The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 23, 1931, Page 4

memos Ra voce st 3 220 Page Four at 89 Fast w York, XN, Y, ON THE CARRYING OUT OF THE 13th PLENUM DECISIONS Changing Methods of Work to Help Make the Turn to Shop Work By JOHN WILLIAMSON. Pler of the Central Committee um s of becominz rooted our Party shops r death for Why? a) is one of The bot jor in- ilroad. workers in re the workers in , we must be n every d the shops ure to root ourselves among these the decisive shops: or mills will re- three things: (a) unorganized, nce easily crushed; (b) fake of L. to strangle mili- or (c) defeat of workers in ustries without a struggle. De- ve its reverberation he workers—even of will show weakness in i Chicago, ‘ainst are is being broken weak spot, and us there, which to- method of talking to the bourg the k—“War against paper de- field where paper it is shop District 8, fol- dec: tn lowing e a few olutions of the las' ree plenu March 28-29, 1931: “The outstanding weak- ness of the Party in District 8 still remains the same—that we are not a factor among the work- ers in the mines, factories, railroads and mills; . our concen ion on shops must have the perspective to develop struggles and lead the workers in these struggles on the basis of im- 30, 1931: “. . . Characteristic weaknesses of the Party, (1) failure to penetrate and lay se in the shops either for unions or Party; . (3) not being rooted in the shops we do tiating and developing strike struggles, but only enter them after they are called. there is a definite ideological turn in appreciation of shop work which has found a few organizational expressions (Rolling Isior Radiator—Hurley—Rubber fac- eim—Needle in St. Louis, etc.) this ng its attention to shop work.” 1931: “Although the last plenum of t placed the central task as the con- Central Control Commission Decisions The Communist Party warns all workers and s’ organizations against the following enemies of the working-class FRED C. QUANDT—Exposed as a company spy in the Electric Auto-Lite Co. in Toledo, Ohio; now located in Detroit, Mich. Native of Algonac, FRED C. QUANDT Mich.; about 32 years of age; automobile worker by trade, See photograph herewith, L. HAAS—Exposed as a company spy among the street carmen in Cleveland, Ohio. Previously, more than a year ago, had worked in Port Wayne and Indianapolis, Ind. as street car conductor. He appears to be native-born, about 30 years of age, 5 feet 8 inch tall, slim built; has black hair and dresses well. WILLIAM LAFLAM—Exposed as a swindler and generally unreliable individual, At first he was in Buffalo, N. Y., where in an Unemployed Council he showed signs of demoralization, and where he was closely associated with Glazer, who was later exposed to be a spy. He himself said that he had previously worked as an investigator for a charity committee. From Buffalo he went. to Utica, where he was befriended by a Polish sympathizer, whose trust he betrayed, and from whose home ran away (probably to Massachus- sevls)around the middle of August. Central Control Commission cent in the fac our campaigns nized. . . and no gr nized. Th of the Party in the shops and impermissi- nderestimation of trade union and ion ies linked up with all Why are the decisions still on paper? Because we have not changed our methods of work. We learn to speak in terms of thousands of street demonstr worry about two or three workers in a given shop. Let us examine a few questions based on District 8 experiences: (1) Do leading comrades nuclei or shop workers? despite assignment: This criticism Committee members (2) What is the approach of sections to shop nuclei activit It is no exaggeration to say that when Section 3, for example, is referred to as having 7 nuclei, the leading functionary will ct” and say only 5. What does meet with shop We can answer that the great majority did not. es particularly to District hasten to “corr he leave out?—the two shop nuclei in decisive factories. Other sections are similar. When units talk about concentration on a factory, it too often means distribution of leaf- lets. Unit 503, for example, has been “concen- trating” on the W. Co. for 8 months, but they never spoke to a worker in the plant during that time. They distribute all the general leaflets and sometimes try to sell Daily Workers. Dis- tribution of general leaflets should be done at a dozen shops, but concentration means getting in touch personally with workers in that shop, is- suing special stickers or material, formulating specific grievances or demands, recruiting in- dividual members. (3) nuclei? nuclei, shop nuclei to talk over their problems, but then we “forgot” to follow up our conversations. Not only must a distinction be made between shop and street nuclei in issuing directives, but Did we issue specific directives to shop No, only a general Org Letter to all each shop must get individual attention and directives. (4) Did we discuss any of the four new shop nuclei reported at July 19-20 District Plenum? Absolutely not. Does this not show the lack of orientation of even the leading committee, which very proudly boasts of its achievements, but then doesn’t give a damn whether the nuclei live or die afterwards. This is the height of formalism. However, other specific