The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 20, 1931, Page 4

Published by the Co! on Pour n Street, New Yc Page ’ Address and mail all Socialis By SAM DARCY (A Criticism of the “Left Socialist” position | towards Hillquit’s suit to recover Soviet Baku | Oil for the czarist owners.) ents connected with® Morris Hill- | oil group.” hose who were in 1917, found Revoluti to lie comrades’ homes. break with the pa bout y facts eyed extrem- lared virtues of ° pen f That miserable sheet irness, is in Donald Hen ers of the one of the y brancl Socialist pa: est and most active Socialist p New York City, a candidate on the socialist ticket for State Senate, and a member of the Socialist party City Central Committee, fed up on radical talk and reactionary activity and fin- ally nauseated to the f by Hillguit’s suit against Soviet Baku oil, wrote a letter to the New Leader discussing the question and sug- gesting what he thought would be a remedy to the situation. For the moment we would like to say that the remedy was a “left” socialist remedy and in fact no solution for the w ers at all. However, the New Leader typical of liberal open-mindedness refused to print even this letter. This was the last straw for Hen- derson, who resigned from the Socialist party and joined the Communist Party. Comrade Hen- derson’s letter was printed in the Daily Worker of August 4. Our Party certainly welcomes Comrade Hen- derson and also any sincere worker who using his intelligence sees through the smoke screen of pretty pink speeches, the counter-revolution- ary acts and leaves the mis-named Socialist party. Comrade Henderson had been a member, of the Socialist party for two years. And in his letter there are mirrored some misconceptions which are now being in other forms spread by the so-called left socialists. This is not sur- prising. We do not live in a vacuum—we are always influenced by our surroundings. Com- rade Henderson, as other workers who joined our ranks from the Socialist party, is now going through a period of shaking off the misconcep- tions absorbed in those two years spent in So- Cialist party ranks, Recent events have opened the eyes of many Socialist party sympathizers who are ready to listen to the truth about that organization. First let us consider the immediate issue which aroused such a storm in the “socialist” ranks, namely, the Morris Hillquit suit to seize Soviet Union oil for the former czarist owners. So- cialist party branches adopted resolutions against Hillquit. This was followed by similar resolutions of the Young People’s Socialist League. And finally the pious faced Norman Thomas wrote a letter doubting the wisdom of Morris’ action. The most militant of all the Positions taken by the opposition to Hillquit within the Socialist party is contained in Com- rade Henderson's letter to the New Leader. In this letter Comrade Henderson sets forth, amongst others, the following demand for the Socialist party rank and file: 1. Demand the immediate dropping of this ease by Morris Hillquit. 2. Demand the resignation of Morris Hill- quit as Chairman of the National Executive Committee. Appeal to the National Commit- tee to remove this man. This undoubtedly conveys the idea that Hill- quit violated some Socialist party principles in filing this suit. Or at least that this suit is a departure from Socialist party practice. This same argument was made in the resolution adopted by the Brownsville branch of the So- cialist party where Hillquit’s withdrawal was demanded. Comrade Henderson in his letter declares: “...the more he (Hillquit) insists on his view- Point as a lawyer the worse his position as @ supposed leader of the workers becomes. minority which has taken advantage of special conditions to gain and hold power through force and terrorism. Its reign of blood is al- most as abhorrent as war among nations, Not Hillquit Alone~But the 50 East 1 t Party “Gould anytt be said more plainly to pro- voke a war fc mn st barbarism rture from Socialist party iples and Hillquit to take up this case? e we answer No. Hillquit, Thomas, ‘ocialist party and the Second International united in one position against the Soviet we will now prove. Hillquitian ocialism” is the Socialist party, s there or not. uit’s actio the oil case constitute n for him? It does not. On 0, a banquet for socialist of- in the Pennsylvania Hotel to the dirtiest counter-revolu- disgraced this earth — Abra- that affair str uff than have flowed for e orat al caution to the winds. declared: 's threw Hill- y is a government of a small Lawyer Hillquit con ly exposes Chairman If Hillquit leadership and Hill- Socialism cannot be repudiated by the Socialist party, I call upon all workers and former comrades to