The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 22, 1931, Page 6

monde \ Page Six ¥ Addr Published by the crag haga Publishing Co., Ine. dally except Sunday, at 36 East Daily sUBSCRIPTION RATES: he “Debt ee for Latin | America sy ALBERT MOREAU . last week of June, while the f the United States government egotiating with the European in behalf of Hoover's Plan rium for Germany, rumors reulating in Washington to the effect t of Yankee imperialism was n for a similar financial meas- extended to Latin America, The mediately followed by an offi- the White House which: said: jutely no foundation for the ted in the press to the effect that ent is considering plans or discus- ing South American debts.” But t was the conclusion of confer- shington between treasury of- resentatives of the Federal Re- is the stronghold of Yankee of these conferences, two tenta- were suggested by the Federal Re- r to come to the assistance can governments the major- on the threshold of financial ‘inspire” United States he leading Latin Amer- money to meet their This way, it was believed, it on the national budget One was to advance to ments. The other was to ad- ither directly by the American Federal Reserve Bank. plans failed to materialize. crisis in Latin America has been sr deepened with the constant fall of com- ices, the depreciation of the valuta, etc. ve bourgeoisie of Latin America, thanks to whom Yankee finance capital was able to bind these countries to the economic and political chariot of foreign imperialism, are des- perately clinging to the hopes for the material- {zation of Hoover’s “moratorium” plan. The bourgeols press in Colombia, immediately upon the rumors of Hoover’s contemplated plan, and nm previous to them, came out in big noise looking forward to the possibility of a financial relief from the United States and British bank- On June 24th, the Espectador of Bogota, “Hoover's plan can ‘The Chilean government (previous te Ibanez’ fall) went even further. In the face of its inability to pay $25,000,000 as interest to the foreign exploiters, it simply declared a temporary suspension of payments, of its own will Why are the American government and the whole consort of Wall Streep bankers so much interested to find a solution to the threatening and actual bankruptcy of some of the Latin American governments? Why are these bank- ers making strenuous efforts to come to the tance of the bourgeois and landlord class that maintain themselves in power through the most ruthless exploitation and repression of the workers and peasants? Because the inability of the Latin American governments to make pay- ments to the huge interests and sinking funds means that the economic and agrarian crisis which is shaking the very foundation of im- perialist domination and is the cause for this {nability to pay, brings these countries nearer to the revolution. It means that the oppressed peoples, driven by ruination, starvation and despair, will rise to put an end to their condi- tions of misery and serfdom A revolution of the oppressed masses will drive Yankee imperialism and the other imperialists out of Latin America, will overthrow the rule of the bourgeoisie and the landlords, -will con- fiscate the big properties of these masters and the imperialist enterprises, will radically im- prove the conditions of the working class, will refuse tr to foreign bankers. In other words, th lions of dollars invested by the imperialists their economic key post- tions in the countries, are in danger. There is also another reason for which Amer- tean imperialism and its government is so much concerned in this financial catastrophic situa- tion of Latin America. British imperialism is tryng to utilize the crisis in order not only to countries, seek for new markets as rivals of the save its skin, but also to further penetrate these United Stat capitalists. Dispatches from Washington expressed this fear when on Feb- ruary 14 it was reported that the “consolida- tion of Chile’s foreign debts under British bank~- ers would mark the first step toward London’s predominance in the local financial field, a posi- tion hitherto held by American bankers.” Now the question arises: why didn’t the famous plans of the Federal Reserve Bank ma- terialize? Why didn’t the United States bank- ers come forward with loans or other measures? First of all because of the economic crisis in the United States. The American bankers may be forced by the crisis in Latin America to come forward with some new schemes, but in doing so they will seek to impose new condi- tions of slavery and exploitation upon the toil- ing masses of these countries. Furthermore, the situation in Germany makes it imperative for the United States government to turn the face to that direction in an effort to save German capitalism from the proletarian revolution. The Commercial and Financial Chronicle of duly 18th says on the failure of the tentative plans for a Latin American “moratorium”: “. . . be- cause of financial difficulties of Germany, which created a situation that made the estab- lishment of new Latin American credits un- desirable.” American capitalism is faced with the deep- ening economic crisis within the