The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 24, 1931, Page 4

mee Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., dally except Sunday. at $0 Mast Eee 18th Street, New York City. N. ¥. ‘Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: “DAIWORK” Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York... ¥. Control Ong Daily, <Worker’ Porty U.S.A. be ® By mall ererywher: SUBSCRIPTION RATES: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York Ctly, Foreign: one year, $8- six months. $4.50, W ar By R. DOONPING. (MPERIALIST war preparations are going on at feverish speed in every capitalist country on the globe. But war clouds have already burst ugly storm in China, There is already war on the Chinese front! War has been such a frequent occurrence in China lately that superfictal observers are likely 1 te its intportance, disregard its mection with world issues and dismiss merely as another local “disturbance.” But, as a matter of fact, no war in China can be cor- y regarded as merely a local affair, and resent war, more than any former Chinese has a deep international meaning and, can be considered as an integral part wars, indeed of recent developments in world politics. ve armed the military s the Manchurian a: “buffer armie: Canton group But lly, there are e nly three groupings, the two counter-revolu- tionary cliques, one serving Yankee imperialism and the other the Anglo-Japanese “alliance,” and the revolutionary Soviet forces of the work- ers and peasants, The four counter-revolution- ary armed forces, and the two reactionary poll- groupings, are constantly entangted in in- evitable contradictions and are busily maneuver- ing and counter-maneuvering and even engaged in armed struggles against each otiver, but they have a common hatred for the revolutionary workers and peasants. Because, socially, there are only two camps, the camp of the imperial- landlords and capitalists, and the camp of the workers and peasants. This basic social alignment is far from being obscure to the reactionary groups. It underlies all thelr man- euvers. It is not for no reason that the cannons boom loudest on the Kiangsi front where the two basic social forces are in direct armed con- tact That the fight between the two basic social alignments is the main issue in China, while all other issues occupy merely a subordinate place, is admitted even by T. V. Soong, Minister of Finance of the Nanking Government and Chiang Kai-Shek’s right-hand man. Soong, in an official report, clearly states that “the pres- ent campaign of armies of the National Gov- ernment against Kiangsi Communists is only a prelude to a life-and-death struggle between the Chinese social and economic system and the Communist system.” (N. Y. Times, July 16.) There are forces in Chi tical ists, on the Chinese Front! it Thus, there fs only one major front in China and that front is not an isolated front but a sector of the world-wide front in the struggle between the oppressor and the oppressed, be- tween the forces of black reaction and decay and the forces of Red revolution and progress. Wall Street imperialism, owing to its domi- nant position as one of the foremost capitalist plays a particularly sinister role in this ruggle. While Mellon and Stim- ng diplomatic strings in Paris and London, doing their best to “organize” European capitalism against the rising tide of the German Revolution and feverishly preparing for a des- perate armed attack against the Soviet Union, American airplanes, machine guns and am- munition, handed to Chiang Kal-Shek with the open approval of the State Department at Washington, D. ©. are massacring Chinese workers and peasants on the Kiangsi front! Deportation campaig: are launched in the United States to send revolutionary Chinese students and workers (Li and Hsi) to their death at the hands of Chiang Kal-Shek. Under the very eyes of American “advisers,” Sen- ators and Congressman in China, countless numbers of revolutionary Chinese workers and peasants, including the leader of the Chinese Communist Party, Comrade Usian Chung-Fa, are tortured and butchered with the utmost cruelty. The anti-Communist war in China {s part | and parcel of the world campaign against Com- munism, fought with the weapons of lies, armed attack and white terror. China, being one of the weakest links in the imperialist chain, na- turally witnesses the struggle in its highly de- veloped stage and in its most acute form. But the fight is world-wide. The Kiangsi front is not a front in a Chinese war, but a Chinese | front in the approaching world war! The Chinese red forces, steeled in battle and experienced in prolonged warfare, fight bravely and intelligently. The recent reported orderly retreat of the Kiangsi Red Armies into Fukian does not signify defeat, despite the boastful re- ports of Chiang Kai-Shek. The Chinese front of the world struggle is taking the form of a somewhat prolonged civil war. The world prole- tarlat can substantially contribute to bring about a speedy victory! Let the demonstration on August First be a mighty protest against im- perlalist war and a world-wide revolutionary mobilization for intensified struggle on all fronts! son are pul Support the Struggles of the Colonial Peoples By L AMTER. ‘HE demonstration of 200,000 workers in Manila was a stab at