The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 19, 1931, Page 4

13th Street, Address and Page Four SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, By mali everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and $8; six months, $4.50. The Lessons of Aug. and the Next Tasks By JOHN WILLIAMSON "THE ever ere three Lot our c police in the course of r is, and the Party and Un- d in 110,000 te together, coming out at the funeral parade dem ment insurance, kers, and support cative of this ployment and star- © this bour- unity of wh of the C Party, r of un eeks prior both editc and car- etc., hi been talking about the his coming winter, since unem- zed even by them, as not di- ‘it and determin n white and Negr mass outpouring on more than before the August 3rd. The action of workers on August 3 Was not purely spontaneous, and separated from the Party. The activities led by the Communist cent months, such as the February 10 demonstration on the South Side; the delega- tion to the City Council of white and Negro on Ja 12; the Hunger march to Springfield; the Scottsboro campaign with sev- en new LSNR 51 s on the South Side, all laid the foundations for August 3, From July 18 —the time of the District Plenum, additional attention has been given to work among the un- employed by the Section Committee and only two days before our comrades were murdered, 5,000 Negro workers, many of them marching all the way from the South Side, pated in the Anti-War Demonstrations of August 1. For fully three weeks prior to August 3, Un- employed C: 1 Branch No. 4 was becoming a Background of factor on the South Side. It mobilized daily hundreds to thousands to prevent, not one, but three, four and five ons of workers. Through thes: primarily against evictions, it fast became known throughout the West Side. On the day of August 3, Unemployed Council Branch No. 4 had already mobilized kers to prevent three evictions that day and 72-year-old Mrs. Diana Gross, was tion case. Five hundred workers , had already returned all the when the relays of police fired into furniture. the crowd, killing our comrades as they retreated before the firing guns. The workers showed jlitancy and fought hand to hand with the police roused b} es of three successive weeks, the real es s, with representa- tives of the NAACP, Chicago Defender, and the state attorney's office had held conferences the previous week, and called upon the police to take drastic action to stop the activities of the Un- employed Council. Thus the murder of our comrades was planned, and responsibility for the murders lies on the City Hall and’ the boss class. How Bourgeoisie Met Situation. Oa the night of the murders, Acting Mayor Sexton already had conferences with the petty- bourgeoisie among the Negroes—the real estate , lawyers, ministers, and also the Negro Beginning the next day and continuing as this is written, the bourgeoisie follow a double policy of (1) Giving promises to the unemployed—stating there will be no evictions for a few weeks— promising to raise thirteen million dollars through taxing the employed—empty talk of a luxury tax (a la Roosevelt)—creating fake “Workers Unemployment Committees” with So- cialist Party, Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, etc., represented—conferences with this fake committee and other liberals; all aimed at trying to fool the unemployed and separate them from the leadership of the Com- munist Party and the Unemployed Council. (2) Calling for drastic measures and terror against the Communist Party, talking about the situation being the same as a national emer- gency—stating: “It’s open season to shoot vul- tures (Communists) any time”, etc.—trying to terrorize the workers with talk of jail, deporta- tion, shooting, etc. Within half an hour after the murders of our comrades, the district leadership was on the job. That same night leaflets were written so that 50,000 leaflets in the name of the Party appeared among the workers the next day. This was fol- lowed up by securing witnesses to the massacre by police, and interviewing relatives of dead comrades. Speakers addressed the thousands who gathered nightly at Washington Park, and dozens of street meetings were held throughout the city. An additional 75,000 funeral leaflets were distributed, as well as 20,000 each by the LSNR and Unemployed Council. A delegation of representatives working class organizations also visited the City Hall with a resolution em- bodying our demands, which was promptly re- jected by the acting mayor. During this entire period, despite the mobil- ization of 1,500 police on the South Side and the press trying to whip up sentiment against the “Reds” and terrorizing of workers, all our work- ing class organizations and the Party continued to function. Through the proper mobilization, our leaflets and meetings reached hundreds of thousands of workers, The Answer of the Workers, The sentiment of the workers was already seen the night of the murders when 10,000 gathered spontaneously in mass meeting. Night after night Party speakers on this same spot addressed between 5,000 to 7,000 workers. On Friday, when the bodies were finally secured and placed in state, thousands of workers