricades together with the reactionary Hoover government, the government of hunger and war, | together with the powerful, well-trained employ- | ers’ associations, there are not only the fused- | with-the-bourgeoisie and completely corrupted | strike breaking leaders of the A. F. of L. and | théir affiliated unions, but also their active sup- porters, the Muste and the Lovestone groups. These elements are the more dangerous be- cause, in order to dampen the fighting spirit of the working class, they apply the well com- bined methods of the most refined betrayal of the masses together with the direct forcible crushing of strikes, while hypocritically at the same time covering it up with the mask of friendliness and the defense of the interests of the working class. Finding support in their agents in the ranks of the working class, who have in their hands a complicated, widely branched out trade union machinery with rich experiences in defeating struggles of the proletarian masses, the employ- ers are conducting their new offensive against | the working class at the present time with more determination and decisiveness on a more broad- ly developed front. | While testing the resisting power of the work- For a Decisive Turn in Our Revolutionary Trade Union Movement .W.O. Calls Upon Its Membership to Help the “Morning Freiheit” The National Executive Committee of the LW.0O., at a special mecting, decided to raise a minimum of $12,500 in the present campaign for the Morning Freihcit, HE slogan is....A minimum of one dollar for each member. This will amount to $12,500, —the quota for the I.W.O. The National Exec- utive Committee urges the membership to raise at least $15,000 within the next 30 days. Every member active in this campaign! Members, respond to the call of the N. E, C.! Comrades, members of the International Workers Order! The Morning Freiheit is calling upon the workers to rally to its assistance in its present financial crisis. The National Executive Com- mittee calls upon you to answer the appeal with the same enthusiasm and devotion as you have answered the appeals of the Morning Freiheit in the past. 'This is the third time, since the formation of the International Workers Order, that we are called upon to help the Morning Freiheit. And every time our membership branches have pro~- ven, that they realize fully the importance and the role the Morning Freiheit is playing in the struggles of the working class in this country. We have answered the first call of the Morn- ing Preihelt, when we had less than eight thous- amd member, by raising ten thousand dollars. Our slogan has been—one dollar for every bese emopedest our mucha eect dollars, During the second campaign we had 11,000 members within our ranks. Our quota again— | one dollar for every member. We raised $15,000 the second time, At the present we have 12,500 members. Our slogan is the same—Every branch must collect at least one dollar per member. But we must make all efforts to exceed by far the quota set | for us, Comrades members of the International Work- ers Order! We do not have to tell you of the role the Morning Freiheit has played and is playing today in helping build the revolutionary trade unions. We do not have to tell you about the tremendous role the Morning Freiheit has | played in the struggle which we led against the traitors in the Workmen's Circle and Independ- ent Workmen's Circle. What part the Morning | Preiheit took in the organization of the Inter- national Workers Order, and what a mighty weapon the Morning Freiheit has been in its building up is known to all our members, | Our members know, that the Morning Frei- heit is the only newspaper in the Jewish lang- uage, which tells the truth about our proletar- | ian fatherland, which exposes the lies of all the | counter-revolutionaries, and all slander against | our proletarian fatherland—the Soviet Union. We are aware of the fact, comrades, that the unemployment of many of our members will hinder our campaign greatly. We know, that the members of the International, Workers: Om standing through their intensity, sharpness and | It is becoming more and more evident for the | ing class in certain parts on the class front, they hasten to give a blow to worker in other parts. Instead of a direct, simultaneous attack on the entire front, they give individual blows to indi- vidual divisions of the working class in order to weaken’ their joint and solidified action. Immediately following wagé-cuts afd new drastic worsening of the conditions of the min- ers and textile workers, the employers have be- gun to lower the wages of the stéél and railroad workers. Simultaneously, thére are drastic wage cuts taking place in various states in different industries. In many instances these wage reduc- tions assume enormous dimensions, like the 50 per cent wage cut for the hosiery workers in Philadelphia, and cuts in other places. If we are to consider that a large part of the working class is, in many cases, working from 2 to 3 days a week, if we are also to consider the 11 million army of unemployed with no sociai insurance, who have long ago lost their last savings, experiencing dire need and are, with horror, awaiting the approaching winter, it will become clear that the objective situation is very favorable for the mobilization of the masses and the development of clasg struggles. Is the revolutionary trade union movement ot the United States prepared to stop and break the offensive of the capitalists, in order to turn the defensive battles of the working class into a counter-offensive, in order to give organizationa: expression to the discontent of the masses, in order to militantly meet with fast tempo the coming new economic struggles? The revolutionary trade union movement will be at the head of the growing mass movements to the extent to which it will be able, with in- creased tempo, to reorganize itself with a solid base in the shops, transfer the center of every- day work directly to the shops and factories, concentrate its main forces in decisive sections, basic industries (metal, mining, chemical, auto- mobile, railroad, marinei, apply