The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 21, 1931, Page 4

head by the Comprodally Pub! except Sunday, at 50 Bast y SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Page Four Me » New York, C uy. NY e: SDALWORK." ail Or er By mai: everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs Address and mail all checke to the L New York, N. ¥. fa P of Manhatt: nd Bronx, New York City Foret * one year, $8 i th: 4.50 : US.A an a n ne year, six months, $ Not Hillquit Alone--But the - Social ist Party DARCY (A Criticism of the “Left Sociali: position towards Hillquit’s suit to recover Soviet Baku Oil for the czarist owners.) (Concluded from yesterda y’s issue) When the storm ov broke around HPuit's ears, the cowardly Thomas sent his letter to the New Leader doubting the wisdom of Hillquit’s ac ely the dan- ger of Thomas’ t position is basic- cher ally no different from uit’s. But und pressure of ma © mouths phrases concerning the good Five Year Plan, etc., only to be in a better position to undermine the First Workers Republic In ac and in theory as well Thomas is just as reactionary as Hillqui In answer to the first criticism levelled at him Hillquit issued a t in which he de- clared that “the r government to na- tionalize industries with without compensa- tion is not questioned in the complaints.” He pointed out that his suit is based on the legality of the Soviet Government itself. But Norma does question jonalize indus- “am- Thomas, that famous ger, the right of a government to 1 tries without compensation. In his book erica’s Way Out” he says There is much to be said for compemsating those who are first singled out for the so- cialization of their property—after all, a great many owners are guilty of no worse crime than playing the game by the established rules. In the face of se facts how can the granting of the nands made by the Socialist in Comrade Henderson's let- quit help in the least. Suppose is removed and Thomes put in his place as Chairman of the Socialist party, will that solve the problem for the workers? Not at all. On the contrary, making such a change under the illusion that it does away with the coun- ter-revolutionary position of the Socialist party can only further betray the workers into the hands of the bourgeoisie and their lieutenants in “Soci: masquerade. The characteristic of “Hillquitian Socialism ‘Social- ism,” ar is that none of bourgeois propaganda in a ~ form aimed to mislead the Socialism can only be built under a dictator: Also there are some who think that it is only the American Socialist Party so reactionary. tional socialist ples which has become They believe that the interna- movement is true to the princi or at least to the interests of Nothing could be further ism g class. from the truth. In the Vienna Congress tional the first point on t e 2nd Interna- was “the the war m. The chief s obviously to point danger, so as to be ain report Ww of the war as to where to direct the attack of the clear ‘socialists Senator Brouckere did this. With great flow of oratory he declared—the Soviet Union (!) to be the creator of the menace of a new world war for reaction. We quote: Where do we hear in the world today the most challenging words about howitzers, ma- chine guns and submarines? There in those countries where an enemy band from the very midst of the people themselves has seized power and where the feudalism of a former day has given way to the feudalism of the banks and the big industries. We see forces everywhere working cynically for war and they are the same forces as are preparing for civil war. Can this be any plainer? Could the “social- {sts” serve their capitalist masters any more than this? The 2nd International says the Seviet Union seized power and is now using this power in order to provoke u world war in order to establish the “feudalism of the banks and big industries.” It is also obvious from the above that this is the theoretical justification for the interventionist attacks on the U.S. S. R. And it is still more obvious that the foul source of these words, the Labor and Socialist Inter- national, is the enemy of the world’s workers to a.degree matched only by the imperialists themselves. This is the position of the Congress itself. ‘The position of its individual leaders and sec- tions is even worse. Listen for example to a line in the hymn published by “Robotnik,” the central organ of the P. P. S. (Polish Socialist Party): « “Workers! Trample the Muscovites under foot like reptiles, sow their ground with their corpses!” Yes, indeed! The workers will enemies as reptiles but they will know that these gentlemen are their enemics! Senator Brouckere, Morris Hillquit and Norman Thomas treat. their are silent and open partners to this provocation | to pogroms and