poured through the hall to pay their tribute to our dead fighters. On Saturday, August 8, the day of the funeral, thousands of workers had already gathered at noon and fully two hours before the funeral pa- rade was to start, workers were lined up with their banners for three blocks on State St. The funeral parade, which was transformed into a mighty militant demonstration, had 60,000 work- ers in it, fully 40 per cent of whom were white. It took possession of the streets, stopped all traffic, despite the attempts of police with Com- missioner Alcock present, to push them to the side and allow street cars to pass, In addition to these 60,000 workers, another 50,000 lined the sidewalks and windows, cheering lo. 1!". The pa- rece did not limit itself to the * territory, but went through the adjoinir. waite territory —a place where the fateful 1919 race riots Started. = | story. nificance of this—the largest demon- stration in the history of the Communist Pa: in Chicago—w doublefold because it was pre- cisely on the issue of unity of white and Negro ed with the struggle for unemploy- nce and against evictions and terror sed this tremendous turnout of workers. unity of white and Negro workers found expression in dozens of small incidents, all veri- fying the understanding of class solidarity and overcoming of the artificially created race bar- riers. Negro and white marched arm in arm. Once in the white te: y, white workers were seen bringing water to the thirsty marchers. Bottles passed from mouth to mouth of Negro and white workers alike. All were united. New slogans sprang spontaneously from the crowd such as “No Work—No Rent” and were chanted down the street. And above all, the Communist Party received louder applause and more cheer- ing than any other organization, a proof of the fact that the Pa 's role was recognized. More than 2,000 workers filled out cards for the Un- empl , and 500 for the Communist Party on that day. The next day another 500 workers filled out Unemployment Council ap- plications at the South Side Workers Center. Let us contrast August 8 with February 10— just exactly six months later. On February 10 through the Unemployed Council demonstration, we entered the South Side for the first time in an organized body. We marched part of the same route as‘on August 8. But what a different On February 10 there was one Negro worker for every twenty white workers. The Negro masses looked with skepticism and some with hesitation and indifference. But during these six months we had become known through participation in struggle alongside of them. This brought the vast difference between February 10 and August 8 Role of Liberals. The Party leadership had no illusions about the role of the liberals. But in connection with the sending of our workers’ delegation to the acting mayor, representing the TUUL unions, the Party, Unemployed Council, LSNR, ILD, and other mass organizations, some liberals were invited to go al At a preceding meeting, when the U. C. statement was submitted, everyone of them, except one, ran away. Some made ex- cuses—others stated they could never agree to sign a document like that. the facts (he was a lawyer) although none dis- Another sky pilot thought that instead of shoot- ing it would have been all right to use tear gas bombs. It was then proposed that they organ- ize their own delegation on the basis of three elementary demands, which the hearts and souls of any “dear” liberal should have stomached, such as: (D) Immediate release of all arrested workers, (2) Withdrawal of 1,500 police from the South Side. (3) Hold criminally responsible those who were responsible for shooting the workers But even this weak liberal program was rejected by thse self-styled representatives of Chicago's liberals. They exposed themselves openly and fled from us as if we were poison. Today they find their place on various advisory committees of Mayor Cermak and endorsing all his plans. Weaknesses of Party During August 3rd. The one outstanding political mistake made by the Party on the first day, which was quickly corrected by the help of the Central Committee, was the wording of one of our main slogans: “Arrest of Lieutenant Hardy and policemen who shot the workers, demanding death penalty for the murderers.” This formulation completely overlooked the planned character of the mur- ders, as already referred to above ,at the meet- ing of real estate sharks, etc., who instructed the police to use more drastic measures. In the leaflet, reference was made to the general res- sponsibility of the City Hall, but omitted in the slogans. This formulation of the slogan did not place the criminal responsibility on the city gov- ernment, on Cermak and Alcock, but only on the policemen who did the murdering at the behest of their bosses. Other weaknesses manifested themselves in the failure to spread a mass movement of strug- gle to other parts of the city that same week; although meetings were held with speakers from the South Side, insufficient organizing of forces to recruit members or sell the Daily Worker, and complete absence of the Liberator. A grave shortcoming was revealed in the in- capacity of the section leadership to handle the situation. It