instances could be cited, including the laying off of thousands of workers in 2 plants where we have nuclei, with- out a single thing being done about it. Even the smallest and easiest task—issuing of shop papers—has declined during June and July. To remedy the situation we must not only talk of a turn, but organize the Party and change the methods of work to help and facilitate the Party to make this turn to shop work. What must’ be done? (1) Correct the wrong methods of work in- dicated above. (2) Learn to utilize political events which affect all workers, to penetrate the shops. An example in Chicago is August 3-8 events, which | had the entire city aroused, but the Party failed to issue even one leaflet—not mentioning more serious individual agitational work inside to the workers directly, to such important plants as the stockyards. This does not mean that the local bourgeoisie neglected the stockyards. They sur- rounded them immediately the night of August 3rd with police. The raising and fighting for demands for part time workers will also help us to penetrate the factories: (3) Definite individual assignments to lead- ing comrades to shop nuclei. taken seriously and therefore the same com- rades should not have 10 other assignments, making it impossible to do any of them. (4) The entire structure of the Party should be shaken up. Street nuclei today are really territorial units. They have existed in the same place for years and are petrified. Sometimes in the territory of a street nuclei there are big factories, but many times you will find our nucleus centered in the most petty-bourgeois or non-working class neighborhood, and no one ever sees the territory where shops and workers are. Members move out but still belong to this street nucleus. The size of our nuclei should be cut and they should be planted closer to shops. Members working in shops that the unit is con- centrating upon must belong to that nucleus, even though living in different territory. Our experience in Section 4, where 6 months ago there were 4 nuclei, shows that after dividing we now have 8, and 3 of these are ready to be divided again. Of course, the mere dividing is not the decisive thing—it is only auxilliary. Mass work and struggle is the cause of Party growth. (5) All departments of the District Commit- tee have responsibilities in shop nuclei work. Up until now it was only the Org Department that was even considered responsible. Each de- partment of the district or section has a spe- cific duty in reaching workers of a given shop. (6) We must learn to utilize sympathetic mass organizations more than in the past. Two examples will suffice (a) In Chicago the IWO has about 400 needle workers, but the Needle Trades Workers’ Indus- trial Union has a smaller membership. Here are possibilities to recruit if proper work, both general and personal activity, is carried on in the TWO. (b) In Gary, where in answer to a wage cut by the U. S, Steel in some departments, as the beginning of a general wage-cutting policy our Section Committee decided the proper and only way to fight wage cuts was through a street demonstration, but not through individual per- sonal agitation and organization inside the shop we have some mutual aid organizations of various languages. Alt of them lives a miser- able barren existence. The attention of the Party has been to get a delegate to a so-called united front conference occasionally and ask for money. Why rot build these mutual aid or- ganizations? They are comprised 100 per cent of steel workers. Why not utilize them as a | second line of attack in building our grievance | committees inside the mills? With proper meth- ods and approach, and through proper fraction activity this could easily be done, without let- ting up for one minute on the first basis of attack—inside the mills themselves. These are a few experiences and suggestions on this most burning problem. Comrades and esvecially workers in the shops from all distriets . Communist Party of theU. S.A. should write im their experiences, areca Ra. shop ations, but it is below our dignity to adhe ede terror,” declares Johnson. “They can hold their . only four -shop nuclei were | nce committees were | reveals lack of activity on the | Only twice did the District call in 2 | A A Prisoner from a | cents a pound, cost 15 cents in a company store. By mail everywhere of Manhattan and Bronx, SUBSCRIPTION RATES: One year, $6 New York City. Foreign six months, $3; twe months, $1; excepting Boroughs one year, $8; six months, $4.50, = ~ eek THE LOYAL TROOPS Hoover (a Harlan Jail Tells of the Terror mW YORK—tTyranny as high-handed as that practiced by 15th century monarchs 1s en- forced by coal company operators against the miners of Harlan County, Ky., according to Ar- neld Johnson, 25, who has just returned to New York. ‘The second day after arriving in Harlan, Sohn- son was ordered to clear out of the county by the Operators’ Association. The following day, upon attempting to interview Judge D. C. Jones, who has imprisoned scores of miners on criminal syn- dicalism charges, Johnson declares that he was “damned thoroughly” and told that “nobody from New York was going to tell Harlan county officials how to treat their prisoners.” After several weeks of