The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 12, 1931, Page 6

[ BuyubHshed by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc, daily except Sunday, at 50 Eam 6. Cable: “DAIWORK. ‘h Street, New York, N. ¥. 18th Strest Address Page Six New York City, nd maf) ali checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 15 N. ¥. Telephone Algonquin 7 Dail Vorker’ Party US.A. | SUBSCRIPTION RATHS: THE CLASS STRUGGLE FULLY EXPOSES THE RENEGADES By JOHN STEUBEN. = are a great many lessons that the revo- ary movement and the working class can learn from the present struggle ile workers in Paterson. The first on is that wherever the united front policy ww is correctly applied our revolution- atter how weak they were yes- ecome mass organizations and be ctor in the struggle of the work- offensive of the bosses. The sec- that the outcome of the strike s on the preparatory work inside h means not only general agita- ganda, but actual organization of workers ins the mills and shops and those slay a decisive role in erystallizing discontent o struggles. The third and eat responsibility placed tion when the social reform- ing to break a strike through ik and two strikes are tion a ists are a declarin: one i y at the same time. lesson is the fact that the Paterson strike ci letely and thoroughly exposed and unmasked the slightest doubt the real role of the Lovestone renegades as an integral part of social reformism in the United States. The first two lessons are not entirely new to our mov the struggle of the coal miners s in New York City already results in the process of ation of the united front on, therefore, only enriches our experience se lines. The third and fourth lesson, however, while theoretically is nothing new either, but in practical life and Ss it is something new and therefore de- erves utmost attention. The National Textile Workers’ Union for a period of many weeks has energetically prepared: for a strike in Paterson. As one of the first steps in this direction, the N. T. W. U. initiated ign for a united front movement z the workers regardless of their union af- on, or whether the workers were unorgan- so long as the workers were ready to strug- st the present unbearable conditions ‘vail in the industry. The textile work- ponded enthusiastically to the call for among the workers and the struggle the bosses. At a mass meeting, one of rgest meetings ever held in Paterson, the elected a rank and file united front tee consisting of members of the Na- Workers’ Union, United Textile rs, Associated Silk Workers, and unor- zed workers. The responsibility given to ommittee by the workers was preparations general strike within the shortest period e. This marked the beginning of a gen- r movement that rapidly spread hout the city of Paterson. The United Committee and the N. T. W. U. stood out unchallenged leader of the general strike nt. Also the struggles of the textile in Pawtucket, Central Falls, Putnam, y in Allentown, gave additional im- courage, and militancy to the Paterson It is at this Gitlow from juncture that the Lovestone- who are completely isolated of the revolutionary movement, losin; by day, decided to prove to Muste and McGrady that not only are they op- posed to the policies of the TUUL but they are ready to “deliver the goods” and be in the front ranks of the social fascists in the struggle against the TUUL and the revolutionary unions. ‘These traitors stooped so low that they didn’t even attempt to cover up their policy. The Rayolutionary Age definitely declared with pride that tk e instrumental in bringing to- gether the fakers of the United Textile Work- ers, the Associated and Muste under the direct leadership of the A. F. of L. What was the purpose of uniting these fakers just at the same Moment when the rank and file textile workers began to form a genuine united front for strug- gle? is so obvious, an open attempt to break the process of unity of the workers and thus break the coming strike. It couldn’t be other- wise be e if Gitlow and Lovestone would have had even one ounce of revolutionary integrity they would not have been on Green’s and Mc- Grady’s side of the struggle. On July 22nd, the united front committee and the N. T. W. U. de- clared a general strike. From the response of the w at the very beginning of the strike it was clear that the strike would rapidly de- velop, with the possibilities of tying up all sec- tions of the industry! This was such a shock to these renegades, and they became so alarmed that they proposed to the other fakers to naediately issue a fake strike call, thus to bring about confusion and attempt to demoralize the solid front of the workers. The A. F. of L. buyeaucrats together with Muste accepted the “clever” policy of their new colleagues and de- clared a strike on August 3rd. They imme- diately enlisted the support of the bosses for the “August 3rd strike.” It didn’t take long for the bosses to recognize their friends—the good old A. F. of L. fakers—and they began forcing the workers to take out cards from the A. F. of L. Even the Mayor of Paterson issued a, statement calling upon the textile