The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 28, 1931, Page 4

Page Two ~ f Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co, Inc. da Are the Decisions of Plenum to Remain on Paper? Concluded from yestrday’s issue.) By 0. W. KUUSINEN. better b her worse in re- are no to the strike movement ith only a few As a rule we do not yet know what r of a strike movement he independent leadership of the strike, with the utilization of the tactics of the united front from below, neither do we know how to 2 Y s of the kers for the almost i table eventuality that the reformists by their maneuvers. It is, however, ists to learn what a correct revolutionary strike tactic means. In en- only a few lowers and yet advocate a strike without mak- t effort to draw the followers of the nto it, they can even spoil the best vent This is by for a no instance, in Fran spirit of the masse but the confidence of the m: ow how to lead frequently undermined kes of our comrades a question of o ntries having to lei ss demonstra- i UNITED FRONT FROM LOW capable of drawing into these demon- fo of the rations broad masses of men and women work- . young workers, loyed, as well as workers, semi-proletarian strata. According to the XI ECCI Plenum, “this de- apart from a careful consideration of the general situation, a careful consideration of the situation and correlation of forces in the vari- ous branches of production, as well as in every enterprise, a careful consideration of all the pe- the une euliarities of the position of the various strata | of the working class, and also the application of | suitable concrete fighting methods; economic strike, short protest strike, revolutionary dem- onstration, political mass strike. this demands an energetic struggle against the Right danger, against any forms of opportunism, against a Kvostist policy, passivity and sectarianism.” In regard to the organizational reinforcement. of the Red Trade Unions and Revolutionary Op- position in the reformist trade unions, we are con: bly behind the existing possibilities in ell the capitalist countries, especially in the United States and Britain, but also in Germany, cho-Slovakia, Poland, etc. And yet, for the ation of a broad and strong counter- e‘tack of the proletariat against the capitalist offensive, a strong, organized mass basis in the form of the revolutionary trade union movement is an essential prerequisite—‘“What measures, new, important measures must be taken imme- diat in our country in this domain?”, this is one of the concrete questions which should be onsidered in every Party in connection with the ECCI decisions. “What are the best means of getting into the reformist trade unions? Is it above all by strengthening our work in the factories? But how can we really strengthen this work? Is it not, for instance, expedient to use unemployed workers who aré in synmpathy with us for the strengthening of this work? How are we to make them fit for this purpose?” etc., etc. With regard to the struggle against the bour- tatership in all its forms: The XI Ple- num icized the mistakes made in this do- main, and made it incumbent on the individual sections to develop better their fighting mcthods against the concrete forms of the bourgeois dic- tatorship and fascist movement which exists in every country. Has this already been done? Only in a very few countries I think. Neither were the directives of the Plenum for the conquest of the toiling peasant masses as allies of the pro- letariat in the struggle against bourgeois dicta- tership meant to remain on paper. The Commu- nist Party of Germany has shown 1n its pro- gramme of aid to the farmers an example of how concretely to apply the directives of the ECCI. With regard to the struggle against imperialist wars and the war of intervention against the Soviet Union: The XI Plenum emphasized the inadequate work of the Communist Parties in regard to the struggle against the direct danger of a war of intervention, and placed all the CI sections under the obligation to carry on an en- ergetic struggle for the defense of the S. U., against imperialist wars and for peace, exposing at the same time the infamous pacifist maneu- vers of the Second Social Fascist International, the most active instigator and organizer of the counter-revolutionary war against the Soviet Union.” It is also essential to expose the ma- neuvers which some of the imperialist govern- ments, and lately also the French government, are compelled to undertake. Simultaneously, the Plenum urged all the sections to struggle against intervention in, the Soviet districts of China. and also to give an impetus to anti-imperialist | done. activity and to the struggle for the winning over of the working youth, By means of facts, the XI Plenum fully dem- onstrated the counter-revolutionary role of the Intern: cial prop of the bourgeoisie in its struggle against the proletariat, and the political educa- tion t formulated by the Plenum thus “Therefore the exposure of social democracy and the Second International, the release of the toiling