investigation, during which time he was threatened with shooting and dynamiting, Johnson himself was jailed on a charge of criminal syndicalism. Together with miners held on the same charge, for murder, or for “possession of prohibited literature”, John- son was not allowed to see reporters or friends. He was fed on a diet of corn bread and beans. While in jail, his room was raided and searched, Constant Terror. “Miners are subjected to a constant reign of National Mine Workers Union meetings only when they are able to mass enough men together to cow gunmen with machine guns and armor to stay away. Soup kitchens have been raided and relief supplies destroyed. The miners are, de- spite all this terror, still fighting for a militant union, because those who work in the Harlan mines are starving just like those who are not working.” Johnson tells of one case in which a black- listed miner's family was driven off the cemetery in which a daughter was buried, because the cemetery is “company ground.” Company Money. Most of the miners live in company houses and can trade only in company stores, he declares. “The miners are paid in script. In the company stores, prices are anywhere from two to four times those of other stores. Script may be used at other stores—at a discount of 25 to 50 per cent. “Beans that sell in independent stores for five Four cent potatoes sell for 8 cents, 12 cent bacon for 30 cents, 42 cent flour for $1.10, 22 cerrt cof- fee for 55 cents, 18 cent meat for 4 cents, 30 cent butter for 70 cents. One company which earns $12,000 a year on its coal, cleared $13,000 from its company store. The Deduction Robbery “I know one miner who earned $14.56 in two weeks by working every day. From this amount, no matter how impoverished the family may be, the coal company deducts the following items every month: Doctor $1.85, coal $1.80 a month, whether they use coal or not, and 75 cents extra for each load if they use any, burial fund $1, hospital $1, school fund 80 cents, blacksmith 62 cents, insurance $2.50, church 50 cents, and rent ranging from $12.50 to $15 a month for a four room house with a pump in the back yard. These deductions are made regardless of the amount of wages the miner receives.” ‘Those who organized in the National Miners Union to fight this industrial tyranny, were im- mediately blacklisted, their homes raided, their families terrorized, and the miners thrown in jail in criminal syndicalism or murder charges. Sen- tences for criminal syndicalism run up to 21 years, Pellagra and flux, starvation diseases, have been playing havoc with the imprisoned miners’ families and their children, Johnson reports. In- ternational Labor Defense representatives in their work of providing food and milk to these families have been threatened and thrown in jail. In one instance an International Defense relief car was dyamited, Johnson represented the American Civil Lib- ertige-{Jnjon.in Harlan County, - \ saa sa catia oc, alt AMERICAN LEGION Goss The a By BURCK 5 acs FANT Doar. Japanese War Move Against the Soviet Union in Manchuria By M. JAMES L Ee fighting between the Japanese and the armed seizure of many strategical towns along the South Manchurian Railway were described by the imperialist press (for instance, the New York Times) as “local incidents” and as the consequences of the skirmishes of the soldiers who “acted against the order of the represent- atives of their governments.” This is a usual imperialist lie to befog the mind of the working class. The whole chain of events from the racial riots in Korea a few weeks ago to the armed seizure of the Chinese towns has been deliberately planned, organized and carried out by Japanese’ imperialism. The objectives of the Japanese government are to get out of the deepening crisis, to smother the revolutionary upsurge of the Japanese, Korean and the Chinese masses, and above all to open up a military highway for the imperialist war against the Soviet Union. An imperialist war against the Soviet Union is the most central objective of Japanese and world imperialism. The present situation in Manchuria must be seen from this very light, ify - Japanese imperialism has been hard hit by the economie crisis which is still deepening. Over one-third of the total production has been cut off. More than two million workers have been thrown out on the streets. Produci:cn of heavy industries has been curtailed to sixty per cent. Export showed more than thirty per cent de- crease last year. There is a big deficit in the government budget. Wages have been cut forty per cent. And there is no sign that the crisis will be over. on Japanese Crisis Deepens The revolutionary struggles of the workers and the toilers in Japan have been intensified a hundredfold on the basis of the deepening economic crisis. In 1928-29 there were recorded seven hundred and fifty strikes. In 1929-30 the number increased to one-thousand three-hun- dred and nine. The salt workers struck against wage cut for seven months this year. The strikes of the 25,000 seamen and the 15,000 street car workers showed unprecedented determination and militancy. In the rural districts, the agra- rian revolutionary movement against the land- lords and nobility is assuming increasing mo- mentum. Under the leadership of