workers not to strike and wait till August 3rd “because it will be a respectable strike.” This marked the beginning of the strikebreaking activities of Lovestone and Gitlow in Paterson, they became the ideological leaders of the A. F. of L. bureau- cracy. This also marks the beginning of terror and intimidation against the rank and file workers. Despite the treacherous activities of .Workers! Join the Party of. Your Class! P. O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. Please send me more information on the Cum- munist Party. ease eeeeeaeenseseeeceseesesonce Btate Occupation “Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Communist Party U. 8. A. Party, P. O. Box 87 Statiom & Mem Yark City. / ! the A. F. of L. fakers, the strike under the lead- ership of the united front general strike com- mittee and N. T. W. U. continued to spread and because of that Gitlow issued a statement ex- pressing his dissatisfaction with the slowness of the fakers in carrying out his policy. In his statement he declares: “The action of the N. T. W. U. is to be most sharply condemned, though it must be declared it did show initiative and did arouse some militant response and action among the workers.” Are not these deeds of counter-revolution- aries? Are not these words of Matthew Woll, when Gitlow proposed that “the N. T. W. U. ts to be most sharply condemned” and mind you, why? Because the N. T. W. U. “did arouse some militant response and action among the work- ers.” Would it be a wonder if Lovestone would pretty soon sharply criticize the Fish Commis- sion for not officially carrying through his pro- posals in Congress? Not at all! ready doing some work along these lines in Pat- erson, exposing our active organizers to police reporters, and Lovestone’s “shock troop” in the national office of the C. P, L, A—Bert Miller- Mandel in White Plains, pointed out to the po- lice who are the TUUL organizers there . It’s indeed a blessing that our movement cleared it- self from these agents of Wm. Green and on time. The A. F. of L. fakers finally carried out the policy of Gitlow, declared a dual strike, mob- ilized the bosses, their press and the police, threatening the workers with blacklist if they strike under the leadership of the N. T. W. U. Thus upon the renegades the responsibility for two strikes lies, with the result that the solid front of the workers was broken. Now a few facts about the participation of the renegades in the- process of the strike. The fakers divided among themselves their func- tions. Holderman, a politician of the Demo- cratic Party, is the A. F. of L. spokesman before the bosses and Gitlow, who still remembers the revolutionary phrases from his “youthful days,” was assigned as the A. F. of L. spokesman before the workers, and whenever a dirty deal is being put over the workers, Mr. Gitlow is assigned to do it. Only about a week ago Gitlow and Muste had @ conference with about nineteen bosses, where it was proposed that the 7 cent demand should be changed to 5% cents which in prac- tice meant a sell-out. The N. T. W. U. being informed of this conference immediately ex- posed before the workers the attempt to sell out the strike with the result that Muste him- self was forced to speak before the strikers “against the proposed reduction.” But this did not stop Muste and Gitlow to make numerous settlements on the basis of a reduction of the demands with the result that many workers al- ready went back without any gains whatsoever. This brought about a situation that made it impossible to get the demands that the workers went out on strike for. The height of degeneration of the renegades is expressed in Lovestone’s article in the Revo- lutionary Age of August 29th, where he states: “This is the first strike of any importance waged by the A. F. of L. unions in many months which Green has at least outwardly and temporarily not denounced and to which he has even pledged support.” William Green, who together with Hoover and the Labor Department, has broken every strike for the past two years where and when he had a chance “has pledged support” to the Pater- son strike. Isn’t this an open treachery? Doesn’t Lovestone travel even farther than Heywood Broun? After such words Lovestone will not be able to fool even the most backward worker in the country with his so-called radical phrases. That is why for the past two weeks those few workers in the garment section who still had some illusions about the renegades have left them in disgust. That is why many work- ers are denouncing them openly and come back to the ranks of the movement. This strike has proven that not only is there no difference be- tween Lovestone and Muste, not only does Love- stone tell the workers who have confidence in the A. F. of L. Council of the Greens and Wolls, but Gitlow even brazenly stepped on the red flag and raised high the U. S. flag. It was a pleasure to see Gitlow carrying a big American flag, and Lifshitz and Zimmerman carrying little flags. The conclusion the workers must draw is that any individual, or group of individuals who leave the revolutionary movement, will become