masses from the influence of social democ; the isolation and defeat of social democracy are the immediate and most urgent tasks of the Communist Parties. | If this does not place every C. T. Section under | the obligation to examine once more and to de- | velop further the methods of its st t | social democracy, then the convocat tional of the Eexecutive Committee of | the Cor s utterly useles | refrom was ntern The ECCI Plenum itself ady given in directives as to st the social democ: s to be conducted du preparation and di lopment of all revolution- {| activi But the Plenum has natur | left it to the individual sections to work out the | concrete forms, methods amd slogans of the | struggle in accord with the local conditions the respective countries. In Britain, for stance, the Executive of the Labour Party de- ceives large mai of workers with the “Argu- ment” that the MacDonald gove! ent I It a free hand to carry on a radical] Labour policy, because it is still a minority government, but that it is certainly better than a conservative government This is a British variety of the swindle indulged in by the German Police-, | Socialists who try to make it out to the German | workers that the Bruening government is the | “lesser evil.” This must be exposed in England in | true English fashion. In another country again in a different manner. ‘The ECCI Plenum said: “On the basis of a concrete platform of every-day demands, and means of methods intelligible to the masses, | the C. I. Sections must expose every treacherous | act of the social democrats. Wherever Commu- | nists do not develop an adequate activity in the | struggle against the Right danger within the | parties, apply mechanically the correct “class | against class” tactic without considering the stage of development of the Communist move- ment, wherever they do not apply it concretely, in accord with the special conditions of their country, and identify without reservation social fascism with fascism, the social fascist leaders with the ordinary social! democratic workers, they weaken hereby their own independent lead- ership of the class struggle and the offensive character of their struggle against the Social Democrats, and allow the latter to carry out their struggle against the social democrats, and allow the latter to carry out their sham maneu- vers against fi m, and to deceive the masses who are following them.’ Thus, the decisions of the ECCI Plenum were certainly not intended to be looked upon as a finished work of art which one hangs up and admires. On the contrary, through these deci- sions a whole series of tasks were imposed on the individual C. I. Sections with a view to their, further elaboration and concretization. This is the most important part of the work which re- mained to be done by the Sections, and which has not yet been done, But this work must be The Political Secretariat of the ECCI thinks that the Sections must be emphatically reminded of this duty. This is not a matter only for the Party ex- ecutive. The whole Party, all its organizations and members are to be drawn into the discus- sion and elaboration of the. decisions. of the ECCI Plenum. Every Party organ and every nu- cleus is to participate in the examination and concretization of these tasks. There mist be healthy comradely self-criticism regarding Party work with the object of improving it. Without such broad collective working out of the questions in the Party, the result which the Plenum of the ECCI set itself, cannot be at- tained. It goes without saying that the leading Party organs must guide, organize and control this collective consideration of the questions, dis- tribute the necessary material which {s to serve as a basis for the discussion, issue political in- structions, in order to help the lower organiza- tions to deal with the questions correctly, etc, Nothing sensible can be achieved if things are left to look after themselves. If part of what I have mentioned here has al- ready been carried out by this or that Section, its pol resolution a how the struggle reformist leaders ary ies. tional Social Democracy, as the main so- | all the better. But what has been left undone must be done immediately. Comrades, see to this everywhere with true Bolshevik energy! The result of the XI Plenum must not be allowed to go past our Parties without leaving a deeper impression. You Send the Reliet and We'll Do the Rest” (By an Ohio Miner) AM WRITING to give you the real low-down on our strike in Ohio here. I can’t write good, but I'll do my best. Since the very first day of the strike, every picket line hereabouts was clubbed and gassed by the law. And every day the law thinks it smashed our strike for good and all, and the newspapers crow that “the trouble in the Ohio strike fields is over.” But troubles there’s plenty of. Where there ain’t a strike, the miners are starving anyway, so they want our organizers to go yonder to organize them to strike against their troubles. The bosses have plenty troubles, because they ain't producing coal, and they’re going to have