The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 16, 1931, Page 4

{ Poonsc lath Street. Page Four Address and mail all swe voraprodaily New York City. N. Y checks dally except Sunday, at 50 East KONE Daily, Worker’ Control Ongé Party U.S.A. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mafl everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; ot Manhattan and Bronx, New York Ctly. Foreign: one year, $8 excepting Boroughs six months, $4.50. Howling for War ‘Against the | Soviet Union press in for war aga’ all these quotations rs from coast to coast the. Soviets what Si plans aga: we see tt Here is the documentary proof of tor Copeland admitted was the war the Soviet. Copeland in a speech on July 4 appealed for an “embargo” against Soviet products. This was to be followed by at- tempts to stir up counter-revolutionary action in the Soviet Union, which was to lead to interven- tion by the erialist powers. Ambassador Edge, also on J 4, appealed to the French im perialists to be quick about preparing war—to- er with Wall Si st the USSR In the following quota’ e war plot is clear Charleston, 5. “But it m bargo) constitutes econo! ‘are and that if entered upon will have to be relentlessly pressed and that in the course of time might eventually dvelop into warfare of violence. In short, if the U. &. is to declare a policy of non-intercourse with Russia -it w effect initiate along the whole economic front an offensive of the capitalistic against the communistic system. . . ” Rockford, Til, STAR, June 28 It is not improbable that the new rapproch- ment with Europe on the war debt and repara- tions moratorium may have something to do with the Russian decision (the Treasury Depart- ment, rumored embargo on January 1). Russia ts an even greater problem to European coun- tries than it is to the U. S. in its potential dumping policies and an informal agreement freezing Russia out of international trade would relieve a situation that has become increasingly burdensome to western industry.” Chicago TRIBUNE, July 6 Dispatch from Berlin reads: “Arnold Rech- berz, German potash king, says, ‘A study of present market conditions and police reports on the activities of Soviet agents reveal that they and their aides are undertaking a systematic shrinkage of world markets and ripping down all possibilities of a return to prosperity.’ Con- certed action of America, England, Germany and France—if necessary, a blockade against Russia, is the only remedy, according to Rech- berg.” Charlotte, N. C., NEWS, June 29 ‘In the present Russian situation, instinctive- ly, it appears to be concluded that war will be the inevitable consequence for the new devices of internal operations of Russia, that the other fearing the outcome of what has been under- taken in that vast country, will be forced into a combine to save themselves from domination of Russian cheap labored commerce.” Percival P. Baxter, former governor of Maine, 4n the Portland Sunday Telegram of June 21: hi y (ie. the Soviets) must be opposed with a united front, and 2n economic boycott at this stage in their industrialization program seems to be the only way to accomplish the desired re- sults.” “By 1935 it is claimed Russia will be self-sup- portiny in military equipment and absolutely protected against foreign invasion. With this in prospect it is no time for other nations to in- dulze in ex ive disarmament.” “In a campaign of this sort (ie. against the S.U.) it should not be difficult to obtain the ‘united support of the loyal newspaperse in this country, so that those business men of the U. S. now trading with the Soviets would feel the pressure of an awakened public sentiment that would impress them with the fact that some- is at stake than their own profits.” at least can be made s through the economic co- and other great powers. international action evists operation of t I believe the time is ripe for a is stronger than ld on the country grows more firm. . This being so America and Western Europe are soon to face the strongest, most subtle and cruel competition both economically and politi- cally that y ever have encountered.” Philadelphia Evening Public Ledger, March 9, editorial “The governments in western Europe have known for years that they must reach some sort of unity of purpose if they are not to become impotent sooner or later ufder the increasing economic pressure of the Soviet * Santa Barbara, Cal., PRESS, Feb. 14, editorial: “Disarmament is not coming until it is made general—and how is it going to be made general when the reds of Russia are daily augmenting their fighting forces and goining on record flat- footedly