was lost in the waves of the mass movement. To overcome this, it was necessary to reorganize the section leadership, with as- sistance of leading comrades and additional forces from all other sections. Our Next Tasks. The funeral is not the climax of our activities, It must only be the starting point... With this in mind, the following tasks have been set and are already in the course of being carried out: () Issuance and distribution of 50,000 leaf- lets in the name of the Party during the week of August 9th explaining events of August 3rd- 8th. (2) Emergency conference on Sunday, August 16th, called by the Unemployed Council to select mass delegation to Governor Emmerson’s Commission which has been called into spe- cial session. (3) Calling of a Cook County mass conference on September 13th by the Unemployed Council for Unemployment Insurance and against po- lice terror. The call for this conference is not only being sent to organizations but a mass distribution of 50,000 copies is taking place Continuing to develop struggles in all parts of the city against evictions, shutting off gas and light; taking up specific outstanding cases as examples to develop struggles against local authorities; developing struggles around local issues, such as occurred this week in stock- yards territory against installation of new water meters. (5) Following up Cook County Conference on September 13th with a Cook County Hunger March. (6) Utilizing this to develop movement in fac- tories, particularly stockyards, with objective of strengthening unions and leagues of TUUL. (7) Combatting energetically the work of the reformists and Negro fakers. Warning that while DePriest, Roberts and Jackson may be uncovered and discredited, the bourgeoisie will bring forward new misleaders. (8) Building Daily Worker with objective of sale of 2,000 daily on South Side. (9) Improving agitation work of Party among masses, To issue 50,000 ieaflets every two oy Chicago: ee One was not sure of | puted that three men were shot dead by police. | By BURCK By FRANK SPECTOR. Editor’s Note:—Com. Frank Spector, the writer of this article, is one of the eight Im- erial Valley prisoners. He was released from san Quentin July 14 after serving 13 months. He is now being toured by the I. L. D. in con- nection with the campaign for repeal of sedi- tion laws and the release of the remaining seven Imperial Valley prisoners, as well as Mooney and Billings, eo 8 6 i aged fourth anniversary of the murder of Sacco and Vanzetti takes place in the per- iod of raging boss-terror. The bosses murdered | these two Italian workers because they were loyal fighters for their class. Since the days of | Sacco and Vanzetti the bosses have raised their terror against the toilers to the wholesale scale. The masters answer workers’ demonstrations for bread and work with murder, clubs, gas- bombs and jail. In walkouts of workers against wage cuts and speed-up the bosses use the entire government apparatus—from “‘Sec’y. of Deportations” Doak, down to the last con- stable—to break the strikes. The leadership of the A. F. of L. and the socialist party, and the fake “lefts” of the Muste type are crawling out of their hides to outdo one another in aiding the master to grind the worker and beat down his living conditions. The fourth anniversary of the death of Sacco and Vanzetti falls on the date near when all the seven Imperial Valley prisoners will be lined up before the “august” body—the California State Prison Board—to listen to the financial sen- tences being fixed. In the meantime the work- ers, set in motion by the ILD, are determined to wrest the seven prisoners from the clutches of the California bosses—a vicious outfit that keeps Mooney and Billings for now 15 years. It is the persistent hammering of the work- ers’ protests that forced the bosses to beat a retreat. On May 27th the California Appellate Court announced its decision upon the appeal from the conviction, handed down by an Amer- ican Legion judge serving the fruit and vege- table trust in El Centro, The decision reduced the sentences of 42 years maximum to 14 years maximum on Sklar, Horiuchi, Erickson, Emery and Roxas, and reversed completely the convic- tion of Frank Spector, whose presence in the valley the paid stools could not prove during the trial. Orozco and Herrera, the two Latin- American workers, were not included in the ap- peal. They lost their right to appeal as a re- sult of trickery by the Valley judge and im- migration bulls. The friends of the two workers prevailed upon them after the trial to apply for probation. This they did and thereby lost their right to appeal. The judge, for appearances’ sake, granted probation with the condition of deportation. They were kept in the inferno- like El Centro jail for over three months and then shipped to San Quentin, where they now face 28 years maximum. The I. L. D. is now fighting to recover these workers’ right to appeal. ‘The May 27 decision of the California bosses’ court represents an important, though partial victory for the working class. This victory must be recorded definitely as the outcome of mass pressure of workers under the leadership of the I. L. D. Still more pressure—more pro- tests, more