The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 28, 1931, Page 4

Pubremed by the Comprodally Publishing Co., Inc. dally except Sunday, at 59 ’ Page Pour 13th Street, New York City; N. ¥. Telephone Algonquin 56. Cable Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 15th Street, New k The Maturing ot the Revolutionary Crisis in Poland By J. LENSKI HE class struggles developing in Poland in- dicate a revolutionary turn not only amohg the broad masses of the proletariat and the peasantry, but also partly among the town petty bourgeoisie. The disastrous accentuation of the industrial and agrarian crisis as a result of a serious financial crisis, drives the broad masses of workers and peasants into poverty and misery such as was never seen in Poland before. All attempts of the fascist government to alleviate the crisis have completely failed. The summer season did not bring any appreciable improve- ment. Half of the industrial workers are still unemployed. The million army of unemployed is now joined by the thousands of civil servants who have been thrown onto the streets. The heavy taxation robs the peasants of the last piece of bread. With the approaching autumn there will be a further sharp restriction of industrial production and a further drop in the price of agricultural products. “Wait, hold out’—that is the slogan of the theoretician of Polish fascism, the former fin- ance Minister Maczevski, which is repeated by all the fascists and social fascists. But the working masses cannot ang will not patiently wait. The furious attack of capital is answered with the revolutionary counter-at- tack of the proletariat, which gathers together the forces rooted in the revolutionary peasantry and in the national emancipation movement, and at the same time draws the vaccilating ele- ments of the city petty bourgeoisie into the fight. It is this general revolutionary upsurge that characterises the change which is taking place within the masses. The unusual fighting de- monstrations on the 1 of May, the active parti- cipation of the peasantry in these demonstra- tions, the bloody barricade fights in Javorzno, the strikes in the Dombrova district, the strike of the tramway workers in Warsaw, the strike of the seamen in Gdynia, the general strike in Grozny, these are expressions of this change. The front of the strike srtuggles has been ex- tended considerably, and is now based mainly on the big factories; efforts to extend the strike struggle to whole branches of production are to be clearly seen. The development of the de- fensive strike into the aggressive strike, the high level of the fighting solidarity of the strikers, the growing participation of the unemployed, the linking up of thé strike weapon with the higher forms of the fight for the street, the in- terlocking of the economic and political fight, all this compels the bourgeoisie and the govern- ment to make concessions. This is also the reason why the overwhelming majority of the strikes have been succ ul, a circumstance which is filling the w ing class with confid- ence in own strength. Therein lies the in- ternation] importance of these strikes. If the strikes of miners in the Ruhr and of the metal w in Berlin showed the masses that An Open Letter to the Members ot the Y. M. C.A SHORT ¢ ago the International and Na- tional Congresses of the Y.M.C.A. were held. In calling these congresses, the “Y” stated that they would take up and solve the daily burning problems of the youth. Let us see how this was done! The “Y” The big problem confronting the youth {is un- employment. Ten million are jobless. Millions are hungry. Senator Caraway said that “a thousand people die from hunger daily in the United States.” What did the “Y” do to solve this problem? Did it take a determined stand against the U. S. Government which gives mil- lions for militarism but not one cent for un- employed relief. No! Here is what the “Y” does for unemployed workers. In a “Y” on the South Side of Chicago, there are 250 empty rooms. Are these rooms open for the jobless? No! High prices are charged for these rooms and those that cannot pay are EVICTED. In Chicago a Negro youth was kicked out of the “Yy” because he joined an unemployed council and fought for relief. This is how the “Y” helps the unemployed! Breaks Strikes. Another problem confronting the youth, is the increasing wage-cuts and speed-up in the fac- tories. How does the “Y” fight these? The Con- gress endorsed the “stagger” plan. What is the purpose of this plan? This plan places the bur- den of unemployment not on the bosses and the government, but upon the backs of those working. It distributes starvation over the en- tire working class. The “Y” acts against the young workers! In the strike of the Colorado coal miners in 1928, the “Y” was used to house scabs. During the recent strike of dock work- ers in Duluth against a 15 per cent wage-cut, the local “Y” furnished scabs to break the strike. ‘These incidents show the official policy of the Y. M. C. A. What will the “Y” do when you go on strike for better conditions? Discriminates Against Negroes. The Congress talked about “brotherhood of races.” Let us look at the facts. Are Negro youth permitted to join