new methods in all its mass work, ably utilize and apply united front tactics from below, and strengthen its or- ganizational base in the movement of unem- ployed. YE It is necessary, first of all, with all frankness der have just completed a successful campaign for the striking miners; in which $6,000 was raised. But we must and will overcome all dif- ficulties. We know, that the members of the International Workers Order cannot get along without the Morning Freiheit. The National Executive Committee is certain, that the branches and members will, do their utmost in collecting the necessary funds, © We must, however, change our method in this campaign. Until now we have collected «money from the members of the branches, at the branch meetings. We must now spread out our campaign beyond our own ranks, outside of the branches. Every member a collector for - the Morning Freiheit among his fellow work- ers and friends. Every member will receive a collection list and must collect a minimum of one dollar on his list, besides the sum he will contribute himself. Every member must collect in his shop, in his home, at the market, wher- ever the workers come together. Developing the campaign outside of the branches we will, at the same time, broaden the influence of the Morning Fretheit. Let us all bear in mind, that in the coming folr weeks we must devote all our efforts and energy to the support of our Morning Freiheit. Comrades, the work of collecting funds for the Morning Freiheit cannot be postponed. Let us prevent a situation, where the Morning Frei- heit has to come out with desperate appeals. Let us keep in mind our slogan—quick help and double the amount. We call upon the branches to organize im- mediately special Morning Freiheit campaign committees to carry on thte campaign. All money collected by the members and the branches of the LW.O. must be sent to the National Office, 32 Union Square. —For the National Executive Committee of the INTERNATIONAL WORKERS ORDER, ‘R. Salsman, Sec'y | By BURCK ‘ s da at 50 East 7 SUBSCRIPTION RATES: , Geta One Rea ‘Porty US.A. of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, $8; six months, $4.50, OOVER: “A LITTLE MORE ETHER, DR. GREEN.” to recognize that the most important decisions of the Fifth Congress of the R.LL.U. did not find up to recently the necessary practical applica- ion, and it is only in recent months that the first steps were made in this direction. We do not attempt at all to conceal the fact that the revolutionary trade union movement o: | the U.S.A. has a whole series of big and small shortcomings, which to a large extent hamper its development. We are not afraid to self-crit- | ically look into all corners, check up every phase | of our work, and discuss the organizational forms, as well as the methods and contents of our work, We are not at all afraid of our enemies who might try to utilize our self-criticism in order to discredit the revolutionary trade union or- ganizations in the eyes of the workers. It is only because we are not afraid of self-criticism, be- cause we generally realize our mistakes and shortcomings, and because we feel the necessity to overcome these shortcomings in our work, at all cost, that we frankly and directly tell and must tell the workers, that in order to trans- form our revolutionary trade unions into a de- cisive factor, into real mass, fighting class or-* ganizations of the proletariat, a real decisive break is necessary, a new tempo is needed, and new methods in all our work are required. Of course, since the last Plenum of the T.U. U.L., which openly signalized the presence of a crisis in the revolutionary trade union movement of the U.S.A., undoubtedly a certain change has taken place, During this period the revolution- ary trade unions were able to lead the miners’ | and textile strikes, its ideological influence has grown ‘to a large degree, its organizational influ- ence is being strengthened. But the revolutionary trade union movement of the U.S.A. is still lagging behind the quick tempo of the radicalization of the working mass- es. This difference between our growing ideo- logical influence and the organizational basis is very dangerous and must not be covered up, it must be signalized and definite serious mea- sures must be taken to overcome it. What hinders the revolutionary trade union movement of the U.S.A. from becoming a real mass movement, what hinders it from being at the head, lead and successfully end militant mass strikes? Whgt is the hindrance in its bet- ter organizational winning over of the masses and the leading of decisive struggles of the work- ing class? The basic shortcomings and mistakes that hin- der the revolutionary trade union movement ot the U.S.A. to quickly and successfully go for- ward, are’ generally expressed in the’ fact that the revolutionary trade unions did not turn their face to the shops, did not actually transfer their center of attention in everyday work to the shops, did not create there strong support, did not concentrate their attention and forces on decisive sections in important. industries and large enterprises, have weakened their work in reactionary trade unions, did not strengthen their organizational base among the, unemployed, do not very well and decisively apply in: prac- tical everyday work the tactics of united front, do not sufficiently apply correct methods in mass work, ‘They did not create such a uniform organiza- tional system and such auxilliary transmission belts from the, trdde unions to the masses, which would make it possible for them to organiza- tionally embrace these masses, answer all their needs and demands, and lead them on the basis of a concrete program of struggle. The revolutionary trade unions did not learn yet how to thoroughly prepare for strikes and how to make organizational gains during and after strikes, ‘The revolutionary trade unions, with very tew exceptions, are not yet fighting mass organiza- tions in the real sense of the word. In many in- stances there is no normal trade union life, there is no strorig group trade union active elements, there are no solid national centers. The member- ship is not drawn into everyday work, in many cases there is no collective leadership, the leader- ship is most of the times removed from the shops, there is no defense of the everyday smal needs and interests of the membership, and the WO Peal iat it \ By JORGR Guilty, But Not As Charged ‘Talking with Tony the othe. uu,. know Tony, keeper of the, crocodiles on the Young Worker. Anyhow, Tony told us abou’ a Y.C.L. Unit he visited across East Riyer. The Unit was initiating a batch of applicants, ane how! A round table conference of the High Inqui- sition, both male and female, was third-degree- ing, one by one, each timid applicarit.