to the effect that they must punish and conquer the capitalistic nations of the world. . what we really need are battalions of air- men, fleets of fighting ships capable of meeting and dispersing an enemy and multitudinous air- craft capable of defending our people from death at the will of covetous international bri- gands.” Long Beach, Cal., PRESS-TEL editorial headed “World Trade Defense League May Be An- swer to Russia’s Challenge.” “Sec. Stimson of the American State~Depart- ment is giving serious study to the Russian sit- uation as it relates to foreign affairs. . . . “A common problem is seen in Russia’s open economic warfare against the*rest of the world. It will not be surprising if, before the situation becomes more serious, concerted steps are taken to meet Moscow’s challenge in an effective way.” On July 7 the International Chamber of Com- merce in Paris at a meeting passed a resolu- tion regarding the Soviet Union. Commenting on the significance of this resolution, the New York | Times said they appointed a committee “to study the Russian question,” and added: “The recommendation regarding a study of documentary information concerning Russia not only was unexpected, but into it was read con- siderably ‘more significance than appeared in the brief wording. It was unofficially interpreted here as marking possibly the first step in a new capitalist business union to fight Soviet dump- ing of products.” Representative James M. Beck of Pennsylva- nia on June 23 made a statement on Russia and urges calling of international conference against Russia, saying (N. Y. Times, June 29): “If such an economic conference were to serve notice on Russia that the other industrial na- tions had agreed to put an embargo upon all | Russian products if produced by national capi- tal and conscripted labor, then Russia would have a second thought about its Five-Year Plan.” Augur (London correspondent of the Times) June 28, says “So long as the United States and other gov- ernments do not find practical means to exer- cise a direct financial pressure on the Soviet Tsars, so long will.the latter, in respect of their armed forces, ‘be independent of outside influ- ences. This means that in Eastern Europe, where Poland and the Baltic States stand on guard over Western civilization a state of war will continue to exist. In consequence of this, disarmament as understood in Western. Europe cannot be applied to these countries.” PROLETARIAN UNITY By MAX BEDACHT Recently the Central Committee of the Com- munist Party received a letter pretending to be & plea for Communist unity. The letter had 19 signatures. This letter urged unity between the Communist Party of the United States and a Small clique that styles itself “Communist Party of the United States (Majority Group).” Behind g name hides the pitiful handful of Lovestoneites. The letter was evidently made to order. Therefore it may be ignored. Yet, the persistent unity swindle ‘of Lovestone requires a few moments consideration. ‘The Communist Party of the United States, Section of the Communist International, unites all American Communists. The Communist Party of the United States unitedly enters the strug- gies of the American workers; through these struggles it is also making rapid progress in unit- ing the working class by separating it ideologic- ally and organizationally from the bourgeoisie. ‘The basis of the unity of the Party is the pro- gram and the tactics of the Communist Inter- national. This programmatical and tactical unity is the strength of our International. Those that refuse to accept the revolutionary program of the Communist International and that refuse to submit to its revolutionary discipline, cannot plead for unity. ‘The Lovestone group, has nothing in common with the Communist International and the Com- munist Party. It is its enemy. ‘The Communist International organizes and leads the fight against reformism. Lovestone is the agent of reformism. He is the open and evowed ally of Muste, Lore and the petty bour- geois anarchists. ‘The Communist International builds revolution- ary unions. Lovestone fights the revolutionery unions. Zimmerman and others of Lovestone’s emissaries unite with Schlesinger to fight the revolutionary Needle Workers Union. “The Communist International demands a unit- ed front of the Communist vanguard with the ranks of the workers against the treacherous and reformist leaders. Lovestone makes a united front with the reformist and treacherous leaders against the workers. His emmissary Lifschitz did this in the Workmen's Circle; Zimmerman did it in the I. L. G. W. U.; Lovestone did it with his