the Com- munist Party of Japan, the revolutionary strug~ gle of the Japanese masses threatened the very foundation of Japanese imperialism. But this is not all that Japanese imperialism has to worry about. The uprising of twenty. thousand natives of Formosa against Japanese domination last October, the rising anti-imperi- alist movement in Korea under the leadership of the Communist Party of Korea, all combine to shake the root of Japanese imperialism. The intensified penetration of America and British imperialists in Manchuria, together with the revolutionary upsurge in Manchuria and elsewhere in China further awake Japanese im- Pperialism to the fact that her position has be- come more precavious every day and that she has to take measures in order to maintain her- self. This armed seizure of the Manchurian cities is one of the attempts of Japan in this direction, m1, i Japan Planned An Armed Struggle Besides the direct attacks of the workers and toiling masses in Japan, Formosa, and Korea in the forms of capitalist rationalization, wage- cuts, unemployment, starvation, white terror and ruthless suppression, Japanese imperialism plan- ned and provoked the armed struggle in Man- churia to further exploit the Manchurian pro- vinces, to smother the reyolutionary movement by. distracting the attention of the revolutionar masses by the false issue of racial hatred and national prejudices, by strengthening her posi- tion against British and Yankee penetration in Manchuria and above all by building a military highway for a war against the Soviet Union. While the situation reflects clearly the inner antagonisms among. the ipperialist powaes-and | Party, P, O, Box 87 Station .D, New-York Oty, | is NOT to shut the doors of the Union) Lalli amelie cant m %, - i t the antagonisms between the Nanking govern- ; ment, the tool of American imperialism, and the Japanese government, workers must understand that it means more than anything else a war move against the Soviet Republic. This is the Pivotal point around, which’ other policies are centered. As the Japanese politicians always said that “There is one country in the north (meaning the Soviet Union) which is increas- ingly oppressing Japan,” and that “In order to successfully combat the Soviet Government, we must clear our own home of socialist elements.” The Chinese Eastern Railway question in 1929, the financing of the white guard generals by the Japanese financiers, the closing up of the Soviet bank in Tokyo and the constant slanders and lies against the Soviet Union prove that Japanese imperialism is constantly preparing and organizing an armed attack against the U. S.S.R. as the final solution for her economic crisis and the Communist danger at home and in her cclonies, Iv. Something should be said about the Chinese Kuomintang government in regard to the situ- ation. It might be said correctly that the Kuo- mintang is equally responsible for the massacre of the Chinese masses in Manchuria and the present situation. The pro-imperialist policy of the right and “left” fractions of the Kuomin- | tang has fastened imperialist rule and facili- tated imperialist domination in China. In many cases, the Kuomintang militarists have been used willingly by imperialists to provoke a war against the Soviet Union as was clearly illus- trated in the Chinese Eastern Railway question. ‘The Nanking goyernment, being. essentially a lackey of Yankee imperialism, has helped the Jatter to penetrate into Manchuria, while the “left” wing in Canton has served their Japanese master to penetrate other parts of China. This brings about the aggravated imperialist anta- gonisms in Manchuria and other parts of China. An Old Trick The Nanking government, while never show- ing any real anti-imperialist policy against Japan, has utilized the racial riots between Ko- reans and Chinese to cover its pro-imperialist character, to befog the minds of the revolution- ary masses, to calm down the revolutionary zeal of the Chinese workers and peasants by the false issues of race discrimination and prejudices, so that the militarists can carry on their drive against the Red Army and the Soviets. There- fore, the Kuomintang did not and does not re- present a revolutionary front against Japanese imperialism, but plays a reactionary role against the Korean, Chinese and Japanes? masses, against the Chinese Red Army and the Chinese Soviets and against the Soviet Union. ‘The crux of the matter is that the armed occupation of the Manchurian towns is a Jap- anese war move against the revolutionary move- ments in Japan, Korea and China and above all against the Soviet Union. The workers must energetically combat the acute war danger and support the revolutionary movements in China, Korea, Formosa and Japan, and mobilize for the defense of the Soviet Union. .Workers! Join the Party of. Your Class! P. O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. Please send me more information on the Cum- munist Party. i NQMC ...cecececdeecceeneesersecesereenereseeees Address . City ... Occupation .... +Mall Chis to the Central Office. Communist Commmunist Party U. 8. A. By JORGE ver) How Did Herbie Bear Up! | Of all the sardonic news items we have in recent days, one sent by the United Pre: Sept. 11 took the cake. It was