the worst enemies of the working class, break- ing strikes, and becoming agents of the bosses and their government. District, Section and Unit Literature Agents See that you are supplied at once with the following literature for current campaigns: Work or Wages, by Grace M. Burnham 10 Social Insurance, by Grace M. Burnham .10 History of May Day, by Alexander Trach- tenberg 10 Race Hatred on Trial: 10 Graft and Gangsters, by Harry Gannec 10 Lynching Negro Children in Southern Courts, by Joseph North 05 Little Brothers of the Big Labor Fakers by William Z. Foster 05 The Frame Up System, by Vern Smith 10 Tom Mooney Betrayed by Labor Leaders 10 Youth In Industry, by Grace Hutchins 10 No Jobs Today, by Phil Bard 05 Life In the U. 8. Army, by Walter Trumbull .10 Co eas For the UNEMPLOYMENT CAMPAIGN Fight Against Hunger 05 Out of a Job, by Earl Browder 05 20,000,000 Unemployed 0 50,000,000 Unemployed 05 Also Work or Wages and Social Insurance anes caer For the ELECTION CAMPAIGN Why Every Worker Shuld Join the Com- munist Party 05 The Heritage of Gene Debs, by Alexander Trachtenberg 10 American Working Women and the Class Struggle 05 Revolutionary Struggle Against War vs. Pacifism, by Alex Bittelman 05 Also your local Election Platforms, “Out of a Job”, “Fight Against Hunger”, “Graft and Gangsters”, “Race Hatred on Trial”, “Lynching Negro Children In Southern Courts”, surance”. “Work or Wages”, “Social In- Keller is al-_ “LABOR AND CAPITAL WILL COOPERATE” U. S. Feeds Red Tape to Hungry Vets | SERVE in army now I got to sleep outside,” said Gabriele Skemerizzo. He pulled from his pocket some papers, one of which was his citizen papers showing him to be a naturalized citizen the other a paper headed, “Honorable Discharge,” Gabriele Skemerizzo, 4484681, Pri- vate, Battery F, 14th Regiment. Enlisted Sept. 3, 1918, Honorably Discharged Jan. 2, 1919, Camp Upton. “Last winter I have no job, I have no place to sleep, my family is in Italy, I go to City Hall, New York, ask for job or little help, I show my army papers, man say to me, ‘Why show me this, you can use this only in toilet now.” ‘This was in the winter of 1930. Somehow he pulled through, sleeping with a friend some- times, sometimes at the Municipal flop house, getting food on bread lines, at missions. In the earlier part of 1931 he went to the American Legion for help, “They give me $4 one time, $1 another time, then say to me, ‘Can give no more to single man.’” Then he went to the Red Cross. He had seen the big posters show- ing the Red Cross with open arms of charity. But when he approached the Red Cross per- sonally they pulled the arms in. “Red Cross tell me to go to Salvation Army.” At this time he applied to the U. S. Veterans’ Bureau for a job. His application lay there eight months without a word of a job or a penny of relief. Wherever he went it was red tape, and ques- tions and red tape, waiting and waiting. He contrasted this in his mind with 1918, when they took him into the army. The shouts, the excitement, the flag-waving, the promises, the quickness of putting him in. May 20, this year, he wrote of his plight to the War Department at Washington. “I write I want no chartiy, I want Job, I serve in army, I want relief.” Eight days later he got a reply and was told that his letter for relief was for- warded to Mr. Ralph H. Kock, 15 Pine St., New York City. “I am sure,” stated the letter, “Mr. Kock is going to do everything possible.” “June 2 I got another letter.” This letter was from the very same Mr. Ralph H. Kock, 15 Pine St., who was going to do “everything possible.” Here’s what he said: “We have a large number of applicants for work now on file in this office. If you can find it convenient, please call at the U. S. Veterans’ Bureau.” How sweetly they tell an ex-serviceman to starve, “If you can find it convenient.” “But,” emphasized Gabriele, “I have my appli- cation with same U. S. Veterans’ Bureau eight months now.” So here he was right back where he started, with the government feeding his hunger with letters and red tape. Now he has joined the Workers’ Ex-Service- men’s League, which organizes all worker ex- servicemen to fight for immediate relief, full payment of bonuses and at the same time as workers exposing the American Legion as a fas- cist outfit, organized by the bosses to fight the working class. eine By mai: everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, $8; six. months, $4.50. 