United States. Since November, 1929, a series of bank failures occurred. Factories, shops and mills are con- stantly throwing their workers out in the streets. Unemployment is increasing. Immense over- production on the one hand and increasing un- employment on the other. More than 10,000,000 jobless. Hoover was compelled to admit greater increase of the army of the unemployed for the coming winter. In addition to this, we have the growing agrarian crisis in the “land of prosperity.” The poor farmers are compelled to sell their farm products below cost. They are unable to pay their mortgages and debts. Thousands of them are ruined and there is no prospect for relief. As a result of the deepening crisis, the. revo- lutionary struggle of the workers in the United States is increasing. The Trade Union Unity League and the Communist Party are comings forward as the leaders of the developing strug- gles of the Ameri¢an working class against Yankee imperialism. Before this situation Yankee imperialism has Jaunched the most brutal offensive against the workers and poor farmers in the United States, at the same time increasing ite aggressiveness to pay rr in the struggle for world domination. Yankee imperialism will in- its aggressiveness in Latin tensify America in order to save its investments and manyfold to establish more firmly its rule. It is from this angle that American imperialism may de- | velop its further financial activities in Latin America. Suppose that the American government and bankers do come forward with some new finan- cial schemes for Latin America. Is this pos- sible? It may be possible. Why? in order to save their rule. the crisis. But the capitalists themselves admit that in case of a “debt moratorium” for Latin America, it would not even contribute to a temporary solution of the crisis. Therefore; the question is raised of new investments and loans. ‘These new loans may temporarily avert bank- ruptey. They will enable some of the govern- ments to make payments on the debts. But these payments will have to be extracted from a more intensified exploitation of the workers and peasants of these countries. The Latin American governments of Cuba, Argentina, Chile, Mexico, Peru, Bolivia, etc., are already indebted of more than $2,000,0000,000 which means a crushing burden of interests. Further loans will mean a tremendous increase of this burden upon the toiling masses. The most important thing for us to consider is the conditions on the possible new loans that may be made to these countries. The funda- mental condition put before the governments in all cases is the promise and guarantee for the regular payments of the interests and sink- ing funds. This means more supervision and control by the foreign bankers and the exten- sion of political domination by Yankee im- perialism. Increased taxation upon the working class and the masses of the toiling peasantry, the poor and middle class of the city. For the working class it means, in addition to the slash- ing of their wages, increase “of the working day, speed-up, lay-offs, fascist terror against its or- ganizations, etc. We have abundant examples to corroborate the enslaving conditions that ac- company the execution of such financial agree- ments. It is the proletariat and the tolling peasantry that feel the main burden of these loans. The Dawes and Young Plans for Germany meant for the toiling masses a deep slash upon their standard of living, speed-up and unem- ployment and fascist~repression against the workers fighting the capitalist offensive. Fur- thermore, the “panacea” of the Dawes ‘and Young Plans now appear to have been futile. ‘Their execution increased the offensive against the toiling masses, These plans did not only fail to solve the contradictions of capitalism but, on the contrary, helped to deepen the crisis. ‘The collapse of German capitalism threatens European capitalism as well as capitalism in the United States. Hence, the “debt mora- torium.” How far will this “moratorium” go to alleviate the situation can already be judged by the failure of the Dawes and Young Plans. Let us take another example. The Mexican Lamont-Montes de Oca Agreement provided for the re-organization of the railroads through 8 loan extended by American bankers. The agree- ment was signed in July of 1930. The agree- ment meant for the railroad workers a slash on their wages and lay-offs, More than 1,000 work- ers were discharged. The agreement. was suc- ceeded by a fascist Labor Code which prohibits and outlaws the strike action of the workers against the bourgeoisie-imperialist offensive. The Mexican bourgeoisie and the landlords, in alliance with American imperialism, have estab- lished a fascist dictatorship against the workers and peasants. Persecution of the leaders and militant workers of the revolutionary trade unions, the Communist Party and the revolu- tionary organizations. Yet, in spite of all the repressive measures, in spite of all the provisions of the agreement, the Mexican government was in default of the payment of $10,000,000 a few months ago. Only the toiling masses suffer the burden’ of the loans made to the Latin-American govern- ments. The native bourgeoisie