the heart of American imperial- ism. This is the first time, on a major scale, that the Filipinos have demonstrated for inde- pendence. True, after the Spanish-American war, the movement for independence was strong, but was misled and betra,d by the national bourgeois leaders. There have been revolts of the mountain tribes, but these were put down by the Philippine constabulary. These were called “revolts of backward, savage” people, but it is clear that the Chinese Revolution has in- spired the Philippine workers and peasants, and the crisis has driven them to action. The Manila demonstration, therefore, must not be regarded as @ machination on the part of the national- ists, not even to please an American senator, who plays “revolutioni This demonstration is the result of a mass movement caused by the desperation of the masses of workers and peas- ants, who, for the present, are being led by the national bourgeoisie. This revolt will turn into @ revolutionary movement, led by the Commu- nist Party, which is being organized through- out the country. In Cuba, the revolutionary movement is suf- fering the horrors of hell. Machado, the butcher and tool of American imperialism, is trying to crush the revolutionary organizations of the workers and peasants. Many hundreds of revo- lutionists have been murdered. The Communist Party is illegal, and the revolutionary unions face suppression at all times. But, despite the terror, the crisis in the country, due to the sugar over-production, is driving the workers and peasants forward. Despite butchery and mas- sacre, the Communist Party carries on its work. In Nicaragua, the revolt of the “outlaws” can- not be put down, and the marines know that their task cannot be ended. The situation in Nicaragua and Panama continues to grow more @@rious for the imperialists, for the crisis weighs down on the shoulders of the workers and poor peasants. Mexico, South and Central America are going through the world crisis. This is being put on the shoulders of the workers and peasants. The world coffee crisis, affecting Brazil; the slash- ing drop in the price of copper and potash in Chile, the closing down of production, both agri- cultural and industrial, throughout South Amer- ica, have driven the South American country into bankruptcy. This has caused alarm in Washington, just as the threatening collapse of German capitalism shocked the imperialist cap- itals of the world. And just as Hooves proposed a “debt holiday” for Germany, with a stake of fbout three billion dollars in Germany, so, too, (n South America, where close to six billion dol- lars of American money is invested, with trade \mounting to hundreds of millions (which has Yeen seriously hit by the crisis),'‘a “moratorium” is being proposed, This has rejoiced the hearts of the South and Central American capitalists, who think that in this way the crisis will be overcome, just. as Hoover, Bruening, MacDon- ald and Laval think it will be overcome in Eu- rope. This will be in vain. The crisis will only break with greater severity, and the crash will be complete. To avoid revolution, the imperialists, who see ruination for their system, are heading toward war. This is being intensified evéfy day by the growing success in fulfilling the Five Year Plan in the Soviet Union. No more can the capitalists speak of the “breakdown” of Soviet economy. They see the menace to their system, with starvation, misery, over-production, wage- cuts, speed-up in their own countries, while the new system” Of Socialism grows with gigantic steps in thé: Soviet Union. Therefore, war ts being prepared with intense haste against the Soviet Union, the most energetic proponents of it being the fascist leaders of the American Fed- eration of Labor, the socialist party and the Musteites. Its the duty of the American work to sup- v 4 * port the colonial workers and peasants in their struggle against the bloody terror in Mexico, South and Central America. As long as the colonies remain, the fascist terror will continue. The American workers cannot get free from the yoke of capitalism but through the united struggle with the colonial masses. The District of New York has the especial duty of helping the Cuban workers and peasants fh their struggle against the murderous fascist Machado government, the agent of American imperialism. This support must be given not only in demonstrations and resolutions, but in | material support to the masses through their revolutionary organizations. On Friday, July 24, at 8 p.m., at Irving Plaza, 15th St. and Irving Place, the Anti-Imperialist League of New York is calling a conference to link up the organizations of the workers of the Latin-American countries in New York with the organizations of the American workers, in JOINT STRUGGLE against American imperial- ism and their tools in government in Latin- America. This struggle is not only against the capitalists and their capitalist agents, put like- wise against the leadership of the A. F. of L. and the “socialist” party, who support the sav- age attacks of American imperialism, and of the fascist governments on the revolutionary work- ers and peasants of Latin-America. Elect delegates to this conference and make ; it not only an expression of revolutionary oppo- sition to imperialism, but also an instrument of revolutionary activity against the enemies of the workers and peasants, not only of Latin- America, but likewise of the United States. Down with world imperialism! Demand the independence of the colonies! Defend the Soviet Union against armed inter- vention! Support the coming German Revolution! PARTY LIFE Conducted by the Org. Dept. Central Com- | mittee, Communist Party, U. S. A. ‘Our Immediate Tasks Among the Workers on the South Side of Chicago By D. R. POINDEXJER. (Section 2, Chicago.) N the south side, we have a worknig-class neighborhood where we should have the best class solidarity. Instead we find that the bosses have been able to keep up their segrega- tion and Jim-Crow policies. A wave of hate still exists.1n the minds of the whites who live in the section between 31st and 70th Sts., the hot-bed of the boss-prepared race riots of 1919. It is here the bosses have repeated again and again that the Negro was responsible for this onslaught in which many working-class lives were needlessly lost. This lie which has gone on uncorrected has caused much abuse to the Negro, who has fallen victim of many murder- ous attacks by the hands of encouraged hood- lums, who make it their duty to interfere with any colored worker who might by some chance pass through this tersitory. There are two Cases on record where defenseless Negroes were actu- ally murdered and a score or more where they were viciously slugged. I, myself, am one of their victims. Last evening, as I was returning from a meet- ing at about 11 p.m. T y accosted by a gang of these “gentlemen” and was asked: “Nigger, where are you going?” and “What are you do- ing in this territory?” TI told them that since they were not officers, T thought it was not their affair. They then began slugging me— some seven or eight of them, afterwards rein- “THEY DON’T WANT OUR ORGANIZIN’ CHIEF!” ee e By BURCK ee rel Wy: Daher (OAL« forced by five more who were sitting across the | street and who came armed with the chairs on ~ It Is Clear to the Miners! By ANN ALLEN. 0” SUNDAY, the girls from the mining patch and thereabouts, do not have to get up s0 early, to give out relief after the picket line. Sunday morning they can sleep. But the girls do not sleep on Sunday morn- ing. Thesé aré not times to think of comfort, and one’s own little house. The girls take mops and brooms, hot water and strong-smelling soap, to the two-roomed, white-washed relief head- quarters of their union. They scrab from the floor to the ceiling. When they are finished, | White-washed | evérything is spotlessly clean. walls are without a spot. Everything is in its place. The floor shines. They cover the little table with a gay piece of oilcloth and place ex- actly in the middle, the oil lamp. This is their self-imposed work today, for their union, the N. M. U., that 1s leading them through this difficult life and death struggle. The girls admire their work, ‘Throughout the week, there are many difficult- ies in this relief headquarter. For the first weeks, there was plenty milk for the families with babies. And although some days passed when there was no bread, the fact that the chil~ dren were not crying for food, was something to be glad for, and the picket line was not im- paired. But now, relief was not coming in the same quantities. as before, and women with drawn faces, and men, with dark lines in their faces stood before the relief headquarters and doggedly insisted that they must have food, that they did not’ want to scab. But sometimes there was no food—and the strike was in danger. The miners and their wives thought and said, what were the workers in Philadelphia, in New York, in Cincinnati, Los Angeles, Minneapolis, doing that they could let the miners go hungry and imperil the strike The socialists and the U. M. W. offered food. But “no poison, but work- ing-class relief” was the miners’ slogan. And what answer could the workers who had done little or nothing give? In Santiago, a miner and his family of five small children, had lived three days on one loaf of bread. A miner from a neighboring town, who would not scab, came to beg some food from a sympathetic grocer, and could not return to his shack alone. He was weak from hunger, and had to be carried. What answer could the workers give? The daughter of a scab said “My daddy is working. He didn’t want to go back. But we kids only got greens from the relief, and my dady said to my mother ‘I can’t see them kids starve in front of my eyes’.” The girl talked with tears in her eyes. She wanted to be a mem- ber of the Miners Children’s Clubs, but the kids would not take her in. “My daddy won't join the United Mine Workers though, although his + poss says he has to. My daddy is for the Na- tional.” Repeat this case by the thousands, and which they had been sitting. They were stopped only by the screams of a working-class woman and her thirteen-year-old daughter, who came to my rescue. Bleeding and bruised, I was as- sisted by them to the street car and given car- fare, since I had lost what little I had during the fight, Although this attack was made right in the light, where there were many workers resting, no one raised a protest exceut the woman and her little daughter. My benefactors told me they had witnessed .three similar attacks on Negro workers in less than a month. ’ These attacks serve to further disunite the white and Negro workers in this neighborhood. ‘These attacks, therefore, serve to slow up the revolutionary movement in the south side. It is up to us, then, to begin a drive against this damnable white chauvinism. Firstly, a strong educational campaign must be carried on by the class-conscious white work- ers in this vicinity, closely allied with the class- conscious Negro workers. Secondly, the whole working-class press should carry on a campaign viciously condemn- ing these atrocities. Thirdly, white and Negro workers must or- ganize themselves into defense corps. The workers in Section 2 must give this their im- mediate attention. Long live the solidarity of the Negro and white workers! On with the fight to destroy chauvinism in the ranks of the working class! Onward toward the building of workers’ de- fense corps! you too will know the immense strategic im- portance of relief—the immense necessity that relief from the fellow-workers of the miners, be poured by the truck-loads and train-loads in- to the strike fields. What answer can you fel- low-workers give? In the little room, the lamp was lit. Twilight. And seven, the pick of the strike and relief leadership were waiting. They had militantly fought on the picket lines. They had tirélessly grappled with the problems of relief. These seven, miners and their wives, were becoming working-class leaders through the necessity of the time. Two sat on the wooden bench, The others sprawled on the floor, waiting. The lamp flung strong, grotesque shadows, of two women and five men. One of the well-known strixe leaders enters, and all look at him, wondering why this special meeting had been called for so small a group. He greets them with the word “comrade” that they use to each other now in the strike field. “Comrades”, he says, “we are going to talk tonight about some things that yon already know. Then about some things that are new to you. Then we will discuss, and you will give me your ideas.” ‘The organizer seats himself on the bench, and begins. “We have called you seven here tonight, because you are the leaders of this strike in this section. The best fighters, the most trust- worthy. The most class-conscious—the most fit, to be entrusted with the additional tasks that face workers, who know their interests are not, and never can be, the same interests of the bosses.” The seven look at him curiously, and listen keenly. The organizer begins to tell of condi- | tions, and one girl whispers to the other “Let's go to the dance at the Corners when the meeting is over”, then she too, cannot he.» but listen. The conditions are those they know, (old vividly. The Hungarian’in the corner nods h's head in affirmation, The young American stops twirling his cap. The whole picture is painted—of starv- ation, rebellion against starvation—of fight, and strike. But the organizer does not merely tell of conditions. He tells of the cause of those conditions. He speaks very simply. “Comrades, you must know that there are two classes—”. He speaks of class interests, of the anarchy of capitalism, of the slavery of the worker who sells his laboring power, of the exploitation of the boss, who owns the means of production, of the agencies that the boss uses to keep the worker in slavery. The organizer speaks of the struggle of the proletariat for power. He speaks of the Soviet Union, of six hours a day for min- ers, of rest periods, of bosses’ palaces turned into rest homes, of socialized production. He speaks of the Russian Communist Party—of the life that will be under a working-class society. It is dark outside now. More than an hour and a half has passed. The seven are motionless, listening. Hungarian, Slovak, Russian, the four young Americans listen. They nod, when a special point seems peculiarly and personally clear, nd here, after the strike” the organizer says “there will stffl be coal operators, whether or not we win our 55c a ton. There will still be special deputies, judges and their injunctions. There will be capitalist newspapers, and boégses’ schools. There will be very rich men, and those who are starving. After our c’rike this system of slavery will enable the bosses to exploit us and our fellow-workers yet to cut our- wages, and use all the agencies, of state and federal govern- ment to keep us in slavery.” x ‘The organizer speaks of the republican and democrat, the socialist party, and makes them laugh at his pointed allusions. Then the or- ganizer explains that there is a Communist Party in the United States, leading the workers. He tells of the Daily Worker, the only paper that has supported the miners’ strike. He tells them that most of the strike leaders are Com- munists. Why? Because the Communist is al- ways the leader in the working-class fight. The organizer tells again of the historical duty of the working class to overthrow this dying system. He explains how the Communist Party leads this historical fight of the working class for power. “Here in. do you think there must be a Communist Party, to expose the bosses, and their maneuvers against the working class—to give the best possible leadership to all our strike ac- tivities? Do you think that you must become the basis of a powerful Communist unit in this Lies for the Imperialist War “A service that in the stormiest hours of America’s life and the bloodiest days of the life of the world has kept our people at peace with all the earth; a service that has kept homes happy, family circles unbroken while the old world staggers beneath its weight of mourning and death—. This triumph of yours will not be told in history by a great debt, a mammoth pen- sion roll, vacant chairs at unhappy firesides and Decoration Day services to place flowers upon the mounds of those who achieved it, but it will be told in the victory of matchless diplomacy, and of irresistible logic, presenting in an un- equaled manner the everlasting principle of justice.” (Woodrow Wilson, Sept. 3, 1916) These damnable lies were told seven months before the United States entc-d the last imve- rialist war. The same lies are being told now as the impriSlistes are preparing for the attack on the Soviet Union. Throw these lies in the face of the bosses liars. Defend the Soviet Union! Ail out on August First in a mighty demonstration against the imperialist war preparations. section that will assure leadership to thé strui- gles of the working class here? To devote your time, yov#lives to this cause—to stop being min- ers, ranl: ond filers, to begin to be leaders of the work 1g class?” There is silence, then the miners ¢ 3cuss. The Russian speaks, “I have felt the lash of the cza-’s cossacks”, he says,—and speaks in- tensely saying that what was done to the czar must be done here. “Well I am young”, one young American says, “I have no experience. But I am glad I am young—so I can give the rest of my life to the abolishing of this damned capitalist system——” he stops shyly, alarmed at the determination of his voice. The girl with shining eyes speaks, “Well, I think the same as my brother here. My father worked in the mines all his life. Worked, and we starved. Days went by, and we were hungry. Then this strike came, and I thought I was do- ing all I could. But I'll stay a Communist until I die!” The other young American speaks. He is blond and powerful looking. “I can’t talk exacil what I want to say,” he blurts out, “but if my father could speak to you now, he could tell you some stories———. He had his back broke in the mines. He was a fighter, and I guess that’s why I’m a fighter. I think we got to start the Communists here, and stick to it. Because I’m a worker—I'm pars of the working class. And what else could I do, but to fight for them for- ever——?” He stops, and the rest speak. Tell of their own hard lives—tell of the Daily Worker, what it taught them. : The organizer, the Communist, gives them application cards. They all sign. A date is set for the next meeting. They all leave the relief headquarters together. And the girls do not go to the Corners where there is a dance. They say little to one another. But all walk together. They part from the organizer re- luctantly, and all shake hands warmty. There is a different feeling between them now. They are all Communists entrusted with ‘the task of ending working class slavery. ; A Party unit has just been born there in——. These miners are determined to take up the strike problems as Communists. They feel their connection with the working class all over the world. They know their immediate task is to win this strike—to win against terror, against the bosses and their deputies—to win againct hunger, and the deadly UMWA and Socialist relief—to win against all the capitalist forces united against them. Relief, milk, greens, meat, bread, no longer menu merely food, relief to them—these Communists, but agencies that will aid them win a, working class victory. Milk, “greens, bread, now mean weapons with which they are fighting the bosses. These new Com- munists look to the class conscious fellow- workers of the miners. They believe that those awake to this fight must devote their energies, their lives to helping them win this victory— because they now know it is a step forward to the final victory of the working class. Fellow workers of the miners! There is only one answer you can give them! It is clear to the miners that you must send food, money, relief at once, to win this working class fight, the significance of which the miners in the scrubbed relief headquarters now understand. Send relief in large quantities, to Pennsylvania- Ohio Striking Miners’ Relief Committee, 611 Penn Avenue, Pittsburgh, Pa. Victory for the minen ” f eco By JORO® es A “Closed Incident” We are not responsible for the “foreigme sounding names” of the persons in this story, who, from the Buffalo Times of July 16, never- theless seem to be 100 percenters, all of them. Also, the incident is thoroughly American, including all its lighter phases, such as murder and police autocracy. Three young lads, Henry Buezkowski, Ed- ward Borkowski and Edward Krajewski, went auto riding the night of July 5, to—O, lookiti— to “Liberty Park” in the town of Cheektowaga. N. Y. We again warn you that everything is 100 per cent American and that there is no reason to think that the Polish Question has become entangled with the Five Nations of the Triquois. Leaving the car a bit, somebody stole Menry Buezkowski’s coat with his auto driver’s license. He notified the Cheektowaga police, who first assured him that he could drive without it, and then pinched him for doing as instructed. The desk sergeant notified Henry's mother, who arranged bail with another 100 per center,, a Justice of the Peace named Pawlak, from there to the jail. We now yield the floor to a lawyer for Henry's mother, who said that she and Eenrv’s sister, on arrival at jail: “. , .were kept waiting for more than an hour ‘without seeing the boy. Suddenly an am- bulance drew up. The two women were told to wait oltside. In a few minutes the ambulance physician came out and told the mother that Henry was dead and that he had hanged himself.” The lawyer entered the case because Henry's family don’t believe Henry “hanged himself.” He was healthy, had a good job and had no reason to kill himself. But Police Chief Emil Coppola (which is long for “cop”), another 100 per center and he said he did. But it seems, according to a certain doctor who performed an autopsy, that Henry must have not only “hanged himself,” but beat his own brains out before he did it! That was rather awkward for the police, but they got the County Examiner, a Mr. Kujawa, to say that “as far as he was concerned” it was suicide and that the case “is now a closed inicident.” We are not interested in this case as ® “labor case,” it isn’t. But workers should learn that the capitalist police, urged and ordered by the boss class to ever more savagery against revolu- tionary workers as the capitalists grow more fearful of revolt, become mad-dogs against. the masses, ready to strike down anyone who, has no “pull,” as anti-social as a rattlesnake and worthy of the same respect. en ee .Why Not Read Lenin? To cover a number of questions recently. sent us, about Socialism, the dictatorship of the proletariat, and to explain that Stalin’s speech is not any “backward step” as the capitalist papers say, we quote the following few para- graphs from Lenin’s book, “The State and Revolution”: “Marx, not only with the greatest care takes into account the inevitable inequalities of men; he also takes cognizance of the. fact that the mere conversion of the means.of pro- duction into the common -property-of the whole of society—‘Socialism’ in the generally accepted sense of the word—does not remove the shortcomings of distribution and the in- equality of ‘bourgeois justice,’ which continue to exist as long as the products are divided according to the quantity of ‘work performed.’ “But these defects (Lenin here quotes Marx) are unavoidable in the first phase of Commu- nist society, in the form in which it comes forth, after the prolonged travail of birth, from capitalist society. Justice can never be in advance of its stage of economic develop- ment, and cf the cultural development cf society conditioned by the latter.” 7 And s0, in the first phase of Communist so- ciety, generally called Socialism, ‘bourgeois justice is not abolished in its entirety, but only in part, only in proportion to the economic transformation so far attained; that is, only in respect of the means of production. ‘Bour- geois law’ recognizes them as the private property of separate individuals. Socialism converts them into common property, and to that extent and only to that extent does ‘bour- geois law’ die out. But it continues to live as far as i+ other part is concerned, in the capacity of regulator or adjuster dividing labor and alloting the products among the members of society. “He who does not work, neither shall he eat’—this Socialist principle is already real- ized. ‘For an equal quantity of labor an equal quantity of products’—this Socialist principle is also already realized. Neverthe- less, this is not yet Communism, and this does not abolish ‘bourgeois law’ which gives to unequa? individuals, in return for an un- equal—in reality—amount of work, an equal quantity of products. “This is a ‘defect,’ says Marx, but it Is une avoidable during the first phase of Commu- nism; for, if we are not to land in Utopia, we cannot imagine that, having overthrown capil talism, people will at onse learn to work for society without any regulations by law; ine deed, the abolition of capitallam does not ime mediately lay the economic foundations for such a change. “In the highest phase of Communist so- ciety (Lenin again quotes Marx—Jorge), after the disappearance of the enslavement of man caused by his subjection to the principle of division of labor; when, together with this, the opposition between brain and manual work will have disappeared; when labor wild have ceased to be a mere means of ing life and will itself have become one of the first necessities of life; when, with the elle around development of the individual, the pro- ductive forces, too, will have grown to ma- turity, and all the forces of social wealth will be pouring an uninterrupted torrent—only then will it be possible wholly to pass beyond the narrow horizon of bourgeois laws, and only then will society be able to inscribe on its banner: ‘From each according to his abil- ity; to each according to his needs’.” It. seems necessary to repeat Lenin at thi length, because too many folks simply will moi read; yet they are always ready to pop up with what the lawyers call a “fixed opinion”; or, iz some cases, they have read Lenin but haven learned anything particular, and get troubled iy their insides every time some pig of a bour. geois journalist solemnly declares that the Sovied \a_| Union is “going back to cepttaliem® i.