8B: —SILAS H. STRAWN [Bobs cortgs 2 of L Facer From Mass Relief Campaign to Mass Relief Organization By MARCEL SCHERER. IN the midst of the battles in the coal fields of Pennsylvania, Ohio, West Virginia, and Ken- tucky, the National Conference of the Workers’ International Relief was held in Pittsburgh, Au- gust 29 and 30. This conference brought together 364 delegates—all of them active relief workers in the miners campaign—who were determined to build the permanent relief organization, the W.LR. These delegates came from 15 states, 105 cities and showed how wide-spread is the move- ment for solidarity today in America, The strikes in the coal fields and in the tex- tile fields have been followed with interest by tens and hundreds of thousands of workers. ‘These workers recognize that there is an in- tensified offensive by the capitalists against the standards of living of the whole working class. The program of Hoover is a program of hunger. And new wage slashes and speed-up are being prepared in steel, metal, railroads, etc. The creation of an army of more than 10 mil- lion unemployed is another phase of the capi- talist attack. But these attacks are being met and mass struggles are the answers of the work- ing class. In the coal fields and textile fields mass revolts of men, women and children fight- ing side by side with the strikers against starva- tion program of the bosses. Fighting heroically against the attacks of the bosses, gunmen, and state police, tear gas bombs and mass murder. In the south the organizing of the share crop- pers, Negro and white, is another evidence of the workers determination to organize and fight to defeat this offensive. The unemployed are also fighting back through mass demonstrations, hunger marches and battles against evictions. American impe- rialism attempts to shift the burden of the crisis on to the workers and is moving closer to an- other World War. The Soviet Union is under the sharpest attack. The answer of the workers is the solidarity of the working class, Negro and white, native and foreign born’ in struggle against this whole capitalist offensive. At this time with sharp battles already going on, with struggles looming in the steel, metal and other industries the task of the solidarity movement, the W.I.R. assumes the greatest im- portance. There has been a mass campaign for the relief of the fighting miners. This campaign has reached workers of all political opinions of all trade union affiliations. The message of soli- darity has smashed through the resistance and maneuvers of A. F. of L. bureaucrats, of social- ist misleaders and has been answered by the workers with enthusiastic support to the miners. This is not the first time that a broad solidar- ity movement has been organized successfully in the United States. There was the campaign for the famine victims in Soviet Russia in. 1921. Hundreds of thousands of workers contributed FROM EDITOR TO READER How Difficult to Do Something Easy Soon more than six weeks ago we be- gan our campaign for the establishment of Daily Worker Clubs. And there has been some success won. But not enough. Still there is enough to show that the idea ts good. And there have been enough D.W. Clubs formed to show some of the mistakes and difficulties. Firstly, there is the supposed “trouble” of or- ganizing a D.W. Club. Actually, this “trouble” is 99% imaginary. We find that organizing a Daily Worker Club is easy for a little group of readers at Oxford, Mississippi, without the aid of even a Party member, or in Grand Ronde, Oregon, where a fine Club was set up and sent in helpful suggestions to us—without a member of the Central Committee of the Party “being present.” But if a Daily Worker agent in New Jersey, or a Section Organizer of the Party in Brook- lyn, or a District Daily Worker Agent in Chi- cago gets a group of our readers together, he gets all his wires crossed, yells for help in all sincerity, declaring that he “don’t know’ what to do,” and in some cases makes a mess of it with the result thes me Glub ds organized Yet the thing is simple as falling off a log. The trouble is that many comrades are not used to falling off logs, not accustomed to doing simple things, and—more concretely—are not used to getting a group of workers together and with the utmost minimum of guidance, letting them take everything into their own hands. ‘These comrades are killing D.W. Clubs with kindness. Solicitous about what might happen — although the worst that might happen is nothing to be alarmed about and we can’t think just what it might be—they want not only them- selves, but a half dozen Party leaders to prowl around and “direct” things—in reality not show- ing a proper Communist faith in the indepen- dent initiative of the workers. They have very definite instructions which, boiled down, is that they get our readers to- gether, turn over the meeting to them and see that these readers elect a committee for fur- ther activities and send us a summary of the criticisms and suggestions made about the paper. That’s all any organizer or agent has to do. After that, the Club should be a great help to ani! Daily Worker Agent and should not be re- garded as “another” terrific “task” or as some- thing that must be “controlled.” Let these workers, our readers and friends, run things! The idea may be new, but we've got to get wed te itt : { we and expressed their solidarity. But we failed to build a mass organization out of this his- toric solidarity movement. We worked through campaign committees and when the campaign was over these committees dissolved. ‘Then came the Passaic strike and again com- mittees were successful again in arousing a tre- mendous mass sentiment for the fighting Pas- saic workers. The strike was over and our whole campaign movement disappeared. Then came the Miners Strike