The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 17, 1931, Page 6

Published by the ead pat Publishing Co, New York City, N. 18th Street, Address and m1 By SAM DON ze the Party membership for N order to m the growir s, understanding and enthu- siasm are absolutely essential, Enthusiasm can- not be manufactured. It must be developed through conviction. We must not merely hand m decisions from above in a military fashion, ng the body of the Party under- meaning of those decisions both from pective and detailed application. Plenum resolutions and decisions tand the The 13th must become the property of the entire Party membership. Not merely discussions at district committee meetings and functionaries confer- ences on the Plenum, but at every Party unit. e understanding of the line of the Party It is t as established in the various Plenums which will help in mob! the Party membership for the important, e, detailed work and the grow- mn we hear the cry of too many cam- Undoubtedly we must learn how to any campaigns. But thei e in line with our an ous deepening economic , Scottsboro campaign, election campaign, struggle against the war dan- ger and many othre campaigns are not “arti- ficial issues” invented by the Party. ‘They are t rete expressions of the sharpening of ruggle, The “many campaigns” face us insuffi- cient: prepared because we have not to mobilize the Party mem- to develop new forces. We learn in 0} daily work to nitiattve and vision of the Party membership, and this can be accomplished by broadening and deepening the political life and outlook of the P: membership. While the Party has made real headway in its political life, still too often the political life is confined to the various layers on hile the bottom of the Party, the not sufficiently developed into po- alive and sensitive organism. y unit every phase of ac- en up from a broader po- as the cleraest political dis- out a detailed discussion of methods will remain fruitless, so the working out of details of a campaign rity and faith in the objectives of the campaign will remain barren, There must be the closest Bolshevik linking up of the de- ‘ith the perspective and the perspective the detail ae Party units must become the political- ional point for mobilization of the mem- » and not as they are today in many merely a dispatching point to assign com~- various tasks. Decisions which are hed by the higher committees, after long and deliberate political discussions are at times handed down to the unit without explaining the mear and background of these decisions. Any wnoder then that quite often the membership fails to “respond” or lacks enthusiasm for the carrying out of various plans of work? We will give below a number of typical cases, which show that a decisive turn must be made in the ideological mobilization of the Party membership for mass work. Take Detroit for instance. The comrades there complain about the difficulties of mob- ilizing the membership to collect signatures to place the Party candidates on the ballot. An opinion was even expressed that 50 per cent of the membership should be called before the Con- trol Commission for not participating in the signature drive. Yet what did we find there? That while there were some discussions in the district committee and at functionaries confer- ences on the political sapects of the election campaign, it did not reach the units, The solu- tion does not lie in calling a large section of the membership to the Control Commission, of the Par' witl | alone at the unit that in a number of units proposals were made | all " MUST BE REACHED checks ti but in educating them politically. Take the mining fields in the Pittsburgh Dis- trict. There we have a complete new mem- bership. The Party is participating there in the local elections following a bitter strike strug- gle. Local elections which must be utilized to still further expose the social demagogy of Pin- chot. But this new Pa ilized for the election campaign without a poli- tical discussion among the fusctionaries, let meetings. Any wonder then not to nominate Party candidates for certain offices, because the local bourgeois politician running for that particular office is a “lesser | evil’? At a section committee meeting in the mining region, one of the members of the sec- tion committee in a discussion in connection with the election campaign made the point that | Pinchot’s hands were tied because of the Su- | against burocracy. The resolution states “.. preme Court, therefore it is necessary to change and improve the Supreme Court. The problem of political enlightenment is par- ticularly acute in the Pittsburgh mining fields because of the new membership, but it is by no means a problem only in connection with the new members. For instance, in Detroit the following occurred Some Party members on a committee sent to see Mayor Murphy to protest against police brutality were moved by the mayor's “sincerity” on the question of police brutality and objec- tively became victims of his social demagogy. While at the Plenums of our Party and in resolutions and articles of many leading com- rades the question of social demagogy was raised in the sharpest manner, yet we see such crass examples not only of a failure to understand the problem, but also in some instances our com- rades fall victims to it. This