intervention. Yet they have the gall to talk of “peace” and the danger of war from the U. S. S. R. Are there any sincere workers who support the “socialist” party? If there are do you know that the Mensheviks, the political blood broth- ers of Hillquit and Thomas, oh yes, and of Heywood Broun, called in the imperialist armies main report was | against the Rt ssian work s and peasants? This happen ough Russia and had the approval and help of the S. P. leaders in the U. S. In autumn of 1918 in Odessa; in July, 1918, in the very same Baku oil fields for now waters; in Georgia; Russia where the American which Hillq in the North c troops were ioned; in everywhere the Mensheviks allied themselves with the worst enemies of ‘he workers against the First Work- ers’ Republic. Needless to say the lawyers the 2nd International and “socialist” party all supported the Russian Mensheviks. They do likewise in the event of any appropriate (for them) occasion in the future. In fact they have already ‘oven that this is so. the sabotagers were caught in the Soviet Union and brought to trial, and before the Second In- terna e that they had confessed and repented, Wells, president of the German social democrats, declared The trial in Moscow is the trial of our Rus- sian social democratic comrades, with whom we feel ourselves most intimately connected. We have alre: cialists gave money for a counter-revolutionary organ to be smuggled into the Soviet Union. But within the U. S. the so-called socialists have already shown that they completed their apprenticeship in the counter-revolutionary schools of the 2nd International. The murder of Steve Katovis, under an injunction obtained by the socialist, Solomon; the strikebreaking ac- was a tivity of Norman Thomas and his aids in the textile, mining and needle strikes; the unity of Thomas and the S P. with Senator Wagner of Tammany Hall against the demands of the un- employed; these are rehearsals for the role which the S. P. hopes to play on the stage of the capitalist state Can any serious minded worker believe that | the mere removal of Hillquit from the chair- manship of the S. P. or his withdrawal from the oil suit will turn that body from an enemy of the workers and the Soviet Union into a friend? All the facts above prove the contrary. | It is not Hillquit alone—it is the whole system | of social reformers, turned social traitors, turned | social f It is the class which the S. P. | serves, vitalist class. That's so by their | the c: own statement. The New Leader issued a letter | characterizing itself. This self | quite correct even if somewhat incomplete. hey say The New Leader appeals to many heads of financial institutior the legal profession very prosperous busines doctors of medicine, de others interested in the socialist, labor movement. A large percent » well known members of | ing number of | , authors, artists, educators, and | liberal and ge of New Leader readers own their own he s, have automobiles, make trips to Europe, and are generally liberal in all their vacation expenditures. Many of them | go away for the entire summer. Such a statement sounds almost fantastically frank but it is true and quoted verbatim. Since they made thi tatement the masses have moved to the Left. The movement against un- | employment and wage cuts developed to consid- | erable proportions and even some sections of | the middle class looked to militant leadership of the workers in the fight against finance capi- tal. Then the S. P. changed the tone of its appeal and again began putting the emphasis on its appeals to workers. Did the S. P. change its role as an agent of the bosses because it changed its costume and lines? Not in the least. A coyote with or without a sheep's skin is still a coyote. The change, however, represents the ascen- dancy of Norman Thomas’ methods over Hill- quit’s methods. Hillquit is more open in his championing of the bourgeoisie, Thomas more slick. Hillquit wants to feed betrayal to the masses in its raw state; Thomas knows that it will be hard to make them take it that way and so he sugar coats with militant phrases. It is easy for the masses to recognize Hillquit as the enemy of the workers but it is harder for the masses to recognize Thomas, no less an enemy of the workers. Precisely this is the reason why Thomas is the more dangerous | enemy and must be fought more than ever. From such a paper, and such a Party what has a worker or a workers’ government to ex- pect? Certainly what we are getting: betrayal, sell-out and counter-revolution. No destruction of .Hillquit as S. P. chairman will solve the problem, Only the destruction of the S. P. to- gether with the capitalist system which it serves will answer the demand of the situation. In Comrade Henderson's letter he says: This (Hillquit’s action against Soviet oil) must not be allowed to drop; and all workers in the socialist party must demand that ade- quate measures be taken to clear up this oil scandal. In this we agree with Comrade Henderson. Except why should the workers “demand” ade- quate measures—the workers can take adequate measures—they must follow Comrade Hender- son’s example; they must leave the party of the lieutenants of capitalism parading under the mask of “socialism” and join the party of the working class—the Communist Party. International Youth Day, 1931— Red Day of the Toiling Youth By EVA SHAFRAN. | Saleem YOUTH DAY was born in the midst of the last world slaughter, 1914- 1918. ‘When millions of workers doped with capitalist poison-propaganda of “Defending my country”, of “Fighting for my fatherland”, have lost their lives cn the battlefields; when the social patriots of the whole world (Second International) did everything in their power to help the boss-class in its war for new markets and fatter ofits, called upon the youth to take up arms agninst their fellow workers of foreign lands—there was one voice ringing through the mecting hall of the German Reichstag “I vote against the Sudget!” ‘This was the voice of Karl Liebknecht. It was a challenge to the master-class. It was challenge to the betrayers of the workers, the servants of the boss-class in the ranks of the working-class—the Social Democrats, This chal- lenge did not end with Liebknecht’s declaration of war against the master-class and their ser- vants, in the German Reichstag. This revolu- tionary word was carried out by Liebknecht and his comrades, and spread among the masses. ‘The masses were stirred up against the boss- war and called upon to fight against it. The youth in Germany and in many other European countries were the first ones to fol- low this revolutionary leader of fighting against boss-war. So in the Spring of 1915, a Youth Conference was held in Berne, Switzerland, at which a revo- lutionary progrem of struggle against imperialist war was worked out and accepted. This Con- ference also decided that a day should be dedi- cated as International Youth Day, and be the occasion every year of a Red Youth Day against imperialist war, and for the needs and demands of the laboring youth. Nineteen thirty-one marks the 17th celebra- and preachers in | will | | When | told how the American so- | | District, Section and Unit | onstrations, | rignt Against Hunger, Statement of Com- munist Party to Fish Committee.,.. .05 || Race Hatred on Trial BU) |Lyneching Negro Children in Southern Courts, by Joseph North... 05 tion of this day. Not in the whole seventeen years was International Youth Day of such great 3 BEER, MY MAN!” Literature Agents See that you order immediately your liter- | ature for the August 22 Campaign and Dem- | You should especially concen- trate on the following literature: | The Frame-Up System, by Vern Smtih, Steve Katovis—Life and Death of a Worker, by A. B. Magil and Joseph North...... Life and Death of Sacco and Vanzetti, by Bugene Lyons ........s0en++seee seevee 100 Yankee Colonies, by Harry Gannes,....... 10 Continue the sale of the Anti-War literature: Anti-Soviet Lies and the Five Year Plan, by Max Bedacht....0.7....5.02.ds¢000 10 “Soviet Dumping” Fable, by M. Litvinov.. .02 Chemical Warfare, by Donald A. Cameron .10 War and the Second International, by V. I. Lenin . +e 20 Socialism and War, by G. Zinoviey and Vv. I. Lenin 15 Life in the U. 8. Army, by Walter Trumbull .10 Revolutionary Struggle Against War vs. Pacifism, by Alex Bittelman. 05. DON'T fail to send in your order immediately. CENTRAL AGITPROP DEPT. | importance as this year. At present when we are face to face with the immediate threat of an- other world slaughter; when we are face to face with an eminent danger of an attack upon the fatherland of the world’s working class—the Soviet Union; the winning over of the majority of the toiling youth to the side of the revolu- tionary class struggles is one of the outstanding tasks of the whole working class, and especially of our Party: International Youth Day this year is not iso- lated from the struggles of the working class as a whole. It follows August 1, when nearly 300,- 000 workers demonstrated on the streets of this country against imperialist war and for the de- fense of the Soviet Union. International Youth Day this year, therefore, must be a continuation of our August 1 campaign, demonstration and struggle of the toiling masses against imperialist war, for the defense of the Soviet Union, against speed-up and wage-cuts, for social insurance and for all daily demands of the workers and farmers, especially those of the toiling youth. In 1915, the Youth was in the first lines fight- ing the betrayers of the workers, the social pa- triots, fighting imperialist war. At present, in 1931, the youth is not only not alone, in this fight, but is fighting side by side with the’ adult workers. It is led in this struggle by the leader of the world proletariat—the Communist Inter- national, and the leader of the world’s toiling youth, the Young Communist International. Our fight against imperialist war and for the turning of such a war into a civil war of the toiling masses against their oppressors when an imperialist war breaks out, is so much more effective, and so much more assured with vic- tory, because of the existence of this World Party —the Communist International—and the Soviet Union, the bulwark of the world laboring masses, This is also why the defense of the Soviet Union in case of an imperialist attack, is the concern and unconditional task of every worker and young worker in the capitalist countries, International Youth Day this year must wit- ness the largest demonstrations it has yet seen in the history of the 17 years of its existence! All out on International Youth Day on Sep- tember 8! Fight againgt imperialist war and for the de- fense of the Soviet Union! Mobilize the youth and adult workers for a mighty demonstration on International Youth day this year. ‘The streets belong to the toiling youth on Sep- tember 8—the adult workers must join en masse in this demonstratior * The New York Central Threatens Wage Cuts By LABOR RESEARCH ASSOC., N.Y.C. HEN a handful of mechanics out of the 250 laid off June 1 got back their jobs in the Harmon Shops July 6, they walked into a situ- ation where the talk of speed-up and wage- cuts is in the air. All this is in preparation for putting over actual wage cuts, the piece work system, or both. Under threat of being per- manently laid off the men have already been made to go over four locomotives instead of three, as before. This should be recognized as a definite move to try out the possibility of putting the entire shop on a piece work basis. What is behind this piece work move of the N. Y¥. Central system? In the first place, piece work rates are always adjusted with a view to getting the maximum speed out of every worker. The foreman may say the rate is made on the basis of work actually turned out by a certain number of workers in the shop. But workers should understand that production rates are made under the very best conditions. New ma- terial, and the fastest and most skilled workers are used. As the weeks roll on, however, and re- pair jobs come in with rusty bolts and rivets to be burned out, many workers will find them- selves unable to equal the production quota, that is, their old time pay checks. Then, the majority of the workers will wake up to the fact that the change from hourly to piece rates was a change to cut down payroll and speed up pro- duction. The worker who fajls behind in production and earns less can easily figure his loss, But the worker who manages to make the produc- tion quota through sheer will power may not be clear as to what the piece work system is doing to him. He may be able to keep up for awhile but sooner or later he will become exhausted and he will be lucky if he does not break down. Of course when that time comes nobody is going to save his job for him. And the -very fact that production has been increased means that there will be even fewer jobs. After the piece work system has been gotten under way, the workers in the Harmon Shops can expect another per- manent lay-off. To make sure that the workers swallow the piece work system the foremen are now using open threats of a wage-cut on the theory that piece work will be the lesser of two evils. A 10 per cent wage cut is a serious thing to men al- ready reduced to a five day week. Many of the men are the sole support of large families, the other working members having already been ‘laid off either in the shops or in other industries, be- cause unemployment in the Harmon Shops is just a part of the unemployment crisis facing over 10,000,000 workers in the United States now and for some time to come. In other words this wage-cut talk may be just a threat to make piece work go down easiér, or it may be the opening wedge in an actual wage- cutting campaign on all railroads. The papers are full of talk of the railroad companies going bankrupt. The petition of the railroads before the Interstate Commerce Ccmmission for a 15 per cent rise in freight rates tells of reduced profits and threatens a wage cut if the in- creased rates are not granted. There is little chance of the increased rates being granted. ‘Then what is to prevent the wage-cut offensive? Only the organization of all railroad workers in one union with a fighting program and a will- ingness to strike. As to the crisis in which railroad stockholders find themselves, workers must look behind the publicity campaigns of the companiés. There is another side to the story and this side is also very frankly told in the financial columns of the capitalist press. In the N. Y. Times of June 23, appears an article on how the New York Cen- tral bought the controlling interest in the Dela- ware, Lackawanna & Western R. R. for $16,131,- 000. Of this huge sum of money, $5,337,000 was paid during the last half of 1930, when the rail- road was weeping about its poverty. Where did the New York Central get these millions? ‘They got them out of the pockets of the workers of course. When a worker is laid off for five or six months in a year, and through slave driv- ing methods the company gets his work done by. specding up other workers; this saves the com- t ve $1,000 per laid off worker, To this add the pay envelopes saved through forcing the mc. to vake “voluntary vacations” of one or more days a week and you have the money, not only to buy up railroads but td pay dividends, This “reserve” hoarded year by year from the sweat of the worker is called “accumulated surplus.” ‘Here is what the Standard Statistics Corp. has to say on the subject: By Dec. 31, 1930, the New York Central had accumulated a surplus of $286,784,000. In 1930 it paid out to bondholders over 27 millions and to shareholders 40 millions of dollars, “The first quarter of 1931 showed a total income too small to cover all interest, etc., BUT divi°snds at the rate of $6 a share are being pai! from accumulated surplus.” Among the direc ors and stockholders of the New York Central fr whom the workers slaved to “accu- mulate” this rich surplus are the Venderbilts, the late George F. Baker, who died leaving an estate of $500,000,000, and Bertram Cutler, Rockefeller’s personal representative on the board. Rocke- feller himself has an income of between $20,- 000,000 and $30,000,000 a year. What prospects are there for breaking the wage cuts offensive of the railroad barons? Lit- tle can be expected from the present unions op- erating in the shop crafts. Numerically they in- clude less than one-fifth of the workers of the Harmon Shops. The activity of such unions as do exist lies more in fighting the unorganized or workers in other craft unions in order to keep the few jobs there are for favored members. They are not taking any steps to fight the com- pany policy of wage cuts, speed-up and piece work. It is absolutely essential for the unorgan- ized workers to get together. It is absolutely necessary to win some sort of relief for the workers who are so ruthlessly laid off and who can find no other jobs. It is imperative to keep up the closest relations between those still working in the shops and those laid off. The coming winter, will surely be a winter of severe hardship both for part time and. unemployed workers as well as for those still holding jobs. A campaign for unemployment insurance or re- lief should be immediately undertaken. The millionaires in the local community, many of whom are shareholders in the railroad must be made to carry the burden of this relief. ‘The workers must demand of the local communities that these millionaires be taxed for unemploy- ment relief. And above all the policy of wage- cuts, direct and indirect, must be fought. The six hour day and five day week would give more work and lessen unemployment, but this demand can only be accepted on the basis of six hours with eight hours Pay. Any attempt on the part of the Brotherhoods to make the men accept a six hour day at wages lower than those at present earned is nothing more than an ac- ceptance on the part of the unions of a wage-cut. Such a program can only be carried to a suc- cessful conclusion by the united efforts of all railroad shop workers; organized and unorgan- ized; employed and unemployed. A campaign to this very end is already under way. It is being led by the National Railroad Workers Industrial League and a convention was just held ‘to dis- cuss these demands and prepare the fight. Every railroad worker should be informed of the program of the Railroad Workers Industrial League and of the results of the Chicago conven- tion, Future issues of Labor Unity will contain this and much other information of the greatest value to all railroad workers. FIGHT STEADILY FOR RELIEF! Organize Unemployed Councils to Fight for Unemployment Relief. Organize the Employed Workers Into Fighting Unions. Mobilize the Employed and Unemployed for Common Strug- gles Under the Leadership of '_ the Trade Union Unity League The Socialists Vienna Olympiad By FRANK HENDERSON. Vienna (Socialist) Olympaid and the Berlin Spartakiad of the Red Sport Inter- national were scheduled to take place during the month of July. The Bruening starvation government of