in 1927-28 in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia. Relief committees were set up and through them hun- dreds of thousands of workers were mobilized but no serious attempt to build up a permanent mass relief organization. Again the same error repeated in the Gastonia strike. ‘These lessons stood sharply before the Nation- al Conference of the W.LR. The increasing in- tensity of the struggles, the fact that millions of workers are living close to the level of starva- tion makes the need for a permanent and strong relief organization very evident. Relief is an important weapon in the struggles facing the American workers. Starvation is the weapon that the bosses count on to defeat the fighting workers when terror and murder have failed. And the working class can defeat this starvation by organizing a mighty and wide- spread united front of all workers who are against the bosses program of starvation and slavery. 4 Ahead of us are many battles and the need of relief from the moment that the struggle starts is evident and can only be prepared by the build- ing up of the Workers International Relief. The conference in Pittsburgh understood these tasks and concerned itself with a thorough discussion of what is being done and what, can be done to meet this responsibility to be ready to help every fighting section of the working class. Delegates came to the conference with truck loads of tod. Delegates brought donations and nearly $8,000 was turned in at the conference. When one.of the fighting miners of Kinloch re- ported that 16 eviction notices had been posted that day, the delegates immediately. came for- ward with pledges to send tents at once to Kin- loch. In place of 16 tents pledges for 75 were spontaneously made. ‘These relief workers ‘coming to build the or- ganizational base of the W.LR. for a mass mem- bership organization saw how heroically the miners were carrying on the fight. The dele- gates visited the mining camps. They saw feudal towns where the coal baron owns the stores, houses and streets and issues his own money so that the workers cannot buy elsewhere. The miners told the delegates that there is very little that they want just enough food to keep going and they will carry on the fight. Miners told how they were collecting relief and how workers from the steel mills, railroad, glass and chemical factories were sharing their last pennies with the miners. One miner at the conference raised his foot and showed the soles and heels of his shoes worn away from the daily march on the picket lines and touring the countryside for relief. An- other miner told how a pair of shoes would one day be used by one miner and the next day by another miner. These fighters were making every sacrifice in the face of terror, starvation and suffering to.beat back the bosses’ attacks. It was these struggles of the miners and tex- tile workers that made the W.LR. conference face the task of building up a broad member- ship ajd being prepared to enter each struggle to bring the backing of the working class to its fighters. The W.LR. set itself the following concrete tasks: To carry through with the building of a mass organization: 1) Support the strike struggles. Increased re- lef for the miners. A more extended campaign for the textile strikers. 2) Preparations to effectively support impend- ing struggles in the steel, metal and other in- dustries. 3) To participate in and strengthen the strug- gle of the unemployed for unemployed insur- ance and intmediate relief from the government and bosses. To be active in all hunger marches. 4) To join in and support the fight for social insurance, 5) To join in the struggle for Negro Rights and (mationlly in the fight to end all discrims- Bethlehem Steel Workers Get A _ Wage Cut By CARL BRADLEY. WAGE CUT ranging from 3 per cent to 12 per cént became effective on September 2nd for all tin mill workers at Sparrows Point total- ling approximately more than two. thousand workers. These workers consist of in the main, are rollers, heaters, roughers, heater helpers, screw boys, pair heater, single boys, catchers, all of which work in the hot mill. Also the shear- mem and: openers working in the shear floor of the tin mill got their wages cut the same as the hot mill workers. Within-a period of a year and a half the shearmen got wage cuts of 5% per cent, 10 per cent and 4% per cent, but during this period received’ a small increase of 5 per cent to put over the handle “over attachment on the shear men which will mean longer hours of work with- out extra pay. The openers in a period of eighteen months received cuts of 5%, 6 and 4% per cent. The hot mill workers in the same period of time received wage cuts of 4%, 11 and 4% per cent and a cut averaging from 3 to 12 per cent fluctuating on the basis of gauge of steel and the particular position on the mill. The above clearly shows the methods used by the bosses that eventually amount to a slashing cut into the workers’ standard of living. The policy of small-wage cuts is pursued and taking place in one department at a time instead of cutting all the departments on Sparrows