The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 5, 1931, Page 4

/ DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1931 Poverty, Unemployment Speed-up,Profit 7 in Paterson By SYLVIA FISHBEIN Note:The following notes were recently made by an investigator for Labor Research Association in the course of her study of working and living conditions of Paterson silk and dye workers. Last spring, a Patersor unemployed most of the year, it impossible to feed his wife seven small children. He left home| to seek work in another part of the] state. His* wife, thinking something | had happened to him, told their story | to the local police station. An officer | of the Jaw came after “wked him up for non-supp* you imagine,”he said ironi support!’ want to support r but how can I if there's no wor Next week is my trial. What’ll 1 tell thejudge? I'll spit in his face. One worker been suffering fre pains through his body. At the hos- , they diagnosed it The visit and the med $1.50. “He never went b: He never had $1.50 pital crix ritis, entire t's the use—t he | i me to see his room | in an att “You | N at teeth, | . Last, ache kent hi gony X dentist cd $50 “$50!” He laughed. “T we can't what n in pounds gets season a week thi. is on, he ‘works 13 hovrs is paid $ he seven, ; In) comes into the works for, tvo ho the middie o; the him. “Come into ‘There 9 job takes a couple! goes home to get some | night pa The phone shere’s a special here and} we need you.” “Good God, can’t you wait till morning?” “No. it’s gotta be rushed. Come in now or don't come in at alk? A weaver, 62° years old, his wife} and two daughters, occupy the upper floor of a smell h son who | has six, children | | of hou sleep. rings. downst In} the winier, both families crowd into! ‘out each word, the one lower flat—four rooms. 's not enough coal to heat two Food comes into the house when the grocer feels soft- d enough to trust “There's not even salt home, worker who says he n citizen, not a Bol- ake my fist face of the government.’ tall, sickly looking weaver weighs 109. Twice this year he tried to commit suicide—gas. For two weeks during the winter he was out streets with his family. “Evict- He slept at City t of the “bums.” A cre into empty “like thieves.” “And why? ust so the bosses can send their to Florida. My wife is sick rs. I can't pay a doctor to only re, I’m a loom fixer, t what it used to ht him $25 a , ten hour: as a regu- , did half a quill winder’s 4 xed 12 looms. For 28 years he’s been a loom fixer, but “never as Pater- Seventeen dollars carried him, nd four kids through three “All there’s left now is 35 s and not a crust of bread in the house.” Mary is 17, one of a family of seven. Three years ago she had to quit hool to become a drop wirer. She ail cel her father support the family. Her father is out of work from six to nine months each year. She works hard through the winter to make up for the summer slack, 12 hours a six days a week. For this she s about $25. One week last Mory made $50. She worked ys, 17 hours each day. But she dn’t stand the strain. Now her helps her out. When d can work only is eight hours at a stretch, she takes her sister with her. Between them finish in eight hours the work or be fired. A former coal miner, now a dyer, said he had sharp pains in his chest all the time—spits blood often—can’t afford to see a doctor to find out what's wrong. It’s very bad in the winter. The bosses wear heavy over- coats in the shop. The dyers freeze tn their shirt s He pounded ‘The country don’t know it, but conditions in the Pater- son dye houses is worse than in the Ohio mines.” es, “Labor” Day By MAX BEDACHT * The “Workefs"’ International Relief is organizing for Labor Day on Mon- , ‘Solidarity demonstra- throughout s of these dem- portanc? the Labor “granted” by the bourgeoisie at a time when the urge for workers’ solidarity~action had grown into a great-force. Struggles for the eight- hour day and efforts to organize the workers dominated the life of the The . American Day was ‘working class’ eyerywhere. ‘The de- njand~for a day-of workers’ demon- stations became universal. The workers, felt that at least one day a year they should take off for them- selves in order to demonstrate. They felt the ‘néed to demonstrate not only their power to make the wheels stand still, but’ also. their intention to use this power to achieve the eight-hour day and-other aims. It was then ‘that American capi- talism brought forward the proposal of a Labor Day. The Labor Day proposed by the militant sections and leadership of the working class Was a day taken by labor to demon- strate the. 'workers’ solidarity with their own class and for their class interests. The capitalists’ proposal for a Labor Day was a “gift” of cap- italism. aimed at preventing the soli- darity of the workers with their own class and instead establishing a soli- darity of the workers with capitalists. Especially in late years this has become very apparent. Leadership of the American Federation of La- bor and the treacherous Socialist leadership in trade unions has of late designed its Labor Day mani- festations as open anti-working class and. pro-capitalist demonstrations. In Chitago this year the Federation of Labor is openly organizing its Labor, Day’ demonstration at the in- itiative of the Chamber of Commerce and under the guidance of the cor- rupt and gangster-ridden police de- pariment of the city of C''s270. Because-of~this the selection et As Workers’ Labor Day by the Workers’ Interna- tional Relief for solidarity demon- strations is a very good one. Never in the history of the class struggles in America has there been more need for working-class solidarity t at the present time. Never have the | forces of oppression and exploitation borne down so heavily upon the working class. Never have the ef- forts been greater to keep the work- ing class divided into races, nation~ alities, ang even sexes, in order to facilitate e rule and the profit- making of capitalism at the expense of the working class. In particular, we are faced at this moment with many and intense struggles against the wage slashes and against the campaign of ration- alization in industries, These strug- gles can be carried through success- fully only if all the forces of the working class are mobilized, not only the groups engaged in strikes. The struggle against starvation is not only the struggle for better wages and for unemployed insurance, but it is also a struggle for immediate bread. Only the solidarity action of the workers can help here. The Workers’ International Relief has a task to organize and carry through such solidarity action. La- ‘y is Supposed to do herself | | in the Copper Industry By LABOR RESEARCH ASSN. | Michigan ranks fourth among the | American states in its production of |copper. Arizona leads, then Utah, Montana, Michigan, Nevada and New Mexico. These six states produced in 1929 94 per cent of the copper mined in the United States. The biggest American companies are mining copper also in Latin | America and importing it to the U. S. for refining and manufacture. This brings American workers into direct | competition with lower paid workers in other countries. British capitalists have resented the fact that American capitalists control a dominating percentage of the cop- per production in the world. In re- | cent years they have been developing new copper mines in Africa, where | the central corporation operates un- When production of American companies fell, in 1930, this company pushed up its output above its 1929 figure and became the larg- est single produced of copper in the world, | For copper miners, this means di- | rect competition with native African workers whoare the poorest paid and most exploited group in the world. |The larger output of this African |company in 1930 was produced with |a decrease in numbers employed. | Haut-Katanga. PLANNING FOR RELIEF At the Nat’l Conference of the WIR 1930 1929 Union Output, é employed African work: | ers employed Calumet and Hec’ Copper Co. Calumet and Hecla with its sub- siliary companies is the largest cop- per interest in Michigan. It owns a large block of shares in the Isle Roy- ale Copper Co., and controls Cliff Mining Co., LaSalle Copper Co., and | Lake Milling, Smelting and Refining Co. Calumet and Hecla has been one of the most profitable ventures of Boston capitalists, paying large div- idents every year until June, 1930. |In 1923, stockholders were presented with additional shares of stock for every one share they had held before So when old stock holders received in 1929 a dividend of $4.50 a share they were really paid $36 on each share they had held from 1922 or earlier. The 1930 dividend of $1.50 a share gave them $12 on each ori- ginal share. The copper industry has been hit by a sharp fall in copper prices, re- sulting from the world-wide capitalist crisis, and profits in 1930 and 1931 By MAILACH EPSTEIN PITTSBURGH.—The hall at 805 James St. is crowded. Men and wo- men, white and black, turn their at- tentive faces toward the platform. Worn-out clothes and calloused hands show their social composition. Big red streamers hung around the walls tell why they all came here. It is the national solidarity conference of the Workers International Relief. As usual, the conference is. far be- yond the expectations of those re- sponsible for calling it. In the short time since the call was issued no mass preparations were possible, al- though the national office did good work to arouse sentiment for the con- ference. The presence of 367 delegates from 15 states and 102 cities, among them 165 miners from practically all the coal fields, is an indication of the tremendous upsurge of militancy and class solidarity among the workers. ‘Two or three years ago such a gath- ering could not be possible. ‘The same hall housed another na- tional conference seven weeks ago. It | have dropped accordingly. Practically all copper companies in the United States produced much less copper in 1930 than in 1929, but the decline in | production was relatively smaller for | Calumet and Hecla than for any oth- er important company. In spite of lower production and lower prices, Calumet and Hecla had an “operating profit” of over $2,000,- 000 in 1930, but this was more than wiped out by the large amounts set, aside for depreciation and depletion. So it reported a “net loss” for the year. Its “current assets’—made up of cash, government bonds, and accounts due to the company from buyers of copper—are about nine times as large as its “current liabilies’—that is, amounts due from: Calumet and |Hecla to other companies and in- dividual creditors. The margin of “current assets” over “current liabil- ities” was over $12,500,000 on Decem- ber 31, 1930. bor Day affords an excellent oppor- tunity to approach the American workers. with a proposal to organize for solidarity action. Labor Day, therefore, should become a day of demonstration for solidarity action of the working class, under the lead- ership of the Workers’ International | Relief. At the same time, it should | become a day of organizing such solidarity action and of building the organization so necessary for sys- tmatic solidarity. action, the Work- ers’ International Relief. All out to the mass demonstration and festival at Starlight Park on Sept. 7! Turn “Labor Day” into Solidarity Day!» Demonstrate your solidarity with the striking miners! Expose the fakery of the A. F. of L. bureaucracy! : Trade’ unions, clubs, mass. and fraternal organizations— mobilize and come in your masses! Unorganized, .bring your shopmates, your friends and your families. If unable to come during the day, at- tend the evening mass meeting at the indoor coliseum and see the rev- olutionary mass pageant, “On To Victory!” Everybody out on Solidar- ity Day! Tickets to demonstration and festival at the Workers’ Inter- national Relief, Room 330, 799 Broadway, at 11th St. was the voice of the coal miners. Fight hundred of their representa- tives mapped out a plan of struggle and perfected the instrument to lead the struggle. They met in the midst ofva bitter, bloody strike. Today the voice of the fighting miners is heard again. A picture of untold suffer- ings but of an unbroken spirit was revealed by their delegates. A hush fell over the entire assembly listen- ing to tales of starvation, of terror and oppression, and of the readiness to continue the fight, if only relief, just the barest necessities would come forth. No high-flown phrases, no oratori- cal heroics were necessary to warm up the conference. It was charged with the spirit of working class soli- darity. It was like the touch of am electric wire. The response was im- mediate, On the platform is standing a mid- dle sized, middle aged miner, his face emasculated, his body thin but wiry. The words come out of his mouth, brief and with a metallic ring: “We are from Kinloch; 34 faml- lies are to be evicted by Tuesday. ‘We must have tents. Give us tents and one meal a day and we will fight to a finish.” A Demonstration ~ of Working-class Solidarity break out, And it did. One after an- other the delegates rise. First De- troit, then Boston, Minnesota, Cleve- land, Chicago, New. York, Toledo, Grand ‘Rapids, etc. Five tents! Eight tents! Ten! Faces are aflamed, eyes sparkle, From every: corner in the hall eager voices pledged a number of tents, the money for which would be sent by wire. Over 40 tents are assured. They will be used for the other evicted. There is strength in that sponta- neous mass answer. There is a sense of victory over the hideous enemy. The miner with the thin face is still on the platform. His eyes are burn- ing. He is overwhelmed by the splen- did proletarian response. He shouts in a choked voice: “Men, this strike ain't started yet!” There was an ominous pathos in these simple words. The conference was struck. A thunder of applause came from the benches. ‘The miner from Kinloch summed up the situation in his elemental way. And not only for his camp among the hills of western Pennsylvania. This is the state of mind of all the Kinlochs in all the coal sections. It was re- peated by dozens of miners dele- gates, by their woman and children: “Give us tents and a meal a day and we will fight it out to the fin- ish!” The miners are suffering privation. Some of them cannot continue the struggle without tents and a meal a day. But they are not down. They are waiting for the next opportun- ity. They understand the tactics of their union. They know they are not alone. The situation of some of them si so terrible that even while working, they are sending their chil- dren to the nearest soup-kitchen es- tablished by our relief. The con- ference heard many reports of this kind. Harlan, Kentucky, is a hell for the miners. The most vicious terror is raging against the strikers. The life of a miner is practically that of an outlaw in the kingdom of the. Insuls, Mellons, and Sackets.. But the Na- The atmosphere in the hall is tens2 as before a storm. Soon it will tional Miners Union is making rapid “Memoirs of a Terrorist” A Book by Boris Savinkov Published by Albert 4 Chas. Boni. $3.00 ey; oie Boris Savinkov, active participant and leader of the Terrorist Brigade of the Social Revolutionary Party of Russia (popularly known as the “S, R.”) tells in this book, in minute and thrilling fashion which fiction could only ape, his experiences bet- ween 1902 and 1909. This picture of the “S. R.” Party tells, without its author saying a word about the Bolsheviki, why the Bol- sheviki led by Lenin won the revo- lution and why the Social Revolu- tionary Party not only failed, but became a degenerate and shameless tool of counter-revolution. ‘This side of the story is, of course, revealed only to those who already know something of the policies fol- lowed by the Bol>eviki under Lenin, as distinguished from those of the “S. R.” and those of the Mensheviki —whose counter-revolutionary des- tiny is also forecast by Savinkov's narrative without the narrative itself mentioning them. It must not be forgotten that Sa- vinkoy became a minister in Keren- sky’s cabinet, an inciter of White Guard butcheries and a hireling of British and French imperialists, who hired him to murder Soviet leaders. His personal political degeneracy thus followed the logical course of the Social Revolutionary Party, and he in no way differs from the other “socialist heroes” who “fought against the Czar” over which we are asked to weep when the Soviet jails them for counter-revelutionary acta Reading Savinkov, you come in- directly but’ forcibly to understand the romantic futility of the “S. R.” tactic of individual terror, shown up by one who is its high priest, and it becomes clear to any worker why the Russian workers rejected it for the Leninist tactic of mass action of the Bolsheviki. . Savinkov’s book shows how, even technically, the ruling class*can out- play the oppressed class at the game of individual terror. Only by a hair did Savinkov himself escape death that came to scores and hundreds as a result of the Terrorist Brigade for over a decade being led by Azev the spy. Politically, the working class was not moved an inch further in its fight for power by individual terror against Czarist officials. More, the “S. R.” terrorists not only rejec- ted control by their own Party, but finally rejected control, by working class policy and ideas, becoming becoming counter-revolutionary gun- men, This tendency toward individual terrorism of course had a natural birthright under the Czar, and in capitalist countries today it occas- sionally crops up when the circum~- stances of capitalist brutality and working class discouragement join to lend it seeming value. Leninists will always recognize its appearance and struggle against such defeatist moods and tactics. Savinkov’s book is not merely in- teresting, but has its lessons from which American workers can also learn much, Harrison George progress there. The miners in Har- Jan are being orgaiized in an un- derground way. They are. flocking to the N.M.U. The active workers, persecuted and hunted, still posses that gay and cautering humor characteristic of Southern workers. They fight back the bosses and their hired servants and they “laugh them off.” A Ken- tucky miner at a conference is a ver- itable miner of vivid pen-pictures and sayings. It is a horrible story the delegate from Harlan tells. He speaks in a matter of fact tone. The miners there. are not surprised. They are just bidding their time and building theri union. The coal. companies are fighting not only with the law on their side, but with deputy sheriffs imported from the gang-land of Chi- cago. They also use “moral” weap+ ons. Said the delegate: “Religion is a ticklish question in Kentucky. Thé companies have mobilized all the preachers to fight against the Reds and Bolsheviks. The preachers go around and thunder against the Red menace although they don’t know the difference between Communism and rheumatism.” The conference had its laugh. To the voice of the miners are added the voices of the other strug- gling voices. The conference pro- vided a common platform for the textile workers of Paterson, Allen- town, New England, the metal work- ers of Pittsburgh, Youngstown and Gary, the unemployed, the oppressed Negro masses and persecuted foreign born workers. The girl delegate from the textile strike from Rhode Island was cheered when she said in her brief report: “The workers in Central Falls and Potosek Valley have not given up their struggle. The fact that many active strikers were held for ‘Jeportation has not weakened us. The bloody clashes with the police did not frighten us. The chief of police in Centrla Falls complained much about the “riot” at the fac- tory gates. Let him bring in scabs again and he is going to’ have an- other riot on his hands.” ‘The girl is a new recruit. She has been’ in the National Textile Union only four months. The bitter strug- gle has. taught her a lesson in class relations. She is developing to be a sturdy fighter. ‘The delegates from the other tex- tile centers spoke in the same vein. Their situation is similar to that of the miners, Here and there an or- ganized retreat may be unavoidable, But this retreat is by no means a surrender. On the contrary, it will serve to. prepare and mobilize the workers: for the ‘bigger struggles ahead of them, The spirit.of all the}, reports is of optimism and militancy. A tall husky Negro worker from the unemployed council of Detroit said in hearty, juicy language: “Our council succeeeded in stop- ping completely the eviction in one section of the city. A short while ago your governor (Pinchoa) once came to Detroit. Eight thousand unemployed workers surrounded the rich hotel where he and may- or Murphy were conferring. Pin- chot had-to-be whisked out thru the back door. Our workers told him plainly; as long as there is the bloody terror against the min- ers we don’t want you in Detroit.” A delegate from the Metal Work- ers Industrial League in desribing the pitiful conditions of the steel workers pointed out the splendid spirit of class solidarity that the steel workers have shown n extend- ing relief for the striking miner. He assured the conference that in the very near future the “free” slaves of the steel trust would come out in an open fight against the bosses. Comrade Foster struck the very key-note of the conference when he said in his closing remarus: “The workers are rot down- hearted nor hopeless. They are ready to fight not out of despar- ation but with the sense of their might and with he hope of vie- tory.” Save the Class-War Prisoners of Poland — To the Working People of the Entire World: A new decree by the Pilsudski gov- ernment makes political . prisoners subject to all the rules governing criminal] prisoners. In Poland, the political prisoners serving long prison terms are counted in the thousands. For in Poland a Political offense is everything which was considered such by the Czarist government. To this day the Czarist legal code, supplemented by new, ex- tremely severe statutes, is being ap- plied in this country. In the for- mer Prussian and Austrian provinces, the old Jaws existing in the days of absolutism, the laws of the latter part of the eighteenth and the first. part of the nineteenth centuries, and long since not being applied in either Germany or Austria, were again resurrected. In Poland, sen- tences of death were pronounced (Lemberg trials) for circulating Communist papers, these sentences being later, by way of “mercy,” com- muted to ten to fifteen years hard labor. The normal sentence for cer- tain political convictions, for expres- sing certain viewpoints, for spreading them by printed word, is from six to eight years hard labor. Such sen- tences are often given to minor boys and girls, The Czarist government granted political prisoners certain privileges: relief from the rules lowering their human dignity, the use of their own clothing, the right to have books and writing materials, The Polish gov- ernment, keeping sacred the Czarist laws, for years has been attempting. to deprive the political prisoners of those miserable “privileges.” Now the Pilsudski government has decreed its immediate and unconditional revoc- ation. In Poland, not only Communist convictions are punished by: heavy prison sentences. Thousands of non- party workers and peasants suffer the same fate for opposing the best- ial regime of Pilsudski’s fascist dic- tatorship, for defending their bread, their life, their human dignity against governmentmental excesses. Besides this, Poland is thé prison of nations. Forty per cent of the population is composed of nations forcibly incorporated into Poland. Political workers, struggling for the freedom of these nations, share the fate of the revolutionary proletarians and peasants, Professor Bronislay Taraszkiewicz, a fighter for White Russian freedom, a man respected in his country as well as outside of it, treacherously kidnapped by the Pol- ish political police from an interna- tional train on free territory, is now serving fifteen years at hard labor. The facts of the horrible tortures (a) nc | FEHEPAA Y AAHOA ACOBE. (nasapui mantonax na rappi). “The ‘Socialists’ and the fascists are the same.” (Turn this picture upside down. It is a drawing from an illegal leaflet issued in Poland.) used against the political prisoners in the Luck prison (Western Ukra- ine), such as forcing water and urine in through the nose, beating the soles of their feet with iron rods, breaking bones, violating women, torturing their sexual organs—these are facts already known to the entire world. Hundreds of similar facts are. sup- pressed by silence by the Polish press and so-called public opinion. The decree placing the political prisoners on the same status as the criminals means an abyss of torture and death for the thousands of poli- tical prisoners. For criminal prison- ers in Poland are subject to such.a debasSement of their human dignity, to sucp conditions of physical, moral and mental.degradation, that the political prisoners will never submit to these conditions without a strug- gle. And the unequal struggle in prison cells, the struggle of prisoners with their tormentors, which is al- ready going on in many prisons, can not but claim victims in maimed and killed. The slightest protest—that is “rebellion,” that means beating, tor- turing and murdering of prisoners. And their last resort — the hunger strike—means “forcible feeding” by the. Polish fascist method: the police and guards open the mouths of the weakened prisoners with metal in- struments, wound and’ tear their theoats and bowels, forcing metal tubing into them in order to pour in the. food. This horrible’ life and, death struggle is spreading more and more and by force of circumstances must take on the scope of a general hunger strike of political prisoners in Poland. Torture@and mass murder is. al- ready rampant in all the prisons: of Poland. Only a determined protest of the broadest opinion of physical and in- tellectual working people of the en- tire world can stay the bloody ter- ror of the hangman Pilsudski against the political prisoners. We call up- an you to protest, to actively demon- strate your proletarian solidarity, Protest through mass meetings, re- solutions, street demonstrations, Send-mass protests to the Polish government, to its embassies and consulates, to the Polish press and to the press of your country, to the Central Committee of the Interna~ tional Red Aid. We call upon the press which is not sold out to the international powers of capitalism, to publish this appeal and to support the campaign of protest. “Demonstrate in such & manner thatthe .representative of fascist Poland in’your country, the “distin- guished” diplomats of the bloody fascist dictatorship of Pilsudski will feel your anger and contempt. Workers of the Socialist parties! Do not look to your leaders, who has- ten with “protests” only then, when, together with the international bour- geoisie, it is a question of slandering the Soviet Union. Protest against the crimes of Polish fascism. Writers, artists, scientists! Break all relations with the representatives of the official Polish “culture,” who cover up these bloody crimes, who are jointly guilty of these crimes. ‘They are seeking your good will in order to cover up with your name also, the “cultural mission” of fas- cist Poland, the bloody acts of Pil- sudski’s dictatorship. Let your united protest and boycot be your answer to them. Hasten with help, to action! Every day of inactivity means a sentence of death to the many buried alive in the dungeons of Luck, Wronek, Rawicz, Koronow and other infamous torture chambers of fascist Poland, Central Committee Communist Party of Poland. Central Committee ‘Communist Party of Western Ukraine, Central Committee Communist Party of Western White Russia, - “Labor” Day and Labor ‘Betrayers On September 7, the misleaders of American labor will again put on the badge of shame which they have been wearing on this day for years past as the sign of their betrayal to the principles of the working class. Frightened by the tremendous dem- onstrations of international working class solidarity which came in res- Ponse to their own appeal made 42 years ago, the American Federation of Labor officials have turned their backs on May Day and have adopted the so-called legal “Labor Day.” “Ob- servance of this day,” they say, “is @ means of educating public opinion in regards to the principles and pur- poses of the labor movement.” They want to educate not the mil- lions of unorganized workers, but the “public.” This “public” includes the entire horde of capitalists and their hired uniformed and ununiformed murderers and persecutors of the workers. All these the A. F. of L. racketeers want to educate “to the principles of the labor movement” by. patriotic speeches on Labor Day. Attempts made at A. F, of L. con- ventions to discard Labor Day for May Day have been bitterly fought and defeated by the A. F. of L. of- ficials. This we learn in the pamph- let, The History of May Day, written The conference presented the best | by Alexander Trachtenberg and espe~ evidence to substantiate the correct-|cially appropriate for circulation ness of this statement. among workers now to show them the difference between May Day ‘and Labor (Leader) Day. f In this pamphlet we find that tn 1889 the A. F. of L. renewed the cam~ paign for the 8-hour day and ap- Pealed to the International Congress of workers’ organizations then held in Paris “to hold demonstrations on May 1 in all parts of Europe.” In response to this appeal, the Interna- tional Congress adopted May 1 as the day on which each year the workers of the world should mobile ize their forces and demonstrate their growing strength for the overs throw of capitalism. This pamphlet tells briefly and clearly how the real Labor Day—May 1—originated and the great part it has played in the struggle for the ibe eration of the working class, and to what depth the A. F. of L. mislead- ers have sunk when, in their efforts to destroy the significance of May Day, they joined Hoover and his fel- Jow-capitalists in proclaiming May’ as Child Health Day, so that—as an A. F. of L. convention resolution put it—May 1 no longer will be known as either strike day or Communist Labor. Day.” . The History of May Day is one of the 10 cent International Pamphlets, It should be distributed widely on September 7 and before. It can be secured from Workers Library Pub- lishers, P. O, Box 148, Station D, New | York City. i