leave a party which sup- ports such misleaders and betrayers.” ly such conflicts existing? Let (Comrade Henderson 1 scandal”), was there er Hillquit and Chair- he decided to take up the was there conflict be- tween the position of Hillquit and Thomas in itude on th or between “Hill- alism” ’ of the was it a et government? And who do you party? and the S think thi urther, The methods of the Communist govern- ment hurt us because we are connected his- | torically with the beginning of their movement and it is up to us to force the Communists to clean house, Our present attitude (non-recognition of | the U.S.S.R. by the U.S. Government) pushes | the Communists back among themselves and | denies them the civilizing influence we could exert through trade relations, Sounds like Spargo. Or if one considers the second paragraph alone it is the voice of the Standard Oil Co. or Harriman National Bank. {| But it is in reality Morris Hillquit speaking at the very same banquet. Hillquit is undoubtedly astonished that anyone should worry about a simple oil suit when he already got away with urging “for to change a ge nment of “ter- m... reig: blo and barbarism. Did the sniv eacher Norman Thomas separate himself from Hillquit’s position? Quite the contrary. Because he couldn't attend per- | sonally he went out of his way to send a let- | ter to this banquet fully endorsing everything that took place. How about the rest of the Socialist party? Algernon Lee presided. And the New Leader carried detailed stories with glow- ing accounts of the glorious doings. Every im- portant member of the National Committee of the Socialist party was either present or sent supporting messages. Abramovitch was not to be outdone by Hill- quit. On one occasion he let the cat out of the bag when he said: The Labor and Socialist (2nd) International will not cease from attacking this system (U. S.S.R.) until the chains have been broken and freed the victims of the cruel terror which has lasted in the Soviet Union for 12 years and is now tending towards a new climax. There is the whole coterie—the Second Inter- national, the American Socialist party, with its National Committee, the alleged left wing of the Socialist party, all represented respectively by Abramovitch, by Hillquit-Lee-New Leader, and by Norman Thomas. Both Hillquit and Abramovitch were even more outspoken on other occasions. In June 1929 Owen D. Young had just returned from in- flicting the infamous Young Plan, which even the imperialists subsequently suspended and which was aimed at lining Germany up in the anti-Soviet front. Hillquit sent a wire to the | then N. Y. Telegram in which he publicly con- gratulated Mr. Young on his good work. The following is the text: * Mr. Young has rendered signal service in international relations conducive to peace and good will among nations. I believe that per- sons who perform such public services should be honored by their fellow citizens. Only a few months before the Russian Men- sheviks were caught at their sabotage in the Soviet Union and at the very moment which | the prisoners later declared intervention headed | by Poincare and Hoover was being organized, Abramovitch again loosened his boasting tongue. In January, 1730, while soliciting funds for an illegal paper to smuggle into the Soviet Union (the Forward alone gave him $10,000 for this) he declared: The next year or so will bring great sur- prises to those people who have become per- suaded that the Bolsheviks will remain in power forever. (To Be Concluded) oe the Miners INCE the beginning of 1931, strikes of miners have followed one another in America. The attacks of the employers are met with still greater resistance by the workers. Stimulated through the permanent betrayal of the reform- ist union officials, the American coal owners try to worsen the miserable conditions of the min- ers, While the daily wage of a miner amounted two years ago to 6 dollars, the miners are re- quired now to work for $1.50 daily. As the working week is 2 or 3 days, that means simply starvation wages. Under the leadership of our revolutionary union (National Miners’ Union) 8,000 miners of Pennsylvania struck work on May 1, The strike rapidly spread into Ohio, Northern West Vir- ginia and Kentucky. Presently, despite the uni- ted activities of the local, state and national Government, the reformist union and the em- ployers, 40,000 miners are standing out With help of machine-guns, shells and tear gasses against the picket lines and demonstra- tions of strikers, they are trying to h the strike. Two miners have been killed, indreds wounded, more than 1,200 jailed. In Kentucky, 32 miners are held on charges of murder, All miners are living in company-owned fhouses, and