Point at the same time. To a certain degree this policy of the company works out as the workers remain docile to small cuts through’ their failure to analyze what de- vastatingéffects is actually resulting and not being aware that another wage cut will follow. However at this time, there is a definite sign of resentment for the wage cut causing an ever increasing desire to fight back the wage cuts on the part of the workers. Is there a basis for this feeling on the part of the workers? Yes. The series of wage cuts is the first reason. Second, the stagger system of the tin mill is playing havoc with the workers income and without exaggeration aotual starva- tion is confronting many tin mill workers. The mill is- working only 24 mills, that is 50 per cent, and the men change about every week. Of tite two weeks in the month that they work they only putin’ six or seven days a month. That’s hot all. Of these days that they work, they must take on a level hand at least one or two days of the seven days. The level hand system If effect in the hot mill forces the work: er to take on an extra man every week for one day and divide half of his day’s pay with the worker who isthe extra man. Actually for a period of a month the tin mill workers get from $15 for the unskilled and as high as $40 for the more -skilled’ workers of the hot mills. This means starvation. Eliminate Workers. In the case of the shearmen, added to the wage cuts, the company is going to put on the handleover which means elimination of 48 feed boys and the lengthening of hours of work for the shearmen to accomplish the same tonnage, The openers who. wait on the shearmen must likewise work longer hours. Not only this, but the company -will eliminate about 16 openers and work with a small force. Forty-eight feed boys working on the shears will be fired out of the mill. The stick pullers are working only two or three days a week at a very low wage. The bosses are running around like hawks, the slightest infraction of “Bethlehem discipline” means dismissal or intimidation. Yes, the ele- ments~that go in the crucible of creating a fighting spirit on the part of the workers is rapidly being mixed. The workers of Bethlehem Steel Mill will fight and they are going to fight hard when they get started. Now the organizational basis of the Metal Workers’ Industrial League must be strength- ened, as a result of these attacks on the steel workers. The Grievance Committee must be created in every part of the mill. Grievance Committees must be organized on each motor. The-hot mill workers must take the initiative to -call_together some trusted workers to hig home and build up a whole network of commite tees that wil Ibe knitted together for one grand offensive -against the steel company tactics. Militant. class conscious workers must join the Metal ‘Workers’ Industrial League and take it upon themselves to organize Grievance Commite tees and discuss conditions at a convenient place with the workers. Meetings wiil be held in Dundalk, Edzer:cze, Highlandtown and Turners Station\crory week on the streets where the workers can listen to speakers: ~ ~~~ The workers must be present to hear the speakers .of thé Metal Workers’ Industrial League and also to protect the speakers from attacks of company hired thugs who will be paid or incited to bust up meetings. Defense corps will be needed to protect the meetings against the police who will bust up meetings and ar- rest speakers under instructions from thé Beth- lehem Steel Company. Fellow steel workers! Organize the Grievance Committee! Join the Metal Workers’ Industrial League! Lay the organizational basis for fight- ing egainst more wage cuts that will come, nation, Jim Crowism and lynching. 6) To carry on mass agitational campaigns on specific issues, to help develop a clearer undere standing of these struggles and the need for the organizing of a solidarity movement. - 7) To aid and strengthen the struggles of the working class by developing a popular working class cultural’ movement, through workers dra matic groups, workers’ theaters, film and phote leagues and other cultural activities to extend the idea of working class solidarity. : 8) To develop stronger bonds of international solidarity.. To mobilize the working class against growing attacks and war preparations against the Soviet Union. On-the eve of the World Congress the Amerl< can section of the W.LR. can declare that it has rooted itself in the hearts of thousands of mill« tant workers and will be able to carry through its responsibility to organize out of the mass ree lief campaign the mass relief organization. The struggles that the workers will engage in against the bosses offensive will find the work- ing class better prepared and better organized so that every section of the working class will feel and receive the solidarity strength from all parts of the country and will know that they are not alone in the struggle. We go forward to build W..R. branches in all ¢ities, to root the W.LR. in the large factories, to extend the’ sdlidarity movement to the op- sed farmers, Against the bosses offensive we build the* ~