demonstrations, more meetings in move of the bosses and reformists to workers. Particular attention to winning Negro workers from republican party influence and against demagogy of democratic party. (10) Recruiting workers and building Party and all mass organizations. The main em- phasis is laid on mass recruiting for the branches of the U. C. and secondly, for the Communist Party. Towards this end, the Dis- trict Buro has amended the Plenum decision to “double Party membership in District 8 by Lenin Memorial,” to “double Party membership in Chicago by November 7th, and balance of District by Lenin Memorial.” In carrying through these tasks we will be guided by the District Plenum resolution, which states: “Starting with the District Plenum self- criticism must be applied to all Party organiza- tions and correct improving of our work, elim- inating all elements of opportunsim, indiffer- ence, inactivity, having faith in the masses, and shops, factories, halls, on street corners—would have doubtless resulted in a yet more complete victory. That the eight Imperial Valley prisoners were in danger of being buried alive—for 42 and 28 years—is clearly seen from the vicious “recom- mendations” sent by the judge and the prosecu- tor to the Prison Board, to “guide” itself with in the fixing of the final sentences. It is a prevailing custom in the state that the trial judge and the prosecution make “suggestions” for final sentences of their defendants. In the Imperial Valley case this custom was utilized by the bosses to convey their ordet to the prison board—and this was done with © vengeance! In part the “recommendations” of the Imperial County Court say as follows: “The evidence shows that definite plans had been made by them (the valley prison- ers) for the purpose of calling a strike at the beginning of the cantaloupe season in Imper- ial County, and organizing an armed defense squad for the purpose of ‘defending them- selves against the officers of the army, and repulsing any attacks of the local officers, state militia or army of the United States.” The bosses’ flunkey lets the cat out of the bag. He now verifies the accuracy of the work- ing class estimation of the Imperial Valley case which states that the case was framed by the valley bosses to prevent the workers from striking. For these “ghastly” intentions—to strike and to prepare workers’ defense squads— the court makes the following “gentle recom- mendations”: “The Gourt considers them (the valley pris- oners) of no use or benefit whe*ever, but on the contrary a decided menace ar: detriment to society and civilization in gencral; that under the circumstances any prison term less than life for each defendant is quite mod- erate. It is therefore recommended and urged by the court that the defendants be impris- oned for the maximum time provided by law.” (Emphasis nine—F. S.) Frame-Up Pamphlet for Sacco Vanzetti Day ‘The frame-up system, a part of the insti- tution of capitalism in the United States, comes to the fore in the mobilization of the workers on August 22, Sacco-Vanzetti day. On that day tens of thousands of workers will be gath- ered in meetings to commemorate the mar- tyrdom of these two rebel spirits who were framed by the capitalist government. ‘These tens of thousands of workers, many of them strikers and new to the revolutionary movement, should read a simple, brief story of the frame-up system and especially the story of Sacco and Vanzetii. This is contained in the splendid pamphlet by Comrade Vern Smith, called The Frame-Up System, prepared under the auspices of the Labor Research Associa- tion and issued as No. 8 of the International Pamphlets, seliing for ten cents each. This is one of the best of this series of pamphlets. The chief cases Comrade Smith describes are The Molly Maguires, the Moyer- Haywood-Pettibone trial, the Tawrence strike case, Joe Hill, Mooney and Billings, Sacco and Vanzetti, and Grecco and Carillo. Comrade Smith’s study leads to the conclusion that “in each case the capitalists use all of the tricks learned in preceding cases, and invariably spring something new.” He declares that “the workers’ chief advantage isin widespread pub- licity which frightens away the perjurers and prevents labor members of the jury from be- ing easily beaten into line.” And winning the first trial, he points out, is the most important. thing. “It makes all the difference in the world between going free like Grecco and Car- illo, or dying, even after seven years of strug- gle, like Sacco and Vanzetti.” Comrade Smith’s pamphlet should have the widest circulation, especially among the new fresh groups of striking workers on August 22. It is a pamphlet just suited for distribution and reading on this day. Any worker may receive this pamphlet by sending 10c to Work- ers Library Publishers, P.O. Box 148, Station D., New York City. Unit, Section and District literature agents should not fail to get their supply immediately in the regular manner for sale at the demonstrations on August 22, Sacco and Vanzetti, 1927-Imperial Valley, 1931 These “recommendations” are not mere “urg- ing” of overzealous flunkeys. They represent the original “order” issued by the Los Angeles Chambers of Commerce—the state’s ruling pow- ers. For the State Prison these “recommenda- tions” are instructions which they can do no less than carry out, if not checked by workers’ protest. This proves to the working class in a most convineing fashion that the capitalist courts are but “blinds” behind which is hidden the mailed fist of the boss-class. The pressure of workers’ protests forced the California bosses to retreat from their original intentions to. bury our comrades alive—as they have buried Mooney and Billings, J. B. Mc- Namara, and others. They were forced to re- duce the maximum sentences from 42 years to 14 years on five workers and release, completely, Frank Spector. On August 5 the Prison Board has already called in Erickson, Roxas and Emery. However, they were postponed for the latter part of September when the entire group of seven «fll appear before the Prison Board for the final sentences. ‘The nc v remaining short period—till end of Septembe—must see the strongest drive to ob- tain the complete freedom for our seven com- rades. This to be linked-up with the fight for the release of Mooney and Billings, Scottsboro boys, and general amnesty. Backed by the strength of workers’ protests the ILD is going ahead with the last legal stage—appeal to the U. S. Supreme Court, de- manding that the last remaining count, carry- ing 14 years, be thrown out, Alongside with this drive the ILD in Cali- fornia is now carrying on a mass united-front campaign to repeal the .Criminal Syndicalist law. It is the goal of the recently organized state-wide anti-C. S. law conference, now em- bracing many working class organizations, in- cluding dozens of A. F. of L, locals, to obtain by December ist 125,000 signatures of regis- tered voters so that the question of repeal of this vicious boss-law be placed upon the 1932 ballot for a referendum. This is a huge task and must receive the support of workers not only of California but also of the entire coun- try. A blow at the California C. S. law spells a blow to every sedition law in all other states where such exist. The Communist Party who bears the brunt of the bosses’ terror has initiated and inspired the campaign for the repeal of the C. S. law and has placed this as one of the chief tasks for its California district. Such campaign sets into motion masses of toilers and by its very process serves notice upon the masters that the workers will not tolerate attempts to drive the Communist Party and other revolutionary or- ganizations underground and the jailing of mili- tant workers. The existence of the C. S. and other sedition laws is a sword that hangs on thin thread over the head of every worker and his organization. Its existence makes possible the crushing of every attempt of workers to fight against their wretched conditions. The fight to repeal the C. S. law is inseparably bound up with the fight for the release of the Imperial Valley prisoners—victims of that law. Let August 22nd, the anniversary of the death of Sacco and Vanzetti, be the day when the workers will demonstrate and demand the im- mediate unconditional release of the seven val- ley workers, Mooney and Billings and all other class fighters and the repeal of all sedition laws. The Imperial Valley c°-* must be one of the chief issues raised in all Aug. 22 demonstrations and meetings. The I. L. D. points to the immediate necessity on the part of every workers’ union and fra- ternal organization and all the sympathetic groups, and their memberships individually, to at once wire to Gov. James Rolph, Sacramento, Calif., and to the California State Prison Board, San Quentin, California, demanding the re- lease of the Imperial Valley prisoners and the repeal of the Criminal Syndicalism law. Mass pressure is the only effective weapon in the hands of workers for the release of their mili- tants. Let further mass pressure compel the opening of the prison gates for the Imperial Valley prisoners, Mooney and Billings, Scotts- boro workers and every other militant behind prison walls today. Forward to August 22nd— the day of working class homage to our dead fighters, Sacco and Vaneetti, and the day of = = ———— . Social Demagogy . . in Chicago By STEVE RUBICKI. Ye discussing the militant demonstrations of the unemployed workers of Chicago under the leadership of the Unemployed Coun- cil, Graham Taylor, an editorial writer of the Chicago Daily News, exclaims: “Late as it is, would not such demonstrations be very desirable if held by the Chicago Federa- tion of Labor—.” In other words, the Chicago finance capitalists through their papers call upon the American Federation of Labor to pre- vent the masses from following the leadership of the revolutionary workers and to mislead them into their harmless channels. Obeying its master’s voice, the leadership of the Chicago Federation of Labor is busy on the job to de- velop a movement through the Labor Day parade under its own leadership with the use of demagogic phrases. Fitzpatrick, Nockles, exper- ienced in the use of social-demagogy, while completely merged with, and controlled by the fascist gangster elements of the Nelson-Boylan- Building Trades leaders type, come in very handy in this connection. The Federation News, which is printing the articles of Green, Woll and others, and inciting to war against the Soviet Union, at the same time have been giving extensive publicity to the Labor Day parade, and other maneuvers to fool the workers. A hundred thousand people are expected, according to the News and the bourgeois press, to pazticinate in the first Labor Day parade s‘ice 1921, to take place in the heart of the city and to end at Soldiers Field with a big demonstivation. There is no need to say that the police, that always prevent the unem- Ployed from going into the holy business section of the loop, is fwly cooperating to make the parade which is elleged to be held against un- employment a success. For weeks and weeks full mobilization has been taking place in the local unions for this parade. Not trusting the demagogic phrases in the Labor Day Manifesto, headlines like “Big fortunes of Few Poverty of Masses,” “All Entitled to Jobs,” are in the News; all kinds of terrorization and typical A. F. of L. methods are*used to get the masses to parade. In the Journeymen Tailors’ local a mo- tion was passed by the officialdom that those who failed to participate in the parade shall be fined $2. Similar decisions are being made in the other locals. These decisions together with the following sentence in their Labor Day Manifesto “workers beware, wake up—never mind going on your fishing trips to the North Woods or any place else,” shows that the “en- thusiasm” for Labor Day is not so hot after all. This Labor Day parade is only part of the maneuvers of the Chicago Federation of Labor to disarm the workers with their social dema~ gogy. The Cook County Farmer-Labor Party was recently reorganized through the participa- tion of the “progressives” in the Chicago Fed- eration of Labor. They also called upon the American Federation of Labor not to hold its convention in Vancouver, B. C. Canada, but to come to Chicago in order to “tackle the prob- lem right on the spot.” They carried on a big agitation for this change of the convention, let- ters were supposed to be sent from local unions to the Executive Council of the A. F. of L., but they were turned down very decisively by Green and Woll, who would not violate the convention decision to meet in Canada, which is better for an A. F. L. convention in the sense of being far away from the masses, having nice cool weather and plenty of drinks besides. The A. F. L. membership are highly hit by unemployment. Eighty per cent of the Build- ing Trades workers are unemployed or working one or two days a week. Lay-offs in the trans- portation unions are on the increase. While fighting on the further maintenance of union wages, the majority of the workers are getting paid way below the scale. The fascist leader- ship is not doing a thing to improve the con- ditions of the membership. The influence of the TUUL is growing. A number of local unions have sent delegates to our various United Front Conferences and are willing to work with the revolutionary workers. This has been taking place in spite of insufficient attention to the A. F. of L. on our part. It will not be stopped by terror nor by the phrase-mongering of Fitz- patrick and Nockles, of “granaries bursting, banks loaded with money, but the workers are penniless, hungry, can’t get work and their little savings wiped out by bank failures.” What are the A. F. L. workers going to do in the face of all this? “Organized labor is not going to stend par- alyzed and do nothing,” as your Manifesto states, Mr. Fitzpatrick, but they will not be fooled by you nor by the other well-fed, grafte ing officials of the Chicago Federation of Labor, They will not fall for your left phrases, just as they won't for the terror actics of “Umbrella” Mike Boyle, Durkin, Malloy and other gangster fellow cfficials of yours. They will not partiei- pate in your parade by the tens of thousands. ‘The workers can differentiate between demon- strations and demonstrations. They saw the August 8 funeral demonstration of a hundred thousand Negro and white workers on the South Side in which the TUUL actively participated and they know that it is only through such struggles and deraonstrations that they can im- prove their conditions. ‘The TUUL culls upon all workers not to par- ticipate in this fake Labor Day parade of the Chicago Federation of Labor arranged in con- junction with the city officials and police. Those union members that are forced to participate must utilize it in order to expose this fake maneuver and take along banners and slogans that will rouse the workers to action under mili« tant leadership. The Labor Day demonstration of the Chicago workers will take place at the Labor Day picnic of the TUUL at Silver Leaf Grove, Milwaukee Ave., which will be attended by thousands of employed and unemployed, ors ganized and unorganized, Negro and white work- ers, a demonstration of unity of the workers against the bosses and their agents in the A, F, of L. FIGHT STEADILY FOR RELIEF! Sanden 98 seen Sone Ss J Organize Unemployed Councils to Fight for Unemployment Relief. Organize the Employed Workers Into Fighting Unions. Mobilize the Employed and Unemployed for Common Strag- gles Under the Leadership of ,,. t '