plenty more troubles until they quit hogging all the profits and we make them give us some of them. The law's having troubles too, because they can’t get us stubborn mules to see that starving quiet-like is being good law-abiding citizens, and no amount of shooting, clubbing, gassing and hell-raising can put a mite of sense into the heads of us strikers. Because if deciding to win a strike and fighting that way is a crime, we're all mighty tough criminals. And we strikers are having our troubles, too. But while they are bad troubles, and 1’'ll tell you all about them soon, we have a will like 1 and it can’t be broke. hold onto their money bags and arrest and beat and even kill—every one of us strikers, and all our women, down to our littlest children, we all know that it’s starvation we're fighting against—and we've got to win! Our lives depend on it! And I tell you we know we're going to win. Now about our troubles. I’ll tell you the big- gest one first—we’re awful hungry. We can stand it, but the kids and some of the women can’t. If it wasn’t for our relief committee, the Pennsylvania-Ohio Striking Miners’ Relief Committee—I don’t know what would have hap- pened to us. We sure count them one fine trouble-chaser. But the trouble {s there’s so many of us, and I can promise you there'll be plenty more of us strikers mighty soon, and that'll mean plenty trouble for the relief to feed them. But our relief fellers say that’s the kind of trouble they like—spreading the strike so that we force the operators to give in to our demands, and win the strike. You see, it's this way we run the relief. In each mine, we elect a relief committee. They go out and collect all they can, but that ain’t ever enough to feed more than a few families. ‘Then we have a section relief, one member from each mine. Then of course, there’s the big headquarters in Pittsburgh—and they got the big job. Because they t to raise enough to |. While they fight us because they want to send into all the sections, and the sections a ee { ch Sh alee . at 50 Mast Dailu orker’ By mail everywhere: One SUBSCRIPTION RATES: year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs “YOUR COUNTRY CALLS!” i G \ PARTY LIFE Conducted by the Org. Dept. Cenncl Com- mittee, Communist Party, U. S. A. To the New Party Members in the Striking Coal Fields AR COMRADES: The District Committee of the Pittsburgh District (District No. 5), Communist Party, welcomes you as a new member in the ranks of the Communist Party. The fact that the best fighting strikers have Joined the Communist Party, that members of the local and section strike committees, relief committees, etc., and those who fight most mili- tantly on the picket lines have joined the ranks of the Communist Party, is an important event for the working class of this country. You have seer in this strike how the Com- munist Party has thrown all its force into tak- ing an active and leading part in the conduct- ing of the miners’ struggle against starvation. Many of the leaders in the struggle are members of the Communist Party. Through its units and section committees, the Communist Party has almost daily discussed the strike and taken steps to strengthen, the work in every way. It is the same in all struggles of the workers. The Party is now actively supporting the textile strikes in Pawtucket and Paterson, the needle trades struggle in New York City, and the strug- gle of the steel workers to organize into the rev- olutionary unions of the Trade Union Unity League. You have joined the Party of your class, the only political Party which fights at all times and on all fronts in the interest of the working class against the bosses. The Communist Party in all industries and in all phases of the class struggle is the best organized, most militant, most class conscious section of the working class, Our Party, the Communist Party has been able to lead the struggles of the workers be- cause of its working class discipline. We are a working class army. The working class is fight- ing many enemies—the bosses’ government, the yellow dogs and state police, the courts, the stool pigeons, the scabs of the UMWA, and the other A. F. of L. unions, the Musteites. Only through a working class discipline can we successfully fight our enemies. The Party members are fight- ing in the front line trenches of the class strug- gle. We express our opinions freely in our unit end other Party meetings. But when a deci- sion is made by a majority vote, everyone car= ries, out the decisions. We all act together on the same working class line. This is our strength. If every Party member acted in a different way, one marching to the right, one to the left, we would not be strong, and the bosses would crush us. The great leader of the world revolutionary movement, Lenin, said that with- out such working class discipline it 1s impos- sible to carry on a successful struggle. The Communist Party has been very much strengthened by the fact that hundreds of you militant miners have joined our ranks. The fact divide up. And it’s to them I'd like you to be sending all you can to. Their address is Room 205, 611 Penn Ave., Pittsburgh, Pa. We'll handle the picket lines our own selves, thank you, and take care of spreading that’s needed. The troubles we ask you to take over is to see that our children don’t starve while we're doing this. And after our feeding trou- ble, if you'll see what you can do about shoes, because it’s tough walking on picket lines with swollen feet that begin to bleed sometimes, And we say to you—-ff you do this, that’s standing by us and we'll do the same for you some day when you're needing us! We're workers fighting against the bosses for the right to live decent, and if you workers stand by us—I tell you straight out, the bosses and the law and the United Mine Workers that’s working with them will find their troubles pil- ing into a mountain that they can’t get rid of by shootings, or evictions, or clubbings or gassings—we'll be on top, and they'll have to come across with an agreement! ‘You send the few dollars we need to buy bread—each one of you that’s with us, right to the Penn.-Ohio Striking Miners’ Relief Com- mittee, 611 Penn Ave, Pittsburgh, Pa.—and we'll do the rec” CAMP HILL By EUGENE GORDON. 'HILE certain inspired “leaders” are advis- ing Negroes to “strike out along new lines” and, imitating Ford and Rockefeller, become billionaires, a group of black farm workers at Camp Hill, Alabama, have actually struck out along new lines. They refused to scamper in terror from the hired thugs and the blood- hounds of rich Alabatna landowners. Such an organized stand among Negroes in the South is so unusual, dominated a& they, have been for generations by rabbit philosophy, and more re- cently by the compromising “justice’-seeking of the N. A. A. C. P., that not only is ruling class Alabama dumbfounded, but entrenched Neézro leadership is dismayed. The reference in the daily press to “Negro reds” is significant. Although the black masses of the South have much to learn about organ- ization, what they have already done is encour- aging. Acceptance of the International Labor Defense leadership in this particular instance shows both sense and courage, One of the mistakes frequently made in the past was ‘that those who fought back did so in individual and scattered instances. They were seldom organized. It was inevitable that, pitted against the shotguns, rifles, and blood- hounds of their ruling class oppressors, they should be overwhelmed. The Negro’s courage, when properly directed, is always magnificent; but he must learn that the most magnificent courage is futility when expended by individuals against organized ruthlessness of ruling class terrorism. Thus, there is only one course for the oppressed share-cropper, tenant farmer, and that you have joined the Party means that your work will be much more valuable to the miners and the working class than before. You will be able to take part in the organization and leader- ship of ALL the struggles of the workers, of the great international August First demonstrations against war, of the struggles in defense of the Soviet Union, of the struggle for full equality for Negro workers, of the struggle in defense of the foreign-born, against the persecutions of the bosses’ government, of the struggle to or- ganize all the workers into the revolutionary unions of the Trade Union Unity League, of which the National Miners’ Union is a part. In the coming election campaign, where the Communist Party will have its own candidates on a working-class program, all of these cam- paigns of the working class will be connected, and our election campaign will expose the way in which the bosses’ government oppresses the workers and will put forth the immediate de- mands for Unemployment Insurance, Abolition of Injunction, the Right to Organize, Strike and Picket, Abolition of Deputy Sheriffs and State Police, etc. As a member of the Gommunist Party, you are linked up with the international struggle of the workers against world imperialism, with the heroic struggle of the Chinese Soviets, with the rapidly advancing German revolution, with the struggle of the Russian workers and peasants to rush the completion of the Five Year Plan. All these struggles are led by the Communist Inter- national, the world Party of Communism—of which the Communist Party of the United States is a secticn. ‘We greet you, then, in the name of the Pitts- burgh District Committee of the Communist Party. Together we will hammer out a strong organization, recruiting still more hundreds of miners, steel workers, unemployed workers, etc., into the Party, and through our units and sec- tion committees, build a mass organization, which will at all times defend the interests of the working-class, which will be the backbone of the present strike of the miners and the greater struggles which are before us, and carry on the struggle for the complete emanicpation of the workers from the bonds of starvation imposed by this rotten capitalist systena. Fraternally, CARL PRICE For the District Committee, District Organizer, Pittsburgh