- The prisoner at the bar was being cross-questioned and criss-cross questioned while his co-conspir- ators in trying to break into the Y.C.L. re- mained at a respectful distance in fear and trembling: 4 Torquemeda No, 1: Say, you, how did you find out about the Young Communist League? Applicant: Why, I... ‘Torquemada No. 2 (female): Yes, tell us just WHY you want to join the Y.C.L.? Applicant: Why, I like the... Torquemada No. 3: So! Isn't it true that you , like girls, and want to join because there are | girls in the Y.C.L, The prisoner tuined pale at the enormity of | the crime, thus cast in his face. At this point Tony said he had to intervene as counsel for the defense, and raise the ob- | jection that even if the prisoner wanted to join the Y.C.L. because of girls, it could riot be & charged that he did so by reason of the girls present as High Inquisitors; in fact if the un- © fortunate appliccat was: attracted by winsome faces, fetching curves and sylph-like grace, he ~ would never have applied for membership in a THAT unit! i Rock.Me to Sleev, Boss! Did any of you folks read the N. Y. Evening Post of September 16? Well, if you didn’t we must call your attention to a new wrinkle in “solving unemployment” that’s been invented by a gink named Louis Herman, a British s"eas tist. } The idea is that workers should, when ows ey a job, apply for a place in a sort of public ice- box, where—with the injection of the chemical called “insulin,” they remain “in a state of coma” or hibernation like a bear in winter-time for as long as the boss thinks necessary. Then when times improve, says the scientist, the workers can be taken off the ice, thawed out and put to work! He explains it like tins: “If an animal is both insulinized and codte@, the low temperature and the low blood-sugar are possible, though neither state can be meine tained singly. With these conditions the sub- ject goes into a state of coma very closely re- sembling that of a hibernating animal An injection of glucose will induce shivering rnd restore the animal to its normal state.” It seems that this guy Herman thinks tha esn- norass crisis is caused by sunspots, because. ¥{ says further: “Hibernation for a few months or a year, until the sunspots disappeared and trade re- vived, would mean an almost negligible sac- rifice of living. Unemployment would pre- sent no inconveniences, The Ministry of Cata- combs would deal with all applications, giving due precedence to the most urgent.” One thing urgent we can think of is that of reminding you that Comraé> Bukharin recently said that under capitalist rule science and scien- tists are tools of the capitalists against the workers, and it is most urgent that such cap- italist scientists as want to put workers on ice and take them off only when the boss wants to break a strike, should at once be given about a fifty year dose of their own insulin, ee tee Cracked or Crooked— But Not Communist New York City is a big place, so the chap who gives no other address and who signs himself as illegibly as possible as “Gordon Ri... (the rest of the name is a scrawl)” will get no answer from the letters and enclosures he is sending around to District Offices of the Communist Party. His letter says: “Comrades:—May we ask that the inclosed be given the utmost circulation, be printed in your paper if possible, and that copies be tacked up in your meeting roonts, so that the idea of tak- ing drastic measures to overcome the dreadful situation now confronting us may become fa- miliar to your membership.” The “drastic measures” spoken of are advo- cated in an accompanying typed sheet, entitled “The Right to Kill”, and the last paragraph gets down to business: “Men, Comrades, for the sake of family and self, start to kill. Under existing circumstances it is the wokingman’s right to Kill.” And so on through a lot of “kill,, kills”’ aimed at “the big robbers.” v Even Gordon What’s-His-Name had left his address somewhere on letter or envelope, he might have been invited to—if he thinks killing is needed—to start in on himself. Because he is either a rather crude detective framing up.a little job to keep on the payroll of the bosses, or a petty bourgeois who, under the stress of capitalist crisls and chaos, has gone batty in the belfry. Certainly no worker writes such lunatic rubbish and certainly no Commu- nist is peddling such “kill, kill” nonsense, but is organizing the masses for mass struggle for work- ing class rule, aia . The Doctors Are Resting Easier A big double-column disatch from London on the front page of the N. Y. Times. of Tuesday told all about how “happy” the British bankers are, and one banker was quoted as saying: “We had on our hands a patient who had to undergo an operation to save his life. We were anxious, But now the operation is over and we are feeling relieved.” Kindly notice that “WE”, the doctor-bankers, are “relieved”. What has become of the “pa- tient” in the operating room, isn’t stated. We figure he got his wages cut out and is on the road to the cemetery, But the doctors are rest- ing easier, now! 4 % * ———— work of the trade unions among the unemployed is weak. 5 At times when the work of the unions sheuld be conducted with increased energy, they actu~ ally stop their existence for a while, do not show their face before the masses. The pri:ciples ct trade union democracy do not find ne¢susary expression. The trade union press is weak and 19 not an organizational link in the entire system ‘of trade union work.