and the land- lords are bribed into the reaping of part of the fruits extracted by the exploitation of the masses. The inflow of foreign capital in Latin-America does not in any way contribute to the develop- ment of these countries, but, on the contrary, retards their growth. Where does foreign cap~ ital go to? It monopolizes the raw materials for foreign consumption and fot the industties in the capitalist countries. Oil in Mexico, nitrates and copper in Chile, tin in Bolivia, etc. Chile, for instance, has rich deposits of metats to enable it to develop its home industries, but the policy of imperialism is to hinder the indus- trial development of the country and create a huge market for the consumption of the manu- factured goods produced in the imperialist coun- tries, such as the United States and Great Britain. The imperialists consciously provide for the investment of their money in places where there is the greatest opportunity for them to extract huge interests, helps the maintenance of feudal relations in the village. If we see in some of these colonies or semi-colonies a more or less developed railway system in sections’ of the countries, it is because the railways serve as transportation of the raw materials monop~ olized by the imperiali:\ In Latin America tle greatest part of the loans made by the United States bankers goes to the governments as national, local municipal loans, etc. This capital serves primarily to keep up the lackey governments, the salaries of the higher officials, army, police force, etc. In order to pay the interests of these loans the governments burden the workers and toiling peasantry with huge taxation. The bigger the loans, the heavier the taxation and general ex- , ploitation upon the workers and peasants and the city poor. Thus, the new financial schemes of the im- perialists, as well as the old, will fall heavily upon these countries and work against the true in- terests of the people, binding more and more their economic life and further retarding the growth of the countries. ‘The schemes for new loans to the Latin- American governments will only permit the further penetration of imperialist robbery, will sharpen the fight between British and Ameri- can bankers. The native bourgeoisie and land- lords are only helping the imperialists. They are the native oppressors of the people. ‘The only possible solution to the crisis 1s the In accord | Because the | imperialists will use everything in their power | They will resort to | increased exploitation of the masses, repression, | to further subjugation of the Latin American | countries and finally to war as a way out of | INTO OBLIVION WITY | District, Section and Unit Literature Agents See that you order immediately your liter- ature for the August 22 Campaign and Dem- onstrations. You should especially concen- trate on the following literature: Fight Against Hunger, Statement of Com- munist Party to Fish Committee.... .05 Race Hatred on Trial...........sseeees0. LO Lynching Negro Children in Southern Courts, by Joseph North............ 05 ‘The Frame-Up System, by Vern Smtih. 10 Steve Katovis—Life and Death of a Worker, by A. B. Magil and Joseph North...... 10 Life and Death of Sacco and Vanzetti, by Eugéne Lyons ......:cs00c+.0 oeevess 100 Yankee Colonies, by Harry Gannes........ 10 Continue the sale of the Anti-War literature: Anti-Soviet Lies and the Five Year Pian, by Max Bedacht............00-.seeeee 10 “Soviet Dumping” Fable, by M. Litvinov.. .02 Chemical Warfare, by Donald A. Cameron .10 War and the Second International, by V. I. TRG hase hss save pears casatererens 20 Socialism and War, by G. Zinoviev and Wel SESE 5656502 05-e ceceseiseas 15 Life in the U. S. Army, ty Walter Trumbull .10 Revolutionary Struggle Againss War vs. Pacifism, by Alex Bittelman. . 05 DON’T fail to send in your order sraraediiately, CENTRAL AGITPROP DEPT. By I. AMTER. ABOR DAY, the day given by the bosses of this country to the workers to “celebrate the dignity of labor” is a day of treachery to the working cl The boss class fearing the rising tide of working class resentment against the conditions imposed on the workers, are making much of Labor Day. What can the miners think of Labor Day? ‘What can the textile workers think of this day of treachery? What can the steel workers, who facé wage cuts think of that day? What can thé 10,000,000 unemployed, growing into the 11,- 000,000 mark, think of that day. What must the women and young workers think of Labor Day? What can the millions of Negro workers think of that day that means a furtherance of lynch- ing, Jim Crowism and the worst segregation? One has but to look at William Green and his Executive Council of the American Federa- tion of Labor and thé district and local func- tionaries of the A. F. of L. unions, to know that they regard this day as a day of feasting—a day of rejoicing that the bosses are trusting them with a big job—the job of selling out and be- traying the workers. An attempt to sell out the 55,000 miners of Pennsylvania, Ohio, West Virgifinia and Ken- tucky, in which they were stopped by the Na- tional Miners Union, which is leading them in their struggle. But the United Mine Workers