the employers are evicting them. in All Countri formist union lost every influence among the miners. The State Government and the em- Ployers are leading a vigorous campaign for the revival of the reformist union. The Presi- dent Hoover and the Governor of Pennsylvania called together the employers and the union of- ficials. They signed a number of contracts with the employers in the name of the miners who are striking under the leadership of our union. One of these contracts accepts a wage of 30 cents per ton of output, where before the strike 37 cents were paid. But the American miners gave the only possible answer, they spread the strike. Until now no terror was able to smash it. Up to date, 10,000 white and Negro miners joined the red union. But with the spreading and sharpening of the strike, the wave of ter- ror is growing and all counter-revolutionary forces are joining in order to smash this he- roical fight, For this reason it is the duty of the miner: of all countri to tender all forces in ot to help this strike. The fight of the American workers is a fight of the miners of all the world. Would the American coal owners succeed in smashing this strike, the employers in all coun- tries would try to use the same methods, as they th Street, New York, N. ¥. , at 50 East YAIWORK.” Daily.. orker’ nist Porty USA SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mai: everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, $8; six months, $4.50. BOSS TERROR INCREASIN G BUT SO IS THE STRUGGLE OF THE WORKERS 9 ©” SUSCK_ By A. PETERSON. HE financial report of the New York Carpen- ters District Council speaks for itself. It starts with the following totals: From July 1, 1930, to June 30, 1931, inclusive, ow hand and in bank June 30, 1930, $17,577.98. Receipts from July 1, 1930, to June 30, 1931, $104,170.64; thus making a total of $121,748.62. Disbursements from July 1, 1930, to June 30, 1931, $112,930.24; thus leaving $8,818.38 in the treasury. A drop in the treasury in one year from a balance of $17,577.98 to $8,818.38, surely means a fast step to a complete financial ruin. The certi- fied public accountant signed it as a true state- ment, which means that so much money was really supposed to have been spent and conse- quently this is the balance, “But,” protested a Scotchman at the meeting in my local union, “Where the hell could they spend $112,930.24? Let us see it!” The recording secretary, an expert in maneuvering, out-maneu- vered the reading of the full report on the ground that a financial statement of 16 pages is too long to be read at a local meeting. And the Scotchman is still puzzled how so much money could be spent. I have procured this 16 page finance report. Some extractions from it are enough to reveal to the reader the high-way robbery of a union treasu a remark concerning the source of the t council's income receipts: It is a per capita tax from the local unions, 5 per cent from the high initiation fee for new members, income from fines (fines on union members). Now, where was so much money really spent— to help the members who cannot pay the dues and are dropped from the membership books or to help the unemployed? Not at all! The only expenses of this kind are $10 for the unemployed actors, a donation of $50 for the Madonna House, a few other small donations that constitute an unimportant fraction of the expenses. The main expenses that drained the treasury are salaries, committee expenses and miscellaneous expenses, which make up a total of $86,990.63. Let us start with some of these miscellaneous expenses. They are quite characteristic. We have on page 15 the following: “Queens Motor Car Co. Automobile for prest- dent of district council—$3,115.00.” It should be noted that the duties of this pres- ident are inside office duties and the office of the district council is located at 130 Madison Ave., New York. We have on page 16: “Strike pay, picket duty—$12,584.05.” Can any building trade worker or any dweller of New York and vicinity tell us about any strike or lock-out for the last year among the carpen- ters in New York that could involve the union in some strike pay or picket duty expense? It is true that in some shops there were two to three day stoppages from work where matters were adjusted to the satisfaction of me bosses. But nobody can claim that it involved the unfon in any expense. Back to page 15: “Presentation of scarf pin to John Halkett- $425.00.” The only reason why Halkett should get a present from the union and such an expensive one in such hard times, is, maybe, because of his championship in corrup.2n, and in this re- lang, Belgium, Czecho-Slovakia, Poland and the other countries. Take position in all pits on ‘the fight of the American miners and on the conditions in your pits. ‘The smallest strike, for the most ele- mentary daily demands means active help to the American miners. But at the same time it is necessary to help materially this heroical fight. 