only shows that in the concrete daily life of the Party the-prac- tical work many a time was merely carried through mechanically without linking it up in a broader political manner. While some progress has been made in dis- cussing political problems with the function- aries, yet the very points taken up at func- tionaries conferences are not followed up at unit meetings. We will merely confine ourselves to two examples, because they are so outstanding the miners strike and the Chicago massacre protest demonstrations are the two recent out- standing examples of the Party participation in important mass struggles. The lessons of these struggles must be studied by the entire Party membership. But they were not even brought home to the membership at their unit meetings in the districts where the struggles occurred. In Pittsburgh there was a discussion on the lessons of the miners strike only at a func- tionaries conference but not in the units. In Chicago practically the same happened. The last Plenum of our Party, raised sharply the question of the struggle against burocracy and formalism. The raising of the political level of the units will help a great deal in the struggle against formalism and burocracy. The 12th Plenum raised sharply the Leninist slogan of “less highfalutin phrases, more simple every day deeds.” The 13th Plenum linked up the above mentioned slogan with the struggle . the | growth of burocratic methods of work (which expresses itself SD) in the stifling of demo- cracy within the Party, in stifling the initia- tive from below, preventing the absorption of new members, stunting the growth of organi- zation, in the insufficient politicalization and activization of the Party membershp, by means of enlightment upon the tasks, day to day guid- | ance and practical assistance to the Party mem- bership in carrying out these tasks.” The Plenum directive of politicalizing and en- lightning the Party membership on .the tasks | is one of the important levers in developing faith in the masses and eliminating burocratic tendencies and methods of work. Argentina Under the Control ot Fish and Co. The Economic Background of the Raid on the Soviet Trade Mission. By S. SEWIN (Moscow) RGENTINA, the second largest Republic in South America, is an agrarian country. In- dustry is but feebly developed. Industrial raw materials are only worked up at home when this results in an essential reduction of the freight costs, or when the raw materials cannot be placed on the markets without their having first been worked up (frozen meat, preserved food and leather). , Th typical form of landownership is big landed estates embracing in some cases as much as 75,- 000 hectares. Only 3.5 per cent of the area under cultivation falls to small agricultural under- takings. The land is tilled by tenant farmers. The economic crisis and the big price drop placed the small and middle tenant farmers in & very difficult situation. Rent alone amounts to 40 per ‘cent of price realized by the farmers for the agricultural products placed on the market. The high railway freights and the increased price of imported agricultural machinery result In the tenants having left very little over to themselves from the yield of the harvest. The prices of grain are so low that the harvest yield pften does not suffice to cover the costs of ‘transport. Out of a population of 10.3 million, the indus- trial proletariat numbers 600,000 persons, agri- tultural workers 500,000, transport workers 100,- 400, etc. ‘160,000 workers are organized in trade anions. The split-up character of the trade anions renders the fight of the working class nore difficult. Syndicalists, anarchists and re- formists have their own trade unions; in addi- fion there exist small independent unions. The ‘evolutionary Trade Union Confederation of latin America, which is affiliated to the Red In- ernational of Labor Unions, is condemned to Megality, but nevertheless carries on work to wganize the forces of the proletariat. As regards capital invested in Argentina, Brit- capital holds first place with 2,020 million Mars. The amount of United States capital avested in Argentina is roughly 550 million dol- Ars, that of other states 500 million dollars. Ar- _ entina is one of the chief arenas in the fight tween English and United States imperialism. gland is striving to keep Argentina as an ‘arian country from which it can obtain food ad raw materials. For this reason only an in- significant part of English capital is invested in industry, a greater part being invested in banks. ‘The largest sums of capital are invested in the railways, which convey Argentine wheat to the British steamers. As the English have the mo- nopoly of transport to the harbors, the freight charges are enormously high. The English keep a jealous guard over their monopoly of transport. When the Americans be- gan to acquire shares in the Buenos-Aires rail- way company, which connects Argentina with Chile and possesses first class strategical impor- tance, the share-holders decided to insert a clause in the statutes of this company accord- ing to which only English and Argentinians could hold shares in it. As a, counter-move, American imperialism acquired a concession for the construction of a parallel railway line from Argentina to Chile. In 1929, England refused to grant Argentina a loan of 200 million dollars for the building of high roads, in order thus to pre- vent a diminution of the profits of its railways and the importation of American automobiles. American capital gained a firm footing in the light industry and rapidly obtained a monopoly in the production of energy, which it acquired from the English companies in the big towns. The electricity works in the provincial towns are almostgentirely in the hands of branches of the American “General Electric Company”. The United States are, in addition, the chief consum- ers of tanning materials, the production of which is almost exclusively the monopoly of the Brit- ish firm “La Forestal”. The Argentine ‘frozen meat factories belong to the Chicago firms of Swift, Armor and Wilson. Whilst at the begin- ning of the present century the slaughter-houses and frozen meat factories of Argentina were in the hands of the English, the Americans have in the meantime succeeded in gaining control of over 68 per cent of these undertakings. Thanks to their dependence upon the English market and upon the English banks and railways, which convey their products abroad, the Argen- tine landowners were long orientated towards England and not towards the United States. The American preferential tariff and pseudo-hy- gienic laws, which closed the American markets to Argentine imports, favored the consolidation of Anglo-Argentine relations, In the year 1928-29, Argentina, !n the interest of England, supported Paraguay in its conflict with Bolivia over the disputed territory of Gran Chaco, Behind Bolivia there stood the Amer- y membership was mob- | GANDHL | og SUBSCRIPTION RATES: oo mal averywhere: One year, $6; six months, #3. wa months, $1; excepting Boroughs Manbatte nd tens” New York City Foreign’ one vear, $8; six months. $450. bay PEE i Sl = By BURCK ican “Standard Oil,” which possesses conces- sions on the Eastern slopes of the Andes and is striving to penetrate Paraguay. A serious blow was delivered to the influence of England by the putsch carried out by the leaders fo the party of Conservatives, General Uriburu. The English agent, the Radical Iri- goyen, was overthrown. Irigoyen had refused to accept loans from the United States and sab- otaged all conferences of the Pan-American Un- ion as envisaged by the Kellogg Pact. He tried to disturb the activities of the “Standard Oil.” The government had already submitted to the Chamber a bill for the nationalization of prod- uction and trade in naphtha; the naphtha trust, however, succeeded in shelving this bill in the Senate, where the radicals were in a minority. Uriburu easily yielded to American influence. He suddenly declared that he would work to- gether with the United States and the Pan- American Union. He had the director of the Argentine naphtha industry, General Mosconi, arrested. ‘The change of dictators, of course, did not in any way tend to ameliorate the economic crisis. ‘The total capital of the firms which went bank- rupt in the year 1930 amounted to 97 million dollars, as compared with 63 million dollars in the year 1928. Up to July 1931, the price of wheat dropped 45 American cents a bushel. Dur- ing the first six months of 1931 the value of Argentine exports amounted to 330 million gold pesos as compared with 350 million gold pesos in 1930, and in weight amounted to 9.1 million tons, as compared with 5.3 million tons in 1930, that is to say, the price of exported products fell by 50 per cent. In the same period the income from customs duties showed a decline of 18 mil- lion paper pesso. Customs duties represent the main source of State revenue, and their decline immediately led to a reduction of the wages and . Salaries of civil servants. In order to reduce the danger of wholesale dismissals of State em- ployees, the latter declared themselves prepared to work only 18 days a month. In addition, they also agreed to a 50 per cent cut in their already reduced salaries. In spite of this, 10,000 civil servants were dismissed. Uriburu established a regime of white terror. ‘The Communist Party is prohibited, the Com- munist papers also are destroyed and prohibited. In the whole of the country arrests and shoot- ings ‘of workers’ functionaries are on the order of the day. Commynists are being exiled to the icy dungeons of Tierra del Fuego and to the swamps of Chaco. ‘The resistance on the part ‘of workers to the action of the government is assuming ever sharper forms. A number of powerful demon- strations of unemployed have been carried out. In July last, Rossasco, head of the police in the Avellaneda district, a working class suburb in Buenos Aires, who took a prominent part in the wholesale banishment and attacks upon the workers, was shot down in a restaurant. In or- der to cast the responsibility on the Commun- ists, the reactionary “Prensa” served up afresh a whole series of old forgeries bearing the sign- ature, the “Revolutionary Organization of Com- munist Soviet in the territory of Argentina.” ‘The petty bourgeois organizations which sup- ported Uriburu at the time of the putsch, have in the meantime gone over to the opposition. ‘The independent socialists and the anarchists who helpéd the dictator to come into power, are now talking of the necessity of his resign- ing. The ferment among the ruined small farm- ers is increasing. students are a common occurrence. ‘An officers’ conspiracy ‘has been discovered in the army. Uriburu, who can no longer trust his troops, has set up his own private army, “the Argentinian civil legion,” numbering 15,000. ‘The Argentine big landowners, encouraged by outside forces, made an attempt to attribute to the U.S.S.R. the responsibility for the general misery and the economic crisis. In the raid on the “Jush-Amtorg,” Uriburu proved himself to be an apt pupil of the International gang of rascals and forgers of the type of Hicks, Hamil- ton, Fish and their like. Since January the newspapers and the big landowners’ organiza- tions spread their calumnies about Soviet dump- ing. ‘The government rendered every possible ald in this respect by collecting through its Em- bassies all kinds of inventions regarding the “Red Trade Menace.” Nearly 160 employees of the Jush-Amtorg, among them many women, were thrown into prison; some of them were even beaten. Since their arrest they have been compelled to sleep on the floor, without being able to undress. The safes in the Jush-Amtorg were broken open and the account books were gone through. Of course, no proof was or could be found of “dumping” Fights between the police and * Portland Police Plan a ‘Communist’ Bank Robbery By FRED WALKER NOTHER episode in the efforts of the Port- land police to smash the Communist Party | and discredit it in the eyes of the workers is boomeranging back at them in a complete fiasco. On Sept. 1, the First National Bank at Aurora, 30 miles south of Portland, Oregon, was héld up. Three men participated in the job, Frank Farley, Ed Sigmund, and Louis Bruggman. who aided in planning the robbery, Joe Edgar, was not at the holdup itself. As the car in which the three were leaving the bank was not fast enough, due to tampering by Bruggman, Farley and Sigmund got out and took gnother. A few minutes later Bruggman was arrested by the state police (a new insti- tution in the state of Oregon) and held as a participant in the bank robbery. On the afternoon of Bruggman’s arrest a statement was. made to the press by Mr. M. R. Bacon of the Portland police department, that Bruggman “had been victimized by members of the Communist Party who held up the bank” and that “it is part of the Communist creed, that they have a right to rob any bank of the capitalistic class to get funds to carry on their activity.” M. R. Bacon is the stool-pigeon who was in- structed by Mayor Baker and Chief of Police Jenkins of Portland to join the Communist Party nine’ days after the mass demonstrations against unemployment on March 6, 1930. Later in September, Bacon led the police in the raids on the headquarters of the Communist Party which resulted in the arrest of 25 workers, 12 held for deportation and 13 charged with crim- inal syndicalism. After the raids and terrorism the criminal syndicalism trials began. The first victim was Ben Boloff. The lying testimony and the prej- udice worked up against Boloff who was born in Russian was used to convict and sentence him to ten years in the penitentiary. The next trials however did not go so well, Fred Walker, the second to go on trial was acquitted. The defense has gotten a little ex- perience in exposing the complete ignorance of the states’ witnesses as well as evidence to show that Bacon was of the lowest type of underworld character, an informer, bootlegger and rat in general. The jury refused to believe the lies so much and also were not swayed by the patriotic appeal of the prosecutors, as were the jurors in Boloff’s trial. The third trial, of John Moore also resulted in an acquittal. The police were getting desperate. One of Bacon’s lying statements on the witness stand was that the Communist Party advocated rob- bing banks. When juries refused to believe this lie and when the support for the Communist Party was growing by leaps and bounds, only one thing remained. For the next criminal syn- dicalism trial, scheduled for this month, “real” “evidence” woffld be on hand to convict. What more natural then than to stage a “Communist” bank robbery as % background for a criminal syndicalism trial? The rat chosen for the work was Louis Bruggman. Bruggman was arrested in the police raids in September, 1930, and turned informer in order to save his own dirty hide. He was‘used by Bacon and O'’Dale, head of the “red squad” to get information” on Communist activities. Because of Bruggman’s line of talk and actions, he was suspected by the Commun- ist Party for a long ea Several efforts he and of “participation in propaganda.” It is quite understandable that the shareholders of the Jush-Amtorg have in the meantime decided to cease all their purchases and commercial op- erations in Argentina. This decision has met with the full approval of the working masses in the Soviet Union, who are exceedingly indig- nant at the insolent anti-Soviet action. As a result of the cessation of the activity of the Jush-Amtorg, the deficit in the foreign trade balance of Argentina will increase still further. ‘The situation in Argentina is very similar to that which was created in Mexico in January 1930 at the time of breaking off diplomatic re- Jations with the U.S.S.R. Under the pressure of powerful outside forces and in its desire to find a means of diverting the growing indig- nation of the people, the Argentine government is