dated from Washington, and ran way: “President Hoover has received reports dicating ‘collusion’ in wage-cutting. So time-clock employes have offered and cepted voluntary reductions of 15 to 20 cent in return for longer hours, it was learn Whether the President considers this as c flicting with his policy against wage-cuts not known, but there are indications that does not intend to interfere.” Now, wouldn’t that jar you! The dirty wi ers are cutting their own wages! Aga Hoover's policy! And “in return for lor hours!” But Hoover is filled with compas: and the spirit of Christian fortitude! He m aged to bear up under the blow, and, tho deeply hurt, “indicated” that he would not r ish the scoundrels! Such a martyr! SAN & Shades of Quintus Fabius Maximus! G. Bernard Shaw recently said somett about the Bolsheviks being Fabians, which is course, nonsense. But sometimes it appears us that if he had mentioned some of us Am can Communists in that connection he we not have been off center. «Quintus Fabius Maximus was the Ro! general who made delay a principle and po| in military affairs, Some of our comrades — not in military affairs, but they have taken o the old duck’s policy in admitting workers i the Communist Party. If any of you h waited for an elevator in our building you ° have a hint of what we mean. It is said t. a kid once tried to get upstairs to join Pioneers, but befeore he arrived he was eligi for the Party. We won't vouch for that, we will for the following: ‘We turned in an application of a woman co rade to join the Party last June. By one mor later she was visited by a comrade who delive: her Party book, but said that the Unit \ changing its meeting place and he “would her know.” August came and went. September, be morn and eye, flits by. She is still not “ formed.” For three weeks she has been tryi to break down the Chinese wall of District off “don’t knows” and Section headquarters “dc cares” and “never ins” to find out how to into a Unit before she is expelled for nv attendance. She hopes to track a Unit to Jair by Christmas. And, speaking about non-attendance: Wt is a poor seafaring man to do? Although are supposed to “concentrate” on marine trar port, we know a sailor whose ship gets in abc once every two months and goes out again three days. In August, 1930, he applied j membership in the Party, Every time he ma this port since, he has been trying to get t combination to Party membership. A Sr Nucleus would be fine, but he had to get in hi self first, and he didn’t want to bring othe into such a hard struggle. But he kept inqu ing about his application. Nothing doing; he didn’t “attend unit mec ings.” But he was doing some fine Commun. work around the map and in the forecastle ev day. Naturally he was handicapped beca when he spoke for the Communist Party couldn’t show his card. By violent protest wih in port he prevented his name from bei dropped from the role for non-attendance. Two months ago we took up his case ar threatened to hold a mass protest demonstr: tion. So this month when he made the po of New York he finally got his book, after months of struggle—but, had to sail away aga without paying his dues because his ship w. in port only three day$ and he couldn't atter the unit meeting! Which all reminds us of a couple of lines fro ‘Tennyson: “And yet she held him on delayingly, “With many a scarce-believable excuse.” eiicte i te Pictorial Review Piffle One of the punishments of illness is beir stranded somewhere with nothing to lead by th godawful stuff put out by capitalist magazine Looking over the tragic tales of love, or tales « tragic love, in the Pictorial Review, we noted tr following caption under a drawing depicting > upper class mob dancing: “The second officer relinquished her with | disarmingly regretful smile.” We supzose that this is about the nearest ( “disarmament” that we will get. Did you ever notice that these “popular magazines, especially for women, are—like th movies—built on the idea that everybody owr a Rolls-Royce, a summer home at Newpor plays golf, wears evening dress, has a house fu of servants and no visible means of support Anyhow, we can imagine the laughter if ov stern forefathers of the corn-cob area, had lai hold of the: Pictorial Review (October issue) i which we piped a full page advertisemen beginning: Y “In countless households some one Is suf. fering in silence . . . from troubles caused aggravated by inferior toilet tissue.” ‘We recommend this subject to Mrs. Grady one of the things not yet révealed about “hardships and dangers” of life in the Union. Just think how an imaginative lady Eve Garrett could elaborate a theme like bao | Pini Gait ] What’s This? ‘Yom Kippur is the “Day of Atonement,” ane the ccnitalists have a lot to atone for, That—dear comrades—is why the Stock Ex. change was closed in Budapest, and not beca the collapse of the British Pound Sterling, But, why—dear comrades—was the headquar ters of the Needle Trades Workers Industri: Union in New York closed on Monday? Was it because. of the Pound Sterling? Or was it because there are so few Ital Negroes, and—last .but not least—Americans, the Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union? Perhaps it was for this, that the N.T.W.1. was “atoning.” But the way to atone for .