40,000 miners and their families are not only starving, but are also houseless, having been evicted. Miners in all countries! Give your mite and help the American workers succeed! The best supply for the fighting miners in - America is the organization of the fight for your own demands. Link up the action of solid- arity for the fighting miners in America, with the fight against wage cut, against mass dis- missals, for wage increase and improvement of your conditions! spect he is really notorious among the union membership. “Samuel E. Wilson, upkeep for car for six months—$500.00."" We may think that Wilson could reach the few union shops in Manhattan and Brooklyn by spending 10 cents car fare. The workers in these so-called union shops know from experience that Wilson's visit to the boss’s office 1s surely not for the benefit of the workers. But these bosses know why Wilson needs the car. The agreed amount of graft is supposed to be forgotten by the boss under the seat in the car and Wilson is supposed to find it there. “Charles W. Hanson, upkeep of car for six months—$500.00,” “Auto hire (for whom?) $260.00.” “H. G. Cozzens, procuring evidence on sub- ways—$400.00.” “Louis V. H. Albers, steno at hearings on sub- way matter—$166.70.” These subway matters are in relation to the prevailing rates of wages which carpenters are supposed to get on city and state construction jobs—matters on which our so-called labor friend Sullivan previously took thousands of dol- lars to fight it out and declwyed himself power- Jess when the union treasury was unable to pour more thousands into his pocket. As far as the prevailing rates of wages are con- cerned the union carpenters are not getting them. Not on subway work, not on the bridge construction work, and there are no expectations whatsoever that the carpenters will get it under these circumstances. Tammany administration of the city has to fool the workers in order to get their votes on election day. The city job The Fine Art of Robbing An A. F. of. L. Treasury contractors are good Tammany politicians. The labor fakers in the carpenters’ union are Tam- many men and the good legal advisers who are taking money from the carpenters union trea- sury are also Tammany men: One and the same family. “Phillips, Mahoney, Teibell and Fielding, legal expenses—$9,274.81.”” “Legal expenses—$1,015.00.” “Prof. I. Maurice Wormser, legal services— $1,500.00.” “Frederick L. Hackenberg, $3,100.00.” There are some more items of legal services and can some one explain to us the reasons for all these legal expenses? And so it goes, solid items of miscellaneous ex- penses that have only one explanation—“They were spent and that is all.” ‘The salaries of the officials of the district council make up a total of $28,645.00. Committee expenses—$5,905.00. Also there are such expenses as 600 dollar bills for delegations, etc. The financial reports from the general office and in the reactionary local unions resemble the report of the New York district council. Some local unions are running their budget at such an alarming deficit that they cannot pay their per capita tax and the good standing of their mem- bers is endangered. The rank and file membership will have to take matters in their own hands, co-ordinate their left-wing forces, build the TUUL groups in the local union and under the leadership of the Carpenters Section of the TUUL, to fight their common enemies—the labor fakers and the bosses. legal services— Why We Must Build the Workers International Relief By J. STACHEL IN the recent months there have been numer- ous strikes against wage cuts and the worsen- ing of the conditions of the workers, ‘There were more workers on strike in the first seven months of this year than in the entire year of 1930. In fact the number of workers on strike this year already exceeds 200,000, while the total number on strike for the entire year 1930 was about 150,000. This shows that the workers are now more readily entering the struggle against the offensive of the bosses. The number of strikes are increasing despite the increasing un- employment. There is every indication that these struggles will increase and involve larger masses of workers in many industries. Thus far most of the strikes have been in the textile, mining, and needle trades, with smaller ‘strikes of the building, marine and agricultural workers. In the course of the strikes in the last few months we have learned many valuable lessons. Much has already been written