Germany, assisted by the social- democrats of all lands and backed by the imper- jalist dollars of world’ capitalism, prohibited the Berlin Spartakiad because of its revolutionary international ¢haracter. However, the Spartakiad did take place despite all fascist decrees against it. It took place because of the strength of the German proletariat led by the fighting banners of the Red Trade Unions and the Communist Party of Germany. But what was the fate of the Vienna Olympaid? No prohibitive decrees against it but rather praises. And now after its conclusion the capitalist newspapers and the yellow press of the social-democrats sing praise to the successful “workers” sport gather- ing at Vienna. It is reported that “industrial workers” from many countries were present. But let us see just who were present. Let us also examine the “working class” character of the Vienna Olympaid and soon we shall solve the “mystery” of why the Spartakiad was pro- hibited and why the Vienna Olympaid receives the applause of capitalism. The French guests at the Vienna Olympaid included several hundred white guard emigres of the former Czarist nobility of Russia. The same white guards who are fed by the dollars of the social-democrats. The watch- -dogs of intervention against the Soviet Union. The Finnish guests were the representatives of the newly established Fascist Lapua movement which has smashed all the militant workers’ organizations, including the Red Sport organ- ization of Finland. All of the German guests could not come because a few days before their scheduled departure the Bruening government got an acute “attack of indigestion”"—so severe that even Doctor Hoover could not stop the closing of 1e banks and the falling of the mark! And the American guests were a few tourists who put on the label of the Workers’ Gymnastic and Sport Alliance and their en- trance to the Olympaid was greeted by the playing of the “Star Spangled Banner.” With the exception of a few misled worker athletes these were the invited guests at the Vienna Olympaid. But there were also some uninvited guests. They came with a message of red sport unity, They came with hundreds of thousands of leaf- Jets calling for the defense of the Soviet Union; against the treachery of the socialist interna- tional; calling for unity of all workers sports. They shouted slogans to expose the yellow be- hind the scarlet banners of the social-democrats. ‘They were the worker sportsmen of the Austrian section of the Red Sport International. It would be a waste of words to expose the anti-working class character of the Vienna Olympaid. The guests speak for themselves. The very fact that the bourgeoisie and social- democrats can sing a chorus of praisé of this “workers sport” gathering at Vienna is enough to brand it as the vilest example of the split- ting tactics and program of the Lucerne (So- cialist) Sport International. But let the French white guards; the Finnish fascists; and the German watch-dogs of capitalism tremble. For the next Spartakiad of the workers will be held in the Soviet Union. What Do You Want to Know About the Soviet Union? HERE’S YOUR CHANCE TO FIND OUT! “Many years ago I had to serve in the Rus- Sian Czar’s army. remember how men in- flicted injuries on themselves in order to get out of this terrible #fe. How is it in the Red Army and how do the boys feel about going into its service?” “When the crop is harvested on a collec- tive farm in the Soviet Union is it divided up equally among the families working there, or are the peasants paid according to how much work each cne has done?” “What is happening to family life in Rus- sia? Is the divorce rate higher or lower than that in this country, and why?” “How are the living and housing conditions which the Russian workers have? How do they compare with those in the United States? Are the new houses built on the American style, or what?” These are some of the questions being asked of the foreign correspondent which the Daily Worker and revolutionary press is sending to the Soviet Union. The purpose of this is to secure first-hand information for American workers and farmers on what is happening in Workers’ Russia. The series of articles will begin in the early fall. What would you like to know about Soviet life and conditions? Send your questions to Daily Worker Foreign Correspondent, 4 50 East 13th Street, New York City -Workers! Join the Party of. Your Class! Communist Party U. 8. A. P. O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. Please send me more information on the Com- munist Party. tee eceeceewccccecccece: Address . CHY -seccccecsercecsccccseres STALE vi, Occupation secsevecececssccsccseres ASC succes .Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Party, P. O. Bor 87 Station D. New York City.