following the same path as that pursued by the Mexican government. Another | ' robbery after he had informed on Farley and made to join the Communist Party failed, as the Party would not have him. No evidence was in the Party’s possession to show just what he was, but as he was not reliable he was not taken into the Party nor given any work of importance in any organization. About a month before the bank job, Bruggman moved to a hotel where sev- eral members of the Communist Party wéré liv- ing. As he was watched, he was unable to get any information or do any damage. Of course, when stool-pigeons can’t get any “evidence” the next best thing is to make it, Bruggman then got hold of an individual, Joe Edgar, Edgar at one time was a member of the Communist Party but was expelled about > 7o-r ago in Seattle when he misappropriated funds and was generally unreliable. Edgar introduced Bruggman to the two who robbed the bank, Farley and Sigmund. Both Farley and Sig- mund are workers who came to the the conclusion that they couldn’t live any way in capitalist society except by going out as in- dividuals and taking what they needed. Neither of them were members of the |working class movement, though in a way they were sympa- thetic. The four then planned the robbery. Bruggman reported to his chiefs, Bacon and O'Dale that there was going to be a job and that Farley and Sigmund were “Communists.” Bacon and O'Dale were so enthusiastic about everything that they didn’t even take the trouble to see.if Bruggman were telling the truth or not and told Bruggman to “go ahead.” What an opportunity to concoct a real “Com- munist plot” not only for their own objects, but what a nice thing it would be to help out the Fish Committee that is still trying to digest some of the stories they gathtered up all over the country, including Bacon’s story about bank robberies when Bacon testified before the “hon- orable” body in Portland. Things didn’t go so smoothly however. The robbers decided to go outside of Portland rather than pull the job in the city. They further got wary of riding with Bruggman for some reason and took another car after the job was pulled. ‘Then to cap the climax, the state police horned in and without knowing what it was all about arrested the stool-pigeon of the Portland police. Bruggman gave a real tale of woe to the state police. He said he was repairing his car by the side of the road when the “bandits” came up, poked a gun in his ribs, fired a bullet in the windshield of the car and commanded him to drive away. The papers said|this story was dis- credited by the fact that “there was no bullet hole in the winshield.” When Bruggman was arrested it seems that the state police and city police were unable to get together, so the state police got a “confes- sion” from Bruggman who informed on the two he worked with and also his own part in the job. Later he tried to deny his part. Joe Edgar then got cold feet, went to the police and showed them where to get Farley and Sigmund. Both Edgar and Bruggman promised to testify that the Communist Party was directing the robbery though they both knew that this was a lie. Bacon,and O'Dale made statement after state- ment trying to implicate the Communist Party. Then Bruggman, Farley and Sigmund were “tried.” All pleaded guilty and were given ten years in the pen. Bruggman now felt that he was being made the goat, so he began spilling the beans. He stated that not only Bacon and O’Dale but Chief of Police Jenkins also was aware of the plans before tite robbery took place. He still thought he might save his own hide though and stuck to his story that it was Communists who did the job. Edgar, who was not even arrested for the Sigmund was then offered the job previously | sed masses of the world are the same. BUILD “THE LIBERATOR” By WILLIAM L. PATTERSON, 'HE tasks of the revolutionary Negro and whita workers are becoming ever broader and more pressing as the anger of the Negro masses against the many forms of white ruling class oppression and terror deepens and takes on con- crete forms.of expression in struggle. ‘This anger must be raised to a high political level, must not be diverted into anti-working class channels, 4 Stvike-breaking activity, it must not be permitted by support of impossible, impractiable “Back to Africa” movements, un- realizable “co-operative” schemes to defeat the aims of the working class. It must nci exhaust itself i support of Negro refomist “racial sol- idarity, race loyalty” plans. This anger of the Negro masses must be ore ganizationgily cemented. That organizational trend must~be unswervingly directed toward the main stream ‘of revolution, The hatred of the Negro masses against oppression must be merged with, the reyolutionary upsurge of the starving white workers and of the ruthlessly exploited colonial peoplés. ‘The main source of exploita- ticn and oppression of the workers and oppres- ‘There is therefore a common basis of struggle against im- perialist. oppression. Already around Scottsboro, Camp Hill, bloody Monday in ‘Chicago, the organizational forms of Struggle have been created. Into these forms must be poured the masses of Negro and white workers groaning under the crushing burdens of the crisis. Already the bosses, foaming at the mouth with rage, are rallying all of the agen- cies of reaction, the