about these les- sons and much more can, must and will be written. It is in the study of the lessons of these strikes that we will be in a better position to learn how to prepare and develop bigger struggles. It is not the aim of this article to deal with these lessons. Here I wish to deal with only one of the lessons—the question of relief in strikes, What have the recent strikes shown? They have shown that at the present time when workers go on strike they are in need of relief almost the very week that they enter the strug- gle. There are even cases when relief must be given the day of the strike, This is due to the fact that the workers’ wages have been red- uced. There is part time work for even those who are classified as employed. And added to this is the fact that the workers in the company town hardly receive any money so that they are compelled to rely upon relief the moment they go on strike. Thus the question of relief as- sumes an importance far greater than in previ- ous struggles. There are many who believe that, just because this is a period of deep crisis, it is impossible to give relief during strikes; that it is more difficult if not impossible to collect relief. This ‘The International Miners’ Committee. has been proved wrong by the recent experien- stricken, share their last bit with those workers on strike. The response has been excellent from the workers who have been reached. The steel workers, working part time and suffering starvation themselves, have shown an excellent demonstration of solidarity with the miners. While the workers can not give as much as they could before the present wage cuts and part time employment, they are giving more proportionately. They are making greater sac- rifices. And for every one that gave in the past there are many that are ready to give now. Because the workers recognize more and more the necessity of struggle and solidarity. But the recent experiences in the collection of relief have demonstrated the necessity of organiza- tion of the relief campaigns at the present time. An outstanding lesson of the recent strikes has been the necessity of a permanent relief organization. First of all the fact that the workers need relief the moment they enter the struggle, and secondly, the simultaneous strikes in different industries, makes necessary that there be a permanent relief organization. Other-. wise there is much time lost in building the relief machinery. And also there develop many campaigns side by side for the different strikes which not only creates confusion but also in- volves a great loss of energy and duplication of overhead expenses. Here can be clearly seen the necessity of building a permanent relief organ- ization. . But there already eyists such an organization —the Workers International Relief. This organ- ization has existed for many years. It has par- ticipated in many strikes of miners, textile workers and workers in other industries. It has a record of workingclass service that extends not only to the solidarity of the workers in this country but also internationally. The WI R played a leading roie in the Gastonia strike. It is today participating in the relief activities of the miners and the textile workers. The Work- ers International Relief performed a great ser- vice to the workers when it helped in the or- ganization and the feeding of the hunger mar- chers in about a dozen states during the winter and spring. ‘We have now reached the stage when the Workers International Relief activities must be Tt must become the relief or- The Coal Terror in Pennsylvania By ROBERT CRUDEN. [= same ruling class terror which put Sacco and Vanzetti to death is today attempting to shoot and starve into submission the forty thou- sand miners and their families on strike in Ohio and Pennsylvania. On August 22, the anniver- sary of Sacco and Vanzetti, workers the world over will protest the terror of the bosses. In Pennsylvania the deputies and coal and iron police, protected by state troopers, have al- ready killed two and wounded over fifty strikers. The killing of one striker, Peter Zigarec, was accompanied with almost unbelievable brutality. He was shot down when deputies at the Wild- wood mine of the Butler Consolidated Coal Com- pany opened fire on a group of pickets. As the men rushed for cover they were ruthlessly shot down. Zigarec, shot in the stomach, was left in the road, writhing in agony, while the deputies refused even to give him water. A young striker, shot in the head, was dragged into a house by a comrade and immediately a deputy threw a tear gas bomb into the room where the wounded striker lay. It was not until 15 minutes after the shooting had stopped that newspaper men suc- ceeded in having