ALL branches of the “y"? Why are they segregated in separate branches? Why does the “Y” not fight for the release of the 9 Scotsboro boys who face a legal Evicts Jobless. .Workers! Join the Party of. Your Class! Communist Party U. 8. A. P. O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. Please send me more information on the Cum- munist Party. Name Address CHY ..cececeerereccecreeseres BUAt® seer seen OCCUPATION .seccceeceececaceseccrsss ABO seeree ist Mail this to the Central OMe, Cor. Party, P. O. Box 87 Station D, New { lynching? the revolutionary trade union organizations are the only force which is fighting against shift- ing of the burden of the crisis on to the should- ers of the workers, the recent strikes in Poland furnished proof that a victorious fight is pos- sible under the leadership of the Communists. The leading role of the Communist Party has acquired considerably more importance. The unemployed movement is more and more breaking through the barriers of fascist terror. The fight of the peasant masses, who have been driven to desperation, against the taxes, is as- suming ever sharper forms. The bloody “paci- fication” of Western Ukraine, the same “paci- fication” of Western White Russia—all this has still further increased the fight of the oppressed nationalities against the Polish occupation. Fin- ally, a further factor has made its appearance— the profound ferment among the civil servants who are suffering misery and starvation, which will facilitate the disintegration of the State ap- paratus, Sympathy for the proletarian revolu- tion is beginning to grow among those sections of the town petty bourgeoisie who have been affected by the crisis. This was shown in the strike of the Warsaw tramwaymen. The “War- saw News” wrote at the time expressing its alarm and annoyance at “the attitude of the public, which did not even attempt to frustrate the strike as it did in previous years.” A particularly characteristic sign of the change which is taking place # the feeling and con- sciousness of the masses is the rapid abandon- ment of illusions regarding a peaceful “demo- cratic” way out of the crisis which is spread by the fascjsts and social fascists. The way of re- volutionary solution of the crisis indicated by the Communists is beginning to be understood by the broad masses. A striking example of this was given by the strike of the tramway workers in Warsaw, which brought about a cleavage between the leaders and the rank and file of the social fascist and fascist trade un- ions. But this process is not taking place so rapidly on all fronts. In addition to the rem- nants of the fascist “workers” party, there still exists the mass basis of the P.P.S., which party still often places itself at the head of the mas- ses in order to divert them from the revolu- tionary path. The tactic of replacing strike struggles Sy one day demonstration strikes is still carried out by the social fascists with a certain amount of success. In the course of the fight for work, bread and freedom the Communist Pc:ty of Poland must do its best to build up and strengthen its organizations, and before all obtain a firm foot- ing in the big factories and in the key indus- | Above all it is necessary to carry out in the shortest possible time the instructions to double the membership. Further, it is necés- to build up as speedily as possible the re- | volutionary trade unions,.the opposition in the social t and fascist trade unions, in short the revolutionary trade union movement Ce: JBSCRIPTION RATES: By mal: everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting .soroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. .Foreign: one year, $8; six months, $4.50. By BURCK HENDERSON ‘ z , pose the working out of ways and means to keep us from fighting for better conditions. This is the whole truth in a nutshell. The ‘growing strikes against wage-cuts, the mass demonstra- tions against hunger, have thrown fear into the hearts of the boss class. They want to’ crush the rising militancy of the young workers. That is why the Congress attacked the Communists so vehemently. The “Y” realizes that the Com- munisgs are the only ones organizing the work- ers to fight against their miserable conditions. Thousands of young workers also Tealize this. The “Y” attacks the Communists because the Communists defend the interests of the work- crs, the “Y” the interests of the bosses. ‘The Young Communist League calls upon all young workers to organize and strike against wage-cuts. We call upon all young workers to fight for unemployment insurance, against the growing war -pteparations and for the defense Why does the “Y” give the Negro branches the poorest facilities? Because the Y” wishes to keep the white and Negro young workers divided. ‘The “Y” does not want the | white and Negro youth to unite in a fight against their only enemy, the boss class. Only | Communists come forward for full social. political and economic equality for Negroes, and for the right af self-determination in the black | belt of the South. Prepares Youth For War. Every young worker is directly affected by the growing danger of another war. What does the “y” do to fight militarism and war? The Con- gress talked a lot about peace, but let us go a bit deeper. The Congress endorsed the s0- called “disarmament” policy of Hoover. What does this mean in common every day. language? It means, that the “Y” has endorsed the spend- ing by the U. S. Government of more than $800,000,000 a year for militarism, but not one cent for the unemployed! Do you know, that when one of the officials fo the West Side “Y” of New York City, wrote an article against the C.M.T.C.’s, he was expelled from the organiza- tion? Do you know that the Ohio “Y” ‘has given active help in the training of 10,000 Na- tional Guardsmen at Camp Perry? This is how the “Y” fights war! Fights Against Workers’ Russia. ‘Today, there is one land that has no unem- ployment, no wage-cuts and hunger. This land is the Soviet Union. The growing war prepara- tions in the Uniteg States and other capitalist countries, are being directed against the Work- ers’ Republic. It is the duty of every young worker to defend the Soviet Union. What is the stand of the “Y” towards the Soviet Union. The “Y” Congress had nine delegates “repre- senting” Russia. Did they represent the work- ers and farmers of Russia? No, they represented the degenerated land owners and capitalists who were thrown out by the workers and peas- ants. It is these people that the “Y” supports. The Congress worked out the means by which to poison the minds of the youth and prepare them for war against the Workers’ Republic. Are You For the Workers or For the Bosses? It must be clear to every young worker that the “Y” Congress did not represent nor defend our interests. The “Y” is owned and controlled by the bosses and defends their interests as against ours. Have you ever stopped to think who supports the “Y” financially and why? The U.S. Rubber; the Bethlehem Steel, General Elec- tric and American Telephone and Telegraph are only a few of them. Wm. F. Morgan, son of J. P. Morgan, is a member of the Board of Trustees. J. R. Mott, the President of the World Alliance of the Y.M.C.A., is the son of the owner of the Mott Iron Works, a plant which pays extremely low wages. Why do these millionaires support the “Y”? Because, they need an organization which can be used to keep the young workers from fight~ ing against unemployment, against wage-cuts. Because they need an organization that helps exploit the young workers in China, Latin America, ete. Because, through sports and other means, they want to train and prepare the youth for the néxt war against fhe Soviet Union. That 1s why Mrs. John D. Rockefeller, so reatily gave $1,102,500 for the upkeep of the YW. OAL Only the Communists Fight For You. The Congress of the “Y” had as its real pur- ' of the Soviet Union. Young workers! Fight for the following demands: ‘ 2 1. No evictions from “Y's” of unemployed who cannot pay ‘rent! 2. All “Y” sports and recreational facilities to be turned over for free use of unemployed youth, under their own supervision! 3. Immediate substantial reduction in rent for young workers in “Y’s.” ‘ 4. No discrimination or segregation of Negro youth! 5. Full freedom of discussion on all political questions in the “Y.” . 6. Nomination and election of all managers and officials by the membership. 7. Fight for unemployment against wage-cuts. 8. Demand that all funds for armaments be used to feed; clothe and house the unemployed. Not one cent for militarism, all funds for the unemployed. Demonstrate on International Youth Day. On September 8th the militant youth of the entire world will demonstrate against bosses’ wars and against their miserable conditions. “All young workers, ail members of the “Y” are called upon to demanstrate with other young workers for their daily demands. Make Inter- national Youth Day a militant answer tq the attack of the bosses. Fight for the above de- mands on International Youth Day. Join the only working class youth organization that represents your interests, the Young Commu- nist League! YOUNG COMMUNIST LEAGUE. NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, insurance and - Theodore Dreiser: The Old and the New By A. B. MAGIL I 'T’S really embarrassing. When one of the great fixed stars of the bourgeois heavens suddenly forsakes its accustomed course and goes off on a tangent, what are the high-priests of bourgeois society to do? They do what the world of ex- ploiters and sycophants has always done: they declare that the star was never anything but a minor satellite of insignificant magnitude, that its efforts to attract attention are indeed pa- thetic, etc. etc. In other words, they do what the high-priests of the bourgeois literary world are now doing in the case of Theodore Dreiser. Led by the “socialist” buffoon, job racksteer, white chauvinist and dean of the Hotel Algon- quin poker players. Heywood Broun, the literary medicine-men are desperately trying to exor- . cise the evil apparition of the new Theodore Dreiser—the Dreiser who denounces lynchers and.coal operators and A. F. of L. betrayers— by the simple process of declaring that Dreiser. the great American novelist, does not and never did exist. Thus, in his latzst diatribe against Dreiser, Broun writes: “Theodore Dreiser is an excellent novelist of the second class” (N, Y. World-Telegram, August 7, 1931), Broun is charitable—he concedes Dreiser second-class rating. It’s teo bad that Dreiser isn’t content with this. second-class rating that Broun has given him, but has indulged in a lot of “pestur- ing and passion for publicity.” This about a man who through most of his life worked in obscurity, suffering poverty and official persecu- tion, who has shunned the bright lights of the fashionable literary and art world, who has almost a pathological aversion to appearing in public. That's putting it on a lit.!> thick—espe- cially when it comes from one of the cheapest publicity hounds that ever got his name into print. ‘That Bill Green, president of the A. F. of L., attacks Dreiser is only to be expected. Green is defending his class interests (the interests of the bourgeoisie) and his functional role as a strikebreaker and betrayer of the workers. But what of the literary gentry, those lofty souls who The Hunger Delegation to Albany By HARRY BERG (An Unemployed Worker) N Tuesday, Aug. 25, the city and state police of Albany, New York, brutally and murder- ously attacked a delegation who were sent from the various cities as delegates to the legislature and Governor Roosevelt. Governor Roosevelt, who was forced to call a meeting of the legislature on account of the burning unemployed question, prevailing allover New York state, and because the jobless and evicted families were becoming so numerous that something had to be done, gave direct or- ders to the police to brutally assault the dele- gation. % Previous to this the unemployed workers of Albany, New York, had been viciously stopped by the city police from holding open-air meet- ings. When the delegation from New York City ar- rived in Albany, Comrade Tomash, together with myself, went to the chief of police, Smurlto, to protest against this outrage perpetrated by the | police against the workers. We told him that if he did not let the unemployed workers hold their open-air meetings, that in spite of him and his police, we would, and that the result would be his responsibility. So, in spite of the police, the unemployed dele- gation of the various cities of New York state held open-air meetings, and although some of the workers were sent to the hospitals, the work- ers were acquainted with the facts all over the state. ‘The newspapers of Albany, which were given the reports of what we were doing, broke out into headlines, quoting from the last year's dele- gation, that the unemployed were going to storm the State Capitol, that we were going to cause riots, and, because of these lying statements of the press, the delegates altered their plans of action. Instead of two or three hundred coming in on the floor of the legislature, they elected twelve delegates from the various organizations to actually go in and ask for the floor and pre- sent the demands. The rest of the delegation were to go and join the demonstration that, was outside of the State Capitol. At 12 o'clock, noon, we held an open-air meet= ing, at which 1,000 workers were present. At 12:50 we adjourned the meeting, and, together with all the workers, we marched up to the capitol. On arriving there, the delegation elected to go into the legislature promptly went up the steps of the State Capitol. Comrade are always so keen about keeping politics out* of “art?” Dreiser has committed the unpardon- able sin; at an age when he should know better he has attacked the foundations of capitalist society, he has aligned himself with dangerous outlaw elements—‘Reds,” Communists; he has raised his voice for the working class and against the capitalist class. And suddenly: his berks are awful, he never could write, he’s only a ham, ete. The literary birds of prey (most of whom were only yesterday singing his praises) are busily pecking away. It ‘Theodore Dreiser was born oh August 27, 1871, in Terre Haute, Ind., in that Middle West which he saw grow with the growth of American cap- italism to be the granary and the great indus- trial heart of the country. It was the golden age of American capitalism, when the empire was sweeping westward. scattering new cities, factories, railways, mines; oil wells—new pulsat- ing life over a vast virgin territory, This was the era <f the foundation of the great fortunes— Morgar. Rockefeller, Gould, Harriman, Car- negie— ‘hen competitive capitalism was giving place t» the monopolistic juggernauts dominated by finznce-capital, the prelude to the ruthless imperialist expansion of the twentieth century. On the other side was tne rising labor move- ment, the workers who were creating all this wealth and grandeur, savagely exploited, hounded, driven to fierce resistance. The great railway strike of 1877, the Molly Maguires, the struggle for the eight-hour day that resulted in the Haymarket case, the coal strikes, the Home- stead and Pullman strikes of the nineties—this was the other side of the picture of the golden age. The path of empire was a path of blood. Dreiser's early years were spent amid poverty and hardships, his emotional and mental life warped by the religious fanaticism of a Catholic father. Lacking contact with the struggles of the workers as a class, life became for him merely a hard individual struggle for existence. He became filled, as he himself describes it, with “a blazing and unchecked desire to get on,” and fell prey to the popular illusions that the ruling class so carefully fosters. His senses revelled in the power and glitter of the new industrial life; it held out promises of material reward that filled his heart, nurtured on poverty and mean- ness, with a restless longing. Throughout his writing this conflict between lonely poverty and the desire for wealth and the socal privileges that wealth brings is a dominant note, the well- Spring of much of the pathos and tragedy in his work. It is so in his first novel, “Sister Carrie,” ), and in his last, “An American ‘Tragedy.” ‘But Dreiser didn’t become a go-getter; moody, grooping, sensitive, he soon realized the shallow- ness of mere material gain and instead of be- coming the successful newspaperman that he might have been, he turned to creative writing. In his brooding, blundering way, Dreiser was Tomash, who was elected spokesman, was at | Sensing that beneath all this glittering fanfare, the head. As we went up, a squad of. police, 15° “this, speed and power, lay a great core of human in number, with drawn clubs, went down in a |' Suffering, poverty and desolation. .He failed to body and stopped us. Tomash asked the lieu- tenant why he did not let us pass, explaining who we were and what we wanted to do. The lieutenant told us that the only place ie would send us would be to the hospital. Then he shouted to his policemen: “At them, men,” and they came at us. Not caring for the women and children in this delegation, they trampled us down and murderously clubbed us. see. the revolutionary workers. and the class struggle, but he saw thousands of individuals, members of the working and. middle classes, tossing on the tides of industrial life, rebelling, falling victim té the temptations of bourgeois society, being crushed. And he saw, too, the brutality and unscrupulousness of those in power. His own experiences and his reading of the nineteenth century bourgeois materialists, At the same time, out of the side doors of the | Darwing, Huxley, Ty~all and Spencer, seemed Capitol, about 500 city and state police, who | to confirm the view that life was a blind brutal were hiding in the Capitol, came out and at- tacked the demonstration of the workers, Many went to the hospitals and seven workers were struggle for existence in which the strong con- quer the weak. But Dreiser’s materialism has always been full of inconsistencies and strongly arrested. Comrade Tomash, secretary of the | tinged with mysticism. His attitude toward life Unemployed Councils; Richard Sullivan, a can- didate on the Communist ticket for assembly- man; Oscar Buchanan, a Negro worker; Paul Spivak, and Jennie Katz, an unemployed woman worker, together with others, were among the arrested. All were held on $500 bail and held for trial Friday. When we tried to hire some lawyer from Al- bany to represent them, we had to visit about ten of them, but they refused to take the case, pointing out that, if they represented the work- | has been nihilistic; at the same time he has been intensely concerned about the fate of in- divriuals. Declaring that the strong inevitably cc ¢,uer the weak, admiring the strength of the strong, there is, nevertheless, throughout his work an implicit protest against the barbarities of capitalism. Here we have the typica) vacilla- tions and confusions of the m{ddle class. In 1900 Dreiser’s first novel, “Sister Carrie,” was published, It marked the beginning’ of a new epoch in American literature, the rise of a ers, they would be blacklisted by the judges of | new realism. ‘This realism broke completely Albany. ‘This was =\e reception accorded the delegates from the various cities in Albary. with the tradition of sedate pictures of middle- class life such as filtered through the novels of The Spartakiad at Berlin and the Next | One By FRANK HENDERSON. f we was the Berlin Spartakiad of the Red Sport International prohibited? Why did international bankets; the Social-Democratid Party; and even the President of the United States fear and join hands in a common action to prevent this mass international gathering of worker sportsmen? They prohibited the Spartae kiad because they feared its revolutionary chare acter. Proletarian internationalism was too dane gerous for the bourgeoisie at a time of an acute German financial and economic crisis. And theig fears were justified. The workers’ Spartakiad stands for international Red sport unity. And more. It stands for revolutionary internationale ism against capitalism. And just as the inter national bankers and world imperialist powers rushed to save their fellow German robbers from @ revolutionary sentence, so also, and with more determination did the worker sportsmen gathe? the world over for the Spartakiad and for the support of the German workers, Noteworthy was the position of the social+ democrats against the Berlin Spartakiad. They became the willing executioners of the suppres sive measures against Red sports. It was thé Berlin social-democratic police chief who ore dered the wholesale arrest of all supporters of the Spartakiad. The Neukollen stadium permit for the meet was revoked. Worker sportsmen were driven away from sport fields by mounted police and armoured cars. Not even Red sport practices were allowed. To carry a Spartakiad button meant three months in prison. Only “ofe ficial sports” and the sports of the socialists were permitted. It was in Berlin, during these excite ing days of terror and mass arrests, that the Lue cerne sport leaders exposed themselves when they shrank from the appeal for unity and dee clared no allegiance to the revolutionary Red sport movement, But the Red sportsmen stood their ground. In Berlin so many sportsmen wore the prohibited Spartakiad button that arrests were impossible, Sport meets were held in several districts of Berlin. The Spartakiad program was carried out in other cities. And on July 19 the Spartakied officially took place in Berlin despite the con= tinued prohibition against Red sports. Tens of thousands of sportsmen took part. Additional thousands of workers turned out to protect and defend the Spartakiad. Red Berlin showed ite colors! The Berlin Spartakiad will long be rememe bered as a fight of Red Sportsmen for prolee tarian internationalism. And this internationale ism will again find its expression in 1933 at the Moscow Spartakiad in the Soviet Union. Workeg sportsmen! Strengthen your organization! Pree pare for the Moscow Spartakiad! Down with the splitting Lucerne (socialist) Sport Internationalg Against the bosses Los Angeles Olympics! For Rez Sport Unity! strong, too real; when the critics who had res | ceived advance copies denounced it as immorah, the publishers refused to release it for circulas tion. ‘The trouble was that Dreiser was about fifteen years ahead of his time. Not until eleven years later did Dreiser yene ture to publish another novel. But the vices crusaders, the pure-minded defenders of bour« geois morals and profits, were on his trail again, and in 1915 they got him: they suppressed “The Genius.” Dreiser had by this time achieved a great popular reputation, but he still had to fight. his way to official recognition. The crit- ics were of two kinds: the smuthounds who de- nounced him as a pervert who ought to be burned at the stake, and the esthetes who held their noses at his “terrible style’—they couldn’t see the forest for the trees. So they orice did before the phenomenon of Whitman. And like Whitman, Dreiser, for all his shortcomings, has created hugely—a vivid, sprawling world, chunks out of late nineteenth and twentieth century America. Sprung from the massés, he has, dee spite his confusic-s, always been psychologically close to the ma.“.s. That is ‘why the thirty- year-old “Sister Carrie” is more alive today than last year’s best seller, and why you can walk into almost any branch of the New York publio library and have*the time of your life (as I did), trying to find one of his novels—they’re all out, Now Dreiser has gone further. He has taken the step that he couldn’t take after his visit to the Soviet Union in 1927 because in the U. S. S. R. he chserved everything except the driving force of it all: the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of the proletarian dictator< ship. But the economic crisis has made ever blind men see—and the Dreisers and .Romain Rollands were never blind men. They grope, they stumble and fall, it is hard for them at this late date to break with the past, to say that alb they believed in was a lie; but they rise again, driven by the vision of a bankrupt capitalism and a vigorous, challenging Soviet Russia, grop- ing towards the only path out of the capitalist charnel-house, the path of the revolutionary Struggle for freedom of the toiling masses the world over. It is a bad omen’ for capitalism when its best minds, its finest spirits begin to desert it. They are deserting a lost battlefield. What will be Dreiser's future development?, No one can say. His contribution to the recent symposium, “Living Philosophies,” shows him still bound by his old confusions. The contra= diction between this philosophy of nihilism and mystical fatalism and his recent activities in behalf of the working class is so sharp that it is hardly possible that Dreiser is unaware of it; it is a contradiction that may lead him astray, It can only be resolved if Dreiser dumps overs board all that pseudo-scientific philosophical - baggage and replaces it with thé only phile osophy that not only explains the world, but shows how it can and must be changed—dialece tical materialism, that materialism evolved by, Marx, Engels and Lenin which forms the ideologe, ical foundation for the struggles of the , pressed masses throughout the world. ‘The revolutionary American workers welcome the new Theodore Dreiser and hope he will ga further. They recognize in him a friend, @ courageous champion. He has lost a few boure’ geois sycophants, and won thousands of friends from the ranks of those who are the heirs of the great cultural achievements of the past and the builders of the culture of the future. On his sixtieth birthday we greet Theodore Dreiser; we greet the youthful vigor and warmth of spirit that today makes him more keenly aware of the realities of the life about him than he was