of America, the scab union of Lewis, Fagan and Murray, is well paid by the coal operators, is well supported by the gunmen and state troop- ers of Governor Pinchot, is applauded in its vicious, murderous attacks on the militant min- ers, by the socialist party. Labor Day is a fine day for this gang of murderers—but it is a day of hate against the whole system in the minds of the miners. The A. F. of L. officials, with the aid and anti-imperialist agrarian revolution, a revolu- tion of the workers and peasants, headed by the working class and led by the Pafty of the prole- tariat. Only thus will the power of the land- lords, capitalists and imperialists be broken. Only under a workers’ and peasants’ government. will the masses put an end to their oppression and obtain their national and social freedom. Yi AR A Review ot “Past Struggles” for Negro Rights E struggle for the defense of the rights of the Negro masses of America is taking on new forms. The form of struggle rooted in the ideology of the ruling class has proven inade- quate to meet the present situation. The de- fense methods of the Negro masses in the past arose out of historical and economic conditions of that period. Even then the methods used brought no real relief. They simply built up in the Negro masses faith in parliamentary pro- cedure, faith in the capitalist methdds of ad- justing the so-called race relations. This was logical. The Negro masses received their freedom from the Northern capitalist class under the leader- ship of its Republican party. This “emancipa- tion” met with the capitalist immediate de- mands. In fact, until this war measure was adopted the success of the capitalist forces in the war was @ very questionable matter. But the ends of the Northern industrialists were not fully met by military conquest ever the landlord class of the South. Capitalist rela- tions had to be established, The conquest of arms had to be economically and politically con- solidated. The economic and political power of the Southern landlords had to be broken. In the accomplishment of this process the Negro masses were an indispensable aid to Northern capital. The landlord class was disfranchised and demo- cratic rights, such as were then enjoyed by white workers, were extended to the Negro Workers Solidarity Against Collaboration With Bosses under the leadership of the Musteites is trying to sell out the textile workers. In Allentown, the United Textile Workers, in Paterson the As- \sociated-U.T.W., affiliated to the A. F. of L. are trying to do the same vile act of sell-out thee they did in Danville, Elizabethton, Marion, Philadelphia, Kensington and that they are now proposing in Reading. A fine day of celebration for these traitors, who together with Gitlow, Budenz, Bert Miller, Zimmerman and the small- er fry of Lovestone renegades, are trying to break the strikes of of textile workers. To the textile workers. Labor Day is a day that symbol- izes the attempted sell-out of their militant struggles. It is a day of hatred of the system that makes use of such scum from Green, Woll to Gitlow, Buzenz, Muste and the smaller gang of pickpockets, who pose as “labor leaders.” The needle trades workers, the food, metal, shoe, marine, railroad and agricultural workers; the ex-servicemen who have been robbed and left to starve; the many nationalities of workers from the colonial countries, the millions of for- eign-born workers, who face the danger of de- portation if they fight against starvation and misery; the millions of poor Negro and white tenant farmers and share-croppers, who are ad- vised to let their grain rot, to plow under their cotton; who are forced to let their fruit rot in the fields—they also can “love” Labor Day of the same bosses and labor leaders who betray the workers. These workers and poor farmers have hate in their hearts for the system, which the bosses and the reactionary labor leaders sup- port, with the aid of the “progressive,” revolu- tionary phrase-slinging renegades. This growing hate, of men and women, white and Negro, young and old, who know nothing but hunger, wage slashing, speed-up, injunctions, po- licemen’s clubs, machine guns and tear gas, jail and death at the hands of the uniformed thugs —this hate is growing fast into a powerful, steel wall of solidarity of the oppressed against the oppressors and their active agents in the ranks of labor. .It is growing into an active, driving force that is linking up the fighting workers into @ powerful army that fights for the crying needs of the workers. It is the fighting army that is ready to defend the Soviet Union against the fiendish imperialist war plans of the bosses against the workers and+the Sovies Union. It masses. The enjoyment of these rights were “guaranteed” by their incorporation into the federal constitution through the 13th, 14th and 15th amendments. Behind the constitution to enforce these amendments stood the federal courts, at the top stood the supreme court of the United States. All of this appeared extremely impressive to the unenlightened Negro masses. They had no possible means of misunderstanding the maneu- vers and intrigues of capitalism. The psycho- logical effect upon