District. farm hand to take, and that is the historic course of organization under competent and trustworthy working class leadership. i For generations the South’s Negro farm work- ers have been robbed and oppressed. Neither | prayers to. their white Heavenly Father nor politely-worded appeals to their torturers have brought relief. Protests only invited bloody re- | prisals, and attempts at organization resulted in massacre. The Camp Hi! situation differs from the Elaine, Arkansas, case in this one par- ticular: this time the blacks have the dual in- | terests of protesting against the intended state murder of nine fellow workers and of protect- ing its members against exploitation and per- secution. But the Camp Hill organization is branded with the same charge that was stuck upon the men at Elaine: organizing to “rise against the whites.” It is the sight of their own bloody hands, a consciousness of their own guilt, and the appalling realization that Negro and whit- workers are uniting to fight the White be'ses, that drive the Alabama slave drivers tc shout their stencilled defense. They know the crimes they have committed against black werkers for generations. The organizational methods of the Negro toilers are pitiably imperfect, but they will im- prove. These defenseless blacks will not long remain defenseless, for they could find no bet- ter equipped, more militant, and more efficient leadership than that of the International Labor Defense, and the League of Struggle for Negro Rights. It is clear that to expect leadership in this instance from the Nice Association for the Advantage of Certain Persons is absurd. The I. L. D. was the first organization to issue to the press the real interpretation of the Ala- bama struggle. Within 45 minutes of the break- ing of the Camp Hill story, the I. L. D. gave the Share Croppers’ Union demands to the press of the country, joutlining the economic background of the struggle. The southern of- fice of this militant body immediately protested to the governor and the chief of police, while the national office followed within an hour or two. The N. A. A. C. P. has neither protested nor offered to defend the imprisoned black workers. The only evidence the Association has shown that it knows the struggle is going on at Camp Hill is Mr. William Pickens’ denial that the N. A. A. C. P. had anything to do with {t. He tgld the daily press that it was these awful reds again, who are trying “to de- liberately muddle the matter and stir up trouble.” That statement of the N, A. A. C. P.’s charac- terizes the attitude of Nice People everywhere; nice, respectable folks who shudder daintily. We must not “stir up trouble.” Let the ruling class rape and plunder and murder; let it invade workers’ homes and churches, burning these structures to express its hatred and contempt; let it swagger and bludgeon; let it spit in your face; but, for god’s sake, don’t raise a hand! Don't so much as make a gesture of defending your face from the bully’s spit! Don’t! It might “stir up trouble!” Ready to Attack the Soviet. Union : — “ The army is better organized, better trained, better equipped, better housed, better offi- cered than ever before in peace. Weare making steady constructive progress in the development of mechanical equipment for combat purposes. We have now reached the state where we can combine the mechanical quipment into formid- able fighting units. Machines are being substi- tuted for animals. These organizational changes keep us abreast or ahead of the current military trend.” Secretary of War Hurley, May 30, 1931, over Columbia broadcasting network, Hurley boasts that the United States army is ready for the attack on the ‘Soviet Union. The workers must be prepared to answer this at- tack. Answer the war preparations of the United States by a series of mighty protest meetings on August First. On the streets on International Red Day. Defend the Soviet Union! v of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, $8; six months, $4.50. Central Ongangsf the-Cdamunist Porty U.S.A. } if wo ames aa th AN Z By BURCK | By JORGE pean It’s Good For the Soul i Addressing the London School of Economics and Political Science, the Marquis of Lothian, according to the N. Y. Times of July 26, said, in part: “I confess that the prophecies of Marx and Lenin about the inevitable development of modern Western society are being realized with the most uncomfortable accuracy.” Labor Lord Mayor Pickles If any one wonders why British workers are moving over from the “labor” party to the Com- munist Party, they should read the following news item from the “labor” party newspaper, the London “Daily Herald” of July 14, appearing under the headline: “Unselfish Strikers:” “A big demonstration by woolcombers now on strike against wage reductions was planned to take place yesterday outside Peel Park, Bradford (Yorks), where Prince George opened the city’s historical pageant, On representa~ tion from the Labor Lord Mayor (Alderman A, Pickles), it was, however, postponed until today. Alderman Pickles pointed out that the demonstration might spotl the atmosphere for forthcoming negotiations.” Some day, when the British workers want te make-a revolution, the so-called “labor” party will tel ‘em that they have to put it off, because the Prince of Wales is dated up for unveiling a monument on the anniversary ¢f William the Conqueror changing his shirt. wine 1, 2. 8—Just Like That! And the revolution is over! So, anyhow, says some simple sketches for simple people, pub- lished—so a reader who sent us in the clip- ping noted—in the Houston, Texas, “Post Dis- patch” of July 20. We'll have to explain these sketches. They are the work of stupidity raised to the stature genius. First, we are informed that—“With the lead- ers of the revolution trapped in the castle dun- geons, Jane is victorious for the moment, but she is still alone in a castle filled with enemy troops.” Along with this is a pen and ink princess with a yard of pearl necklace, long pendant ear-rings and a trailing gown, saying: “The officers wouldn’t trust me but perhaps the men will if they still think I’m their princess.” So she goes after them with less to offer than | Queen Katherine of old Russia, and the next sketch shows her on a soap box making a speech to the soldiers, as follows: “And so, with your leaders gone, the revolution {s over—I am your princess again.” To which a couple of workers in uniform are replying—of course in dismay— “What's going to happen to us?” And an- other: “Run for your lives, men, she'll punish us all. Third sketch (a hot sketch): “No! Don’t run,” says the princess. “Every man who stands by me now will be pardoned.” Magnanimous stuff, eh? Pardoned for what? But of course the capitalist artist naturally thinks that any worker is a criminal and only too glad to be pardoned by a princess. So he has the work- ers in uniform overjoyed and calling out: “Three cheers for the Princess!” “Down with the revolution.” That's the way the artists (it seems to have taken two of ‘em to be that silly), Monte Bar- rett and Frank Ellis, figured out how revolu- tions are sat on. Why have a Hoover plan that nobody can understand, least of all Hoover himself? Just, send a princess over to Germany and tell the German workers they'll be “pardoned” if they “stand by her” and, flooey! No more revolu- tion! Capac * The “L” Stands For Liar According to one Alonzo L. Baker, who writes 4n a religious dope sheet called “The Life Boat,” the writer of this column will have: to give up his daily morning bath or be lost to Communism, Alonzo L. serves up a rewrite of an article by a San Francisco reporter, whose name and whose paper he doesn’t mention, on the said reporter's impressions of two meetings, one a Communist street meeting and another a gos- pel meeting in a mission. Some of it is funny enough to make you mad: ~ “Both audiences were composed entirely of men. Obvioucly poor men. Ragged men. Home- less men. Beth groups were composed of men who felt inside that something better than they had ever known was their due and that they should have it. But how different the two Philosophies! “For the most part, the ragged men gathered about the Commun\t’s improvised rostrum were dirty and unkempt as well as poorly dressed. Inside the mission hall, every man presented a face shining from a fresh application of soap and water, and every man’s hair was combed.” ‘We ask you at this point to remember that it is important that your hair be combed, since combed hair signifieth righteousness, even if you haven’t 15 cents to have it cut at the Moler barber college. But the reporter proceeds to connect up combed hair and philosophy: “The Communist speaker was preaching hate and despair, convincing him that it was no use trying anyway, that capitalism had everything and everybody by the throat... .” We have to interject right here that this is a Right opportunist deviation that no Commu. nist would be guilty of, this exaggeration of the power of capitalism and the pessimist nonsense about there being “no use trying” to struggle egainst it. But we go on with the inquiring reporter: “Inside the mission hall, a song service was in progress. Every man present was singing (They better, or they would get no soup and stale bread!—Jorge.). Songs that were bright with the promise of heaven were the favorites, such as: ‘I look away across the sea, where mansions are prepared for me,’” a The stiffs were probably thinking about the Five Year Plan, but the reporter has no doubt about whet they were thinking, and he proceeds to give us his ideas on their thoughts as facts: “The men in the gospel crowd were not worrys ing about either yesterday, today or tomorrow. Already they had been transported to heights above their humble station here below. ‘The glorious heaven of which they were singing had already been partially opened to them.” But only “partially.” Even Alonzo L, Baker had to wind up with the admission that—“The men in the mission hall go forth to their squalid eau The “mansions prepared” for them, were not In San Francisco, unless in ter’s field, 5 We i ss 2A aa he ny Ny, AG