Negro reformists, the yellow socialists, the labor fakers and the undezworld scum, to crush the growing solidarity of the awakening. Negro and white masses. Every source of propaganda coritrolled by the bosses vomits its poisonous white chauvinist propaganda and those lies with which it fere vently hopes*to ‘strengthen the distrust of mil- lions of workers for all white society. Masked behind phrases of peace, subile propaganda preparing the masses for war against the Soviet Union, the ‘capitalist out of the crisis, in= creases, Billions are being spent for armament, ‘There ts no bstter way of building mass revo- lutionary organization than through the avenue of the revolutionary press. This is one of the surest Ways Of preparing the masses to find a working class solution of the crisis. Without this press, the. establishment of revolutionary organizations capable of uniting Negro and white workers in joint struggle for Negro rights and of leading the struggle for the right of the Negro masses in the Black Belt to self-determination and toward the-decisive battles facing them, is impossible, Organization for these decisive tasks is the first step toward their practical solu- tion. The plan of building the Liberator into @ mass paper is an inseparable part of the plan of the struggle for unemployment insurance re- lief, against the unbearable high rents in the segregated Negro centers, against discrimina- tion, jim-crowism, segregation and all of the semi-slave forms of exploitation and oppression in the south, It will unite the discontent of the black and white share-croppers. It will stir the Negro masses to think as never before and pre= pare theri for revolt. ‘The Liberator must be the “main line” guiding Negro and white workers to the systematic or- ganization of the liberation struggles of the Negro masses. It will stress the day to day tasks and point the way to the ultimate goa). The toiling Negro masses constitute the weak link in the chain of American imperialism. They } are a potential ally for the revolutionary strug- gle of the American workers, Negro and white. The Liberator will guide the Negro and white workers in their work of systematically and tire- lessly developing mass organizations of strug- gle. It will aid in the development of any revo- lutionary leaders. It will interpret for the Negro masses all aspects of their political life. It will ‘ruthlessly tear the mask from the face of Negro reformisnt, * ‘The Liberator is a collective organizer. Tt will rally millions of workers to the struggle of the Negro masses~for social and political equality. This struggie**cannct be sevarated from the struggle of the enti working class against American imperialism. Build the Liberator! Support *5- drive of The Liberator for -a circulation of 25,009. the workers by coming out and exposing ‘he whole plot cf the police ‘s frame-up ‘=> Com- munist Party. Of course any information that the Communist Party can get to expose the po- lice is welcome, but after Edgar's work and his offer to testify in. coming criminal syndicalism trials against the Party, the works will wait a hell of a long time and will want to see a lot of work before they can begin to forget the betrayal which Edgar performed. The whole police plot was such a miserable failure that the workers alk over Portland even though they have not been able to get the Par- ty’s analysis of the robbery, are aware of the true character of this robbery as a means of discrediting the Party. We might now remember this plot as the “plot that failed.” . This does not mean that the police are through. Now that they have so thoroughly. exposed themselves as the real ones who. directed the bank robbery in order to lay it at the door of the Party, they will redouble their efforts to. frame the Party and individual members. No trick is too low, no lie too base beneath the paid hirelings of the police and the bosses in trying to disrupt and smash the workers’ movement. The answer of the bosses, and the only thing that can prevent-and expose such frame-ups is more organization and struggle. Build a powerful Communist Party. that will be invincible before the attacks of the capitalist agents. A move ment with such-mass support that no-such frame-ups will be possible. ‘The answer of the workers must be to build abe * powerful branches of the unemployed councils ° to fight to.the.Jimit for relief from the pe held by Bruggman, He was given $30 by O’Dale, was known to the workers as a stool-pigeon they changed their mind, a known stool is of no yalue, so they then arrested Edgar for the crime “of carrying concealed weapons” SHED Sy them- selves had paid for, Now Edgar desires to-“‘redeem” himself before and the government. Strike against wage ci under the leadership of the Trade Union Sait League. Defend the right of the workers to ore Ganize,-meet, protest, demonstrate sand fight \ against the capitalist system of misery, by build- ing a-powerful defense organization, the Inter- national Labor Defense. Fight for the repeal of the Criminal Syndicalism law. Demand the release of Ben’ Boloff. Demand the release of the remaining ten workers held on charges of ‘criminal syndicalism, Join the Communist Party and fight against this rotten system and for a workers’ and farmers’ government! This to the bosses and their stool-pigeon agents and