them was tremendous. They were won over to the support of their “libera- tors.” Northern capital went a step further in creating illusions for the Negro masses. The stabilization of capitalist economy in the South could only be accomplished by an armed dic- tatorship. The South was divided into three sections, in each of which an armed force was maintained. The Negro masses were led to be- lieve that these forces were there for their pro- tection. ‘The Negro masses became a factor in the dictatorship. Through their aid Northern capi- talism consolidated its political power in the South. Granted the vote, a considerable num- ber of Negro “leaders,” selected by the agents of Northern capitalism, were elected to respon- sible political positions. Northern capitalism represented at this time a liberating force and these Negroes had no alternative but to support it. At this time there was and could be only one party for the Negroes. ‘The answer of the disfranchised landlord class to the capitalist dictatorship was terror—Ku Klux Klan terror.’ This expressed itself most viciously against the weakest section of the dic- tatorship, the newly “freed” Negro masses, Northern capital made only a hypocritical ges- ture at protecting them. The maintenance of armed forces in the South was a burden upon the workers of the North. The burdens of war were placed on the backs of the working class, thus alienating them from thé Republican party. Northern capital fully realized that at this mo- ment the Negro masses had to support it. They were too weak to stand alone. The fa-mer ruling class of thé South offered them only re-enslave- ment. The working-class movement in the North was too undeveloped to help them and had no clear understanding of the Negto ques- tion. Misguided white labor in the South sup- ported the local ruling class. This and other factors, such as the after-war crisis, the developing labor struggles, the unsat- is the warm bond of solidarity that is helping the miners in their strugglé; the solidarity that is supporting the textile workers. It is the glow- ing spirit of unity of the fighting workers that will explode the entire damnable system of cap- italism and, by the strength of the guns and forces of the working class establish Soviet Gov- ernments throughout’ the world. Labor Day this year will be transformed by the fighting workers into a Day of Solidarity with the fighting miners and textile workers. It will be a day of pledge of loy: to the working class—a day of preparation for the struggles that are coming bi unemployment relief and insur- ance, against wage slashing campaign, speed- up, deportation, lynching. drive of the bosses. ‘It is the day all over the country, when the Trade bee Unity League, the revolutionary unions, Communist and the fighting will weld their forces for the. coming ‘ete All over the country Solidarity Day will shine bright. In New York, at Starlight Park, the tens of thousands of workers will marshall their ranks te pledge support to the fighting miners and textile workers. Starlight Park wil] be bright with working class sport, working class art— working class revolutionary speeches. ‘Young and old will be there, white and Negro will clasp hands, It will be a day of international solid- pe aia a el ‘York, so throughout the’ coun- Solidarity Day of the fighting workers— workers—-against Labor Day of the bosses and their labor Meutenants! “Communism against capitalism,” as Owen W. Young said. And Com- eine will win, because the workers will fight ‘or ae peeved OER! “ = aia SE ia ae heal Worker By mali everywhere: One year, $6; 81 months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs ss and mai) orker, 50 East 15th Street, New York, N. ¥, 4 of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, $3 1x n’ ft Central Oy U ee Paty USA s y $35" slx months; $4.5 By BURCK The Amalgamated Turns A Corner By JACK HARDY. GINce. its inception the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America has given lip-service to radical doctrine. True enough obstreperous Communists and members of the Trade Union Unity League were to be slugged and expelled from the organization whenever found within the union’s ranks. But that, it was contended, Was because they failed to comprehend the full implications of the “higher strategy” of the Hill- man machine, which never deviated from its radical principles for a single moment and which had its own patented approach to the co-opera- tive “conimonWealth. Indeed, the preamble of the Amalgamated constitution begins: “The economic organization of labor has been~ called into existence by the capitalist system of production, under which the division between the ruling class and the ruled class is based upon the ownership of the means of production.”.”. . The industrial and inter- industrial organization, built upon the solid rock of clear knowledge and class-conscious- ness, will put the organized working class in clear control of the system of production, and the working-class will then be ready to take Possession of it.” , The union was not in existence long, however, before its day to day policies and activities mede it clear that such sentiments as the abuve were merely a sop to the radicalism of the militant, Class-conscious needle workers. In practice there was no actual difference between the Amalga- mated officialdom and the Matthew Wolls and other A-F. of L. bureaucr: Ten years ago a prominent Chicagc employer was able to report to the National Industrial Conference Board, an open-shop emtployers’ research organization, that a8 a Tesul@of his experience with the Amalga- mated Ciothing Workers he had found that while ‘the leaders of the organization professed socialistic aims, in practice they “save their so- cialism for the evening meeting: The long ex- pulsion record of the organization, from which class-conscious workers have been ejected as fast as they could be discovered, and the con tinuous concessions made to the employers at the expense of the hard-fought gains of the workets“in the industry, have fully borne out the above observation of the employers. Today the Hillman clique feels itself strongly enough entrenched to openly espouse its fascist aims. With the workers caught in the iron grip of the depression, the administration is certain enough of itself to abandon even the radical phrases .with..which it has covered itself for years. Ina statement recently issued by the A.C. W., in answer to charges of the National Labor Council of Toronto that it was a “red” organe ization, the union vehemently denies that it is even pink, and advances its record of the past ten years as an answer to the charges of the council. .“Five years ago,” the union statement boldly admits,-“‘we spent $250,000 in a campaign against reds.. We have ejected them from our union-and they have no voice in its affairs. Does it-seem- likely that some of the most con- servative -clothing manufacturers of the city would deal with us if we were a red organiza- tion?” Menibers: of the Amalgamated League and needlé workers generally must give the widest circulation to this new statement of the Amal- gamated officials. Where they have previously covered their gangsterism and general fascist policy with left phrases, they now cpenly deny any “red” aims. The rank and file will know how to reply. isfactory crop production brought about the liquidation of the Northern dictatorship. It was no longer pro‘.'able to the Northern ruling class.» But the Negro politicians, whose interests were inseparably bound up with this ruling class as its agents, concealed its treachery and its de- sertion of the Negro masses. ‘With the liquidation of the armed dictator hip the Southern landlords returned to power. ‘They immediately began to re-enslave the Negro fasses.This.they did through the enactment of “black laws”. which made it possible to arrest Negrouworkers upon the slightest whim of the old. master class. The 13th, 14th and 15th amendments -were nullified by sta‘e laws, such as “grandfather laws.” The Negro was at this time not a factor in the industtialy field. © ifferentiation among "the Negro mass2s wi to develop. The. national libe: the Negro masses were not yet b-' conditions made it impossible for Objective the Negro masses. to regard their problem as basically’ an economic. one. Relief for them appeared logic- ally to. lie in ‘an appeal to those who had freed them. The Negro “leaders” held up the North- ern bourgeoisie “as their unchangeable friends. , The masses were told that an appeal to the” courts of the Northern capitalists was sufficient. The Negro leadership advocated protest to the federal courts. They declared that the rights. of the Negro masses could be recovered in this manner. They denied the collaboration of the rulitig @lass of the North and the South in the oppression of the Negro masses. They said that the laws enacted by the landlord class would be declared unconstitutional. Organized labor had not yet taken up the issues confronting the Ne~ gro masses, ‘The Negro masses had no alternative but to” listen to those they believed represented them, In the federal'courts state laws which disfran- chised“the Negro were declared unlawful—une constitutional. The Southern landlords then proceeded to carry out their policy by terroristio measurés. “Lynchings and mob violence took the place of “black laws” and “lawful” methods for the re-enslavement of the Negro masses. Again the Negro masses were advised to struggle against this terror through legal channels—to re sort. to law and order. “The old leadership of the Negro masses hid the fact that the decision of the supreme court had no concrete effect in bettering their condie tiohs; “that these decisions were not merely to strengthen the illusion o¥ the masses, that they ee Tire te ease ona “ibe them, The Negro masses continued to ae upon the courts of the master class—ap- pealed to law and order. As time went on the Negro-masses more and more saw that appeals to the courts of the master class offered no re« lief, but their “leaders” had now become an ins separable part of the machinery of the master class. The Negro masses were “warned” against participating in labor disputes. They were “as- sured” that only the best people were their friends and that the defense of their rights could only be made effective through the courte of law. ’ \ i me : os