the wounded men taken toa hos- pital—and then they were taken in a five-ton dump truck! Zigarec died on the way. Mike Phillipovich, a storekeeper who was sym- pathetic to the strikers, was shot down when deputies, acting under orders from a mine super- intendent at Arnold City, fired into a group of pickets gathered in front of his store. Four min- ers were seriously wounded but Phillipovich was shot dead—we counted fourteen bullet holes in the wall before which he had been standing! Miners told us that he had been deliberately picked off because of his strike activities. The list of wounded is a long-one. Let it suf- fice to mention Joseph Vargo, 16 years old, shot by a deputy and then shot in the chest by the same man when he was on the ground; Joe Thornton, doing strike work in Greene County, dragged from his car and blackjacked, and shot in the lungs when he attempted to escape. three pickets shot at the Kinloch mine and left bleed- ing on the road while deputies called for state police to help them drive back the pickets! The state police, “Cossacks”, have been ren- dering yeoman service to the coal barons. At the Westland mine of the Pittsburgh Coal Com- pany they attacked a picket line and injured a score of strikers. When the deputies shot the miners at Wildwood they were not present but they were present when the deputies, without warrants, raided the homes* cf miners and smashed furniture and arrested those they found at home. The state police mounted guard when the deputies arrested 46 strikers for “rtoting” at Wildwood. When the deputies gassed and clubbed pickets at the Ellsworth mine the state police refused to “ingerfere” but when pickets tried to prevent a deputy from*slugging a Negro picket at the Mollenauer mine the state troopers maintained “order” by rushing the picket line and arresting the Negro! Liberty in the mine villages. is non-existent. Richeyville, owned by the Vesta Coal Company, is barricaded with a wooden fence topped with barbed wire. To get in or out of this “patch” you must have company permission and must convince an armed guard that you have busi- ness in the village. In this village men are be- ing forced to work at gun-point, as they are in the Kinloch mine and at the Crescent mine of the Mellon-owned Pittsburgh Coal Company. Strikers who managed to get out when the strike! began have been unable to get back to their families, who are held prisoners in the patch. Meetings in the mine villages are impossible. The distributor of union propaganda does it at the risk of his life. The Pittsburgh Coal Co., for example, has mounted machine guns at its Crescent mine and dared strangers to enter the village—and compelled workers and their fami- lies to stay in! And in this they are backed by the law—the villages are on company property and anyone there without permission from the company is trespassing and liable to a prison sentence. In spite of this the miners and their families are holding out, waging a daily battle against bullets and hunger. Four years after the legal murder of Sacco and Vanzetti, when workers will demonstrate and protest on August 22, the terror of the ruling class, the miners of Pennsyl- vania and Ohio send to the world working class the message of these martyrs of the American proletariat. “Treasure our suffering, our sorrow, our mistakes, our defeats, our passion for future battles and for the great emancipation.” Uncover Starvation and Misery The capitalist press, the agents of the ruling class has been publishing less and less news about unemployment. It hides the starvation of the unemployed workers’ families. We must constantly expose the miserable treatment of families of the unemployed by the city governments and charity institutions. We must uncover all cases of starvation, un- dernourishment, sickness. We must pub- lish these cases in our press, in the ‘ Daily Worker, in Labor Unity, tell them at all workers’ meetings. Un- employed Councils should publish bulletins to inform all workers of the starvation and misery of the unemployed, in the coming struggles. To achieve this the Workers International Relief is calling a con- ference to take place on August 29 and 30 in Pittsburgh, the very heart of the miners strike. This conference must receive the support of all workers and all workers’ organizations—unions, fraternal organizations, cooperatives, literary or- ganizations, etc, The TUUL unions and leagues must be in front ranks in the building up of the conference and the work of the WIR. FIGHT STEADILY FOR’ RELIEF! Organize Unemployed Councils to Fight for Unemployment Relief. Organize the Employed Workers Into Fighting Unions. Mobilize the Employed and Unemployed for Common Strug- gles Under the Leade: