The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 18, 1931, Page 6

18th Street, New York Ci Address and mail all ch ¥. Leleph Publishing Co., Ime, dally sxcopt Bucday, at 60 Hest Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York. N. ¥ sash a Daily, Ny Central Ong. everywhere One year. $6. six mi ot Manhatton and Bronx New SUBSCRIPTION RATET hs $3. two m Foreign ons York Ctiy gacepting Koroughs + six months $450 of a series of three articles. will appear in subsequent nd Wilson’s New Republic rticle of July 8) By BILL DUNNE Wilson, who obtained his program, given to ae by for “taking Communism nists” by making good has uncovered eite activity. an- bad ones. Frank Keeney’s Coal Dig- he individual leadership fetishism discovered in the mine. native labor movement left-wing leadership,” whose it be watched with the greatest believe that tne future ative left-wing leadership,” ‘Brookwood Labor College, Muste is the head, has sent * * * t of trained organizers, includ- tt and Katherine Pollak.” liar with the developments in the in the South in the last three = — a certain similarity workers and “their Musteite advisors in ethton, Tenn, Marion, N, C., and Danville, previous to the betrayals of the struggles of these workers, their defeat and the desertion by the Musteite “trained organizers” throughout the United Textile Workers ying the imprimmtur of President Green no blacker spot in the history of the struggle in the United States than these f workers whose lives were so miser- ir revolt, to accept and trust any ome who aid he was a union organizen The. word ” had almost a magis meaning for d ic was these half-sterved and in- tienced workers that the Musteites sold to slavery under the mil barons, while on high praise from the lynch law suling for their denunciation of Communism— of the Communists who organized, fonght, ne lynch mobs, united Blagk and white and went to jail with them by the s in Southern West Virginia are strike all part of them, Some ot oe are o=ganized in Keeney’s West' Virginia Mine ‘Work- ers Union. Their conditions are just as bad and in many instances worse than those of the min- ers in Western Pennsylveriia, in Eastern Ken- tucky, Panhandle sectton of Weeb Virginia, the Morgantown-Fairmont section, and eastern Ohio where 40,000 miners are on strike, organized and led by the Central Rank and File Strike Com- mittee, elected by the mass of the miners, and the National Miners Union The basic issues are the same in all fields—it 1s a fight aeinst Starvation and slave conditions. ‘The vital need of the miners in southern ‘West Virginia, and the need of all the thow- sands of miners on strike in other fields, tte need of the miners who are not yet on striko but who are faced with the same daily drive of the coal operators and thetr government up~ on their Hving and social standards, is for a common program of unity and action, for a united front of all minets against the .oper- ators and the strike-breaking UMWA officials, for a skilled and militant central authoritative Yeadership, deriving authority directly from the Tiiners themselves through democratic elections $m all mine camps. Only the Central Rank and Pile Strike Com- mittee elected by the strikers of Western Penn- syivania, Eastern Ohio and the Panhandle sec- Hon of West Virginia, and the National Miners Dniom, has advanced such 1 program for unity end action for immediate demands and for the organization of a national struggle for the 6- hour day, uniform collective agreements and other basic demands of the miners. Only the National Miners Union and the rank and file organizations of strike struggle, built through its leadership, saw clearly—and told the miners of the conspiracy of the Hoover-Mellon govern- ment and the UMWA to perpetuate starvation fei the industry, and exposed the fact that all the= talk in Washington, Pittsburgh, Indiana- polis and elsewhere about “curing the sick coal industry” had as its purpose the strengthening of the hold of the coal barons and the securing of “efficient production and distribution” at the further expense of the miners and their families. Only the National Miners Union, working through elected rank and file committees which rapidly develop the initiative of the miners. and train scores of new organizers directly out of the ranks, has brought forward the fundamen- tal need for common struggle of the employed and unemployed and has succeeded in uniting these struggles. In 100,000 leaflets, headed “Miners! Unite and Fight Against Starvation and Slavery in the Goal Fields,” and distributed throughout the in- dustry, the following statement and proposals are. made: “Our enemies 2re wide awake. The oper- ators are cutting wages and worsening condi- tions on all sides, and the Lewis machine is helping them. Now there is being planned a mational conference of the government, the cal operators, and the U.M.W. of A., to work ut a program of still deeper wage cuts, of trustifying the industry at the expense of the miners, of driving the masses of starving un- employed miners out of the industry, of per- secuting the foreign born miners and Ne- groes, etc. “Against this starvation and slavery pro- gram of Hoover-Doak-Lewis and the oper- ators, we must raise our demands for higher wages and the 6-hour day, for union condi- tions in the mines, for unemployment insur- ance and immediate relief, for removal of the armed forces from the coal regions, against discrimination aginst foreign born and Negro miners, for a national collective agreement, etc. To fight for this program successfully, the miners must make a united front throughout the whole industry—employed and unemploved ne Unity of the Miners | thoroughly representative of the entire in- “ism in West Virginia Against {| organized and unorganized—inside the OM | WA and outside of it. | “For this purpose, the Central Rank and | File Strike Committee urges you to send dele- | gates to its joint meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa., on July 15 and 16. Delegates should be sent from rank and file controlled UM.W. of A. | locals, from minorities in U.M.W. of A. locals that refuse to send official delegates, from in- dependent local unions, from locals of the Mine Workers of West Virginia, from unorganized | miners, etc. The joint meeting must be dustry. “The situation is ripe for action. The min- ers are willing to fight. The coming joint meeting provides the means to develop this fight nationally on the basis of a common program of demands. Unite and Fight aginst Starvation and Slavery. Develop your own local demands and strikes. Link up these strikes nationally in 2 united front. Develop a joint program of demands for the whole mining industry. Smash the strike-breaking Lewis machine. Support and spread the strikes in Western Pennsylvania, Ohio, Kentucky, 1- Unois and West Virginia.” Wilson -either ignores these all-important is- sues and developments or dismisses them as of minor importance in comparison with the’ re- turn to union activity of Keeney who “had an | orange-drink stand and then speculated in gas | and_oil.” | Communists are Wilson’s targets for sharp criticism and the vilest kind of insinuation. Governor Pinchot who personally sponsored the revival of the UMWA as. a-strike-breaking in- strument, and whose state cossacks are comi- pletely at the disposal of the coal operators and the UMWA officials for the protection of scab agreements acknowledged even by the Pitts- burgh Post-Gazette to stipulate wages and work- ing conditions worse than those of some non- union mines, is pictured as a friend of the min- ers persecuted by Communists. His demagogic attempts to deceive miners and boost his poli- tical fortunes are pictured as sincere efforts in behalf of the miners. One or two quotations will be enough to show the typical social fas- cist method of this press agent of Musteism: “The Communists ask for a conference with Governor Pinchot, then denounce him as the operators’ tool. The Governor—‘Pretty good for old politics,” the Kanawha miners call him —appeals to the operators to stop evictions, telling them that whether or not they have the right te evict is “beside the question”— only to be met by a cold reprimand for “not Properly maintaining law, peace and good or- der im the vicinity in which our mines are located.” To show that such statements are nothing more or less than a justification of strike-break- ing terrorism as practiced by Pinchot under the screen of friendly phrases, it is only necessary to state that following the “cold reprimand” from the operators, Pinchot ordered the entire state police force to prepare for strike duty. One. more quotation. “And during the last few days, persons claim- ing “to be Communists have turned up in the Kanawha field—though nobody knows whether they are really Communists or Department of Justice agents trying to pin Communism on Frank Keeney and the Musteites, who have just been accused, gr-stly to their disgust, by a former head of the police of being Communist agitators.” It is of couse impossible to set the troubled mind of Wilson completely at rest but if he knows as much about the West Virginia situ- ation as he pretends to, or as much as we do, he knows that it is a le to say that “nobody knows whether they are really Communists or Department of Justice agents, etc.” The West Virginia state police know that the representatives of the Central Rank and File Strike Committee, all Communists according to Wilsom, whom they recently forcibly deported across the Maryland-West Virginia state line, were not Department of Justice agents, but miners from the Pennsylvania-Ohio-W. Virginia Panhandle section carrying on work for the Na- tional Rank and File conference to unite the struggles in all coal fields. In passing it might be said that if the Depart- ment of Justice is trying to pin Communism on Frank Keeney and Musteites it has adopted un- usually subtle tactics to discredit Communism. Wilson does not explain what other purpose could be served by such complicated and dif- ficult: methods. (To be Continued) His Maiesty’s Socialist Premier “We are not fighting for the independence of Belgium, We are fighting because we are in the Triple Entente; because the policy of the Foreign Office for a number of years has been Anti-German and because that policy has been conducted .by secret diplomacy on the lines of creating alliances in order to preserve the bal- ance of power. We are fighting because we have got prejudices against very strong com- mercial rivals.”—J. Ramsay MacDonald, August 7, 1914 The “Socialist Pacifist” One Month Later. “—but we are in it. It will work~itself out now. Might and spirit will win, and incaleul- able political and social consequences will fol- low upon victory. Victory, therefore, must be ours. England is not played out. Her mission is not accomp- lished. ‘Well, we cannot go back, nor can, we turn to the right or to the left. We must go straight through. History will, in due time, apportion the praise and the blame, but the young men of the country must, for the moment, settle the immediate issue of victory. Let them do it in the spirit of the brave men who have crowned our country with honor in the times that are gone—I want the serious men ot the Trade Union, the Brotherhood, and similar movements to face their duty. To such men it is enough to say, “England has need of you!”; to say it in the right way. They will gather to her aid.”"—J. Ramsay MacDonald, September 11, 1914.—Read to an army recruiting meeting. Today this labor minister has workers and peasants shot down in cold blood in India for the bankers profits. Todzy he represents Brit- ish capitalism in the anti-Soviet front. De- fend the Soviet Union. Rally to the support of the militant masses of China and India. All out August First, International Red Day! ee ! “CAN You COOK THESE, MA?” PARTY LIFE Conducted by the Org. Dept. Central Com- mittee, Communist Patty, U.S. A. Some Party Achievements in Unemployed Work By WM. REYNOLDS (Michigan) RK among the unemployed is one of the most basic tasks of the Party. The prob- lems growing out of unemployment confront every worker and every organization of workers. In large industrial centers. the Unemployed Council is the means of reaching the great mass of unorganized workers. In smaller com- munities it is the logical first step toward or: ganization. In the A. F. of L. it is the issue on which the hold of the bureaucracy is being broken. Unemployed Councils in the process of their work expose the social-fascist role of the Socialist party and the A. F. of L. They bring the American Legion into the white light where workers can see its role as fascist thug for the bosses, as chauvinist molder of opinion for white capitalist supremacy. The Unemployed Councils do each of these things here and there in a hit or miss fashion at present. They can do all of thém if the membership represents a cross-section of the working class and of the petty capitalist ele- ments which usually mislead it, and if the Par- ty members enter this work with real initiative and correct policies. Our experience in Lincoln Park indicates some of the possibilities, Lincoln Park is a city of 15,000, mostly native born, and largely southern extraction, which has been dominated by the Ku Klux Klan, the American Legion, and such boss organizations as usually grace a small town. Its slogan in effect was “100%, no niggers or working class Jews.” The sole “labor” organi- zation was a branch of the Socialist party whose members were also members of the American Legion, the Masonic order, and perhaps the Ku Klux Klan. When one states that thé Executive Commit- tee of eleven, elected by our Unemployed Coun- cil at its first meeting, contained 5 ex-soldiers, 2 Legionaires, 4 S.P.-ites, 1 Mason, and 1 con- tractor (one member having all of the above characteristics), and further that all were do- minated by a fear of Communist influence, one realizes that here was the basis for the play of the main social currents in the working- class movement. The péssibilities of mislead- ership were shown by the suggestion that the Executive. meet in the City Hall (which was done) by the same person who later said “We are licked and might as well admit it.” In the process of our work here, we have completely exposed the A. F. of L. by directly controlling the wages of carpenters and labor- ers, hours, overtime and personnel on a school job, after the Carpenters Union had failed even to try. The Socialist party has been discredited on the basis of proposals and participation of its members in the Council. The Legion was de- feated when its Commander was driven off the floor of the Unemployed Council by the work- ers after two months of slander against the Communists and the Soviet Union. Even the stool-pigeon, Spolansky, of Bridgeman infamy, who was imported by the Exchange Club and the Legion, was literally driven out of the city under armed guard. The nature of the state was revealed to the workers by the stopping of our boxing show by the State Boxing Commis- sion, by an eviction “riot” in which the whole police force and the Sheriff with his squad par- ticipated, by the experience of ten Lincoln Park workers, § of them ex-service men, in the Mich- igan hunger march. It is understood of course that Communist comment, critic:cm, and a wide distribution of our press marked all of these events and processes. ‘We have secured speakers who have been to the Soviet Union to answer the slanders of the boss elements against the Workers’ Fatherland, so the workers have a lively interest in and good knowledge of the Soviet Union Starting from a hundred workers with the usual confusion of capitalist ideas and a K.K. K. tradition, we have hammered out a real working-class Council knowing what it wants and not flinching from the processes necessary, and welcoming Communist influence. We have. a Building Workers’ In-ustrlel Union with job By BURCK Surg By Labor Research Association Mellon interests dominate the coal industry of the region involved in the present Pittsburgh Ohio strike, but at least the U. S. Steel Corp. subsidiary (National Mining Co.), several mines of the strong Hillman group, of the Paisely group, the Taplin group, the Warner group, and the Hanna companies, are also involved. Mellon Banks: Control and influence of the Mellon family spread far beyond the properties of the Pittsburgh Coal Company. The (Mellon controlled) Union Trust Co., is the largest bank in Pittsburgh. At least six other Pittsburgh banks are Mellon companies: Mellon National Bank, Union Saving Bank, Farmers Deposit Bank, City Deposit Bank & Trust Co., Workingmen’s Saving Bank & Trust Co., and Forbes Nationa! Bank. Representatives of Mellon companies sit on the boards of several other Pittsburgh banks Also, the Mellon interests own considerable blocks of stock in smaller banks in county seats and steel towns of Pittsburgh district. They control, for example, the Citizens National Bank, of Wash- ington, Pa. and through a one third interest dominate the Butler County National Bank. & Trust Co. These banks give the family 2 power- ful lever toward control of policy in coal com- panies in which the Mellon family has no direct investment. Also, the profits of the Mellon banks have con- tributed largely to the building up of the vast family fortune. Union Trust Co., of Pittsburgh, has been even more profitable than George F. Baker's First National Bank of New York. . Be- fore 1911, it was paying 60 percent a year in dividents on par value of its stock. Then the rate was raised to 109 percent; in 1917 it was pushed up to 140 percent. From April 1, 1927, to and including January 1, 1931, dividents have been paid at the rate of 200 percent a year, not to metnion a mere 6 percent extra dividend at Christmas, which was started in 1904 and has been paid annually ever since. Mellon Coal Companies: In Pennsylvania, the principal coal company controlled by the Mellon family is, of course, the, Pittsburgh Coal Co. (with mines also in Eastern Ohio, and through its subsidiary the Pike-Floyd Coal Co., in Floyd County, Ky.). Subsidiaries in Pennsylvania of the Mellon controlled sKoppers group of com- control, 2. fine Sports movement, a Pioneer group, and a well-functioning Party unit. The rium, with a separate full-time headquarters furnished by t he Sity, the Union, Sports Union, Pioneers, and Party propaganda meet- ings, are held in school buildings. The City Council endorsed the Social Insurance bill last winter and helped finance the delegate to Wash- ington. In the primary election in March, the Party candidate for Mayor received a 15% vote. These accomplishments did not just happen. ‘They came as the result of 2 sometimes tedious, always painstaking process of teaching the workers the lessons of the class struggle directly from their own problems and experience. We have never had weekly letter to “direct” our work. We have not had speakers assigned to our Unemployed Council to go there and “talk.” A decision was first made as to subject, and then a speaker qualified to deal with it was sec- ured. We did not urge outside affiliation cn a@ group not yet understanding its problems and afraid of outside influence, but waited with assurance that the struggle would lead these workers beyond their narrow conceptions to a realization of the need of broad solidarity. If Lincoln Park teaches the possibilities of unemployed work, it also teaches the need of flexibility and of reliance upon the needs of the workers and the correct policies of the Par~ ty, rather than upon any fixed and rigid forms and routines to involve these workers in the class struggle. Unemployed work is potentially the most fruit- ful field today, but it is far from the easiest to work in. Only patient and painstaking ap- plication over a period and through a process which invests the workers as individuals and as members of a group with class understanding can accomplish our task. It challenges the best ef- forts of our most developed and capable com- rades Unemployed Council meets in a school audite-. Capitalist Groups in the Coal Strike .J. Rainey, Inc., and the Rainey Wood Coke Co., panies are also important: Méelcroft Coal Co. and Keystone Coal and Coke Co. (Most of the Koppers coal subsidiaries are in central and southern West Virginia. For list of these see Labor atd Coal, page 61, and note on page 236.) The Mellon interests are also involved in W. in Indian Creek Coal and Coke Co. (Somerset cotinty); in Monessen Coal and Coke (subsidiary of Pittsburgh steel); in Republit Collieries Co. (subsidiary of Republic Steel Corp.); in the Creighton and Johnetta coal mines of’ Pittsburgh Plate Glass Co.; in Ellsworth Collieries and Beth- lehem Mines Corp. (subsidiaries of Bethlehem Steel Corp.); in Crucible Fuel (subsidiary of Cru- cible Steel Co.); in Harbinson-Walker Refrac- tories Co. (coal mines in Clearfield county, Pa., and Carter county, Ky.); in’ American Rolling Mill Co. (coal mines in Kanawha field, W. Va., and in northeastern Ky.); and in Pennsylvanie Railroad, which through the Norfolk and West- ern Railway (controlled by Penn. R. R.), is a Jarge owner of coal lands and also a producer in southern West Virginia. These are companies in which the Mellon family has investments and direct representation. Companies operating in Pennsylvania, which are linked to 2 Mellon company by at least one cross-director include the following Hillman group of companies: Penn-Pitt Coal and Coke Co. Butler Consol. Coal Co., (including Wildwood mine). , Lincoln Gas Coal Co., (subs. of Pressed Steel Car Co.). Baton Coal Co. Bulger Black Cea! Co. ‘ Union Collieries Co. Harman Creek Coal Co. Cosco Gas Coal Co. Zenith Coal Co. Bruin Coal Co. * Rose & McGregor Coal Co. * Mountain Coal Co., (Cambria county). Quemahoning Coal Co., (Somerset county). Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp., (Vesta mines and Shannopin Coal ‘Co.): Hostetter Connellsville Coke Co., (a U.S. Steel subsidiary). , Greensburgh-Connellsville Coal & Coke Co. Loyal Hanna Coal & Coke Co, (Somerset county—not related to M. A. Hanna Cé.). Oliver & Snyder Steel Co... (subs. of Oliver Iron & Steel; not to be confused with Oliver Tron Mining Co., U: S. subs. in Minn.). Bird Coal Co. (Somerset. county--Barnes & Tucker). *These include Don. Rose, notorious hard- boiled attorney of Pittsburgh Coal Co. His part- ner McGregor, is official of Carnegie Coal 'Co., and director of Montour Collieries Co. .... Operating only outside of Pennsylvania, are the Comago Smokeless Feul Co., (Raleigh county, W. Va.), and the Clover Splint Coal Co., (Harlan county, Ky.), linked with the Pittsburgh Coal Co. through the cross-director H. N. Eavenson, Note that the Pittsburgh Terminal Coal Corp., is NOT a Mellon company, but a Taplin company, related to the Powhatan Mining Co., and the Pursglove Coal Mining Co. For other connec- tions see Labor and Coal, pages 65-66. Mellon interests meet with Hanna interests on the board of Republic Steel Corp. Both, Mellon and Hanna operate in friendly alliance with the Morgan interests. R. B. Mellon, is a director of the Morgan's Guaranty Trust Co., in New York; and one of Mellon's chief lieutenants outside of the family circle (H.C. McEldowney, president of UnionTrust Co., in Pittsburgh), 1s a director of Morgan's Bankers Trust Co, in New York. Mellon and Morgan interests are both represented in several industrial companies and utilities. Also, it must not be forgotten that locally Mellon dominates the Pittsburgh banking field. So, although no Mellon representative sits on the board of U. 8S. Steel Corp., there must be considerable measure of co-operation between the Steel Trust and the Mellon interests. 1 By JORGE sweceecme | A Suggestion A comrade‘of Minnesota writes in, comment- ing upon a letter published in a Minneapolis paper from a worker at, Ellsworth, Minn., sug- gesting that-Communist leaders in towns where such letters-are published should communicate with writers-of:such letters when the Party has nho-contacts in these little towns. They should watch the “Readers’ Opinion” columns for such contacts, he suggests. That is not a bad idea. Also many workers are doing a good work by contributing to these “readers’ opinion” columns, which some capi- alist papers. run, contradicting editorial lies, commenting upon workers’ conditions, particu- larly those of the locality, and thus reaching the many readers of the capitalist press with a revolutionary message. Such messages are not always published, it is true; but a certain percentage are, especially if brief, and while they are no substitute for our own. Communist press, still they are one means which may be used to help the workers find the correct path. There are too few such letters written and revolutionary workers should take pen in hand and do it without expecting “instruction” in this simple matter. Saeakle sls Strikers Mustn’t “Revel” Among the autocratic act of the Pawtucket. Rhode Island police who are trying to break the strike of the textile workers that are fighting a wage cut, is the. following one as told by the AssociatedPress, July 16: “The case of two girls and 2 man, arrested last night for reveling after they had jeered workers’ (scabs=Jorge), were continued until Suly 30.” According to ur dictionary, “reveling” means: “To join in merry making.” But although we've heard somewhere that one of Americans’ “dem- ocratic” privileges is the “pursuit of happiness,” it is clearly against the law in Rhode Island if you actually ursue happiness till you catch it, Bia ee The Place for Kautsky Kautsky, the doddering old imbecile leader of the second “socialist” international, now in con« gress at Vienna’(where we hope the American delegation headed by Hillquit is stranded per= manently by the bank closings) recently wrote an anti-Soviet book called “Bolshevism in a Blind Alley.” It was s0 completely stupid that, although 4 was viciously against the Soviet Union, even the most counter-revolutionary of European “so+ ¢ialists"—the ‘Russian Mensheviks, Dan and Abramovich, Had:to disown the thing. , It is intefésting, and certainly a commentery on the American “socialist” party, that it is spreading this rubbish of Kautsky far and wide while with tongue in cheek it is pretending te “differ” with Hilquit because his counter-revo~ lutionary policy has become too visible with his law-suits for old Russian capitalists who claim that the Revolution “stole” “their” oil fields. But Hillquit-isn’t the only one in the U. S. A. whom the-“socialist” party has to coyer up. While the “socialists” pretend to be “supporting” the striking-miners;-the “socialist” mayor of Reading, Pa., is ordering striking miners arrested who are gathering strike relief by speaking on ne streets, But to get back to Kautsky, one of the oe skinflint’s wife cracks is the claim that Lenin was & good bo? til 1917, then he went dippy and Kautsky edds: “Tf Lenin is right, then my whole life’s work has been in vain.” ‘The workers of the Soviet Union are every day proving that Lenin was right and that Kaut- sky’s counter-revolutionary “work” is, indeed, in vain. But there is one think he yet can do, since he says: “My imagination cannot think of anything which can possibly be more fright- ful than the condition of Russia today.” He might look around him in his native Ger-" | many at the conditions there! And he might write another book boosting the newly formed “royalist-socialist? party in Germany, although in truth there are more efficient bootlickers to royalty in his-own “socialist” party than in this new outfit. —— ite Wega 3 Suffering Belgium! Somebody was undoubtedly “dumping,” s¢- cording to an Associated Press dispatch from Brussels on July’ 14. And twelve Belgian mili- tary aviators are under arrest to find out who among the twelve “dumped” leaflets over city which started out with the interesting “Down with the King!” That wasn't @ nice thing to do while in an “air parade”. arranged to show what the Bel- gian military planes might do if they were sent against the Soviet Union. And, bless usyif that was all! The very next day 10,000 (the capitalist press admits that many) ‘ex-soldier’s paraded the streets of Brus- sels, beSéiged. Parliament in protest against the rejection of their claims for war pensions and compensation, and when the cops got nasty, cried out “Take parliament by storm’ and battled for twenty minutes, retreating only to smash win- dows as they’ went down the ‘sizeets: 2 Some day, when our Party stove merely talking about organizing American ex-servicemen, really puts sonié Communist push behind the Workers Ex-Sérvicemen’s League around the im- mediate demands such as full cash payment of the Tombstone Bonus, there will be just as full @ response here as in Belgium—and the fascist Legion and- Veterans of Foreign Wers will be reduced -to~ impotency in their efforts to use these worker-veterans against their own class. Workers * Join the Party of. Your Cl Class! Communist Party 0. BA P. O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. — Please mis i, more wtermation on the Out munist Party. - Name Address Cty nee W ene de enenesccneatsreseecsecesenseese seveeweverwwescesscessers BUA viecesccsan i