support of the Farrington-Howatt-Muste alliance in the Illinois Miners Union; Lovestone is doing it in uniting with the Musteites in West Virginia azainst the National Miners’ Union; Gitlow is doing it in his united front with the treacherous U. T. W. leadership against the revolution National Textile Workers’ Union in Passaic and elsewhere. The Communist International builds militant left wing groups in the Right unions to combat and overthrow the reactionery leadership, Love- stone builds “ligtning rod left wings” to main- tain this reactionary leadership. This is espe- cially demonstrated by the Lovestoneite activities in the I. L. G. W. U. The Communist Party mobilizes the masses for the defense of the Soviet Union. Lovestone is the peddler of the bourgeois lies against the Soviet Union. Lovestone’s so-called united front May Day demonstration was made with the bit- terest and most poisonous enemies of the Soviet Union, the petty bourgeois anarchist I. W. W. | leaders. The Communist International organizes the workers for struggle and victory. Lovestone’con- tributes to and exults in the defeat of the work- ing class. The Lovestone organ has completely ignored to this day the heroic struggle of 40,000 miners in Pennsylvania, Ohio and West Virginia, under the leadership of the National Miners Union; but it hastened to report sneeringly the | temporary defeat of a group of struggling miners outside the area of the Penn-Ohio-West Virginia strike, The signers of the unity letter to our Party, evidently believe in a community of interests between the workers and their enemies. That is why they wrote the letter Lovestone dictated. But, they put the wrong address on it. Their request for unity with the Lovestoneites should have been addressed to Abe Cahan, Morris Hillquit and Norman Thomas. From the Rev. J. A. Muste to the Rev. Norman Thomas is even a shorter step than from sublime to ridi- culous. It is only the step from the position of @ more hidden, to that of a more exposed enemy of the workers. Why these unity manoeuvers on the part of Lovestone? This question is easy to answer. The very position of Lovestone and his group is that of a prolific breeder of lies. This group is an out- post of the enemy in the ranks of the working class. Therefore it cannot operate on the basis of its program. It must make its program appear something else than it is. It must LIE OR DIE. Even its name is a whole bunch of lies. Every word in it is a deception. The group supports the traitors of the work- ing class; but it hides this support under ma- noeuvers of opposition to them. I sends pois- oned arrows against the Soviet Union; but it shields itself behind meaningless pro-Soviet phrases. It is trying to split the militant work- ers; but it wraps its splitting activities into re- solutions of revolutionary unity The unity propaganda of Lovestone is his staple lie. It is designed to create the illusion that his isolation from the masses of revolutionary work- ers is due, not to his treacherous policies but ‘o the Party's bad tactics. Class conscious workers, however, will not be misled by the liberal and meaningless phrase ot unity, For the class conscious worker, unity aaa A MO i i ; Visualized this scene. By BURCK Theodore Dreiser Looks at the Coal Strike By JOSEPH NORTH Editor’s note: This article describes the visit of Theodore Dreiser, the famous novelist, to the Pittsburgh strike area’ The writer of this article was present when these incidents occurred. This article will appear in the forthcoming issue of the Labor Defender, the official organ of the International Labor Defense, now struggling to raise mass protest throughout the country against the reign of murder and official ter- rorism used by the coal barons against the striking miners.) CIR Theodore Dreiser, America’s foremost novelist —went into the Pittsburgh strike field — saw what was going on—and returned scarcely cap- able of believing his eyes. He came within four or five words of being arrested by a moronic hulk of a constable. He saw the miners, their starved children and wo- men face machine-guns and gas bombs on: the picket-line. State police on their burly horses— special deputies armed to the teeth—Coal and Iron police, uniformed gangsters, all eyed the novelist with no great pleasure while he made his tour of investigation. Dreiser watched Pinchot’s “impartial” State policemen on horseback accompany scabs into the mines. Watched them take them back home. One mounted horsemen for one scab. Full protection for strike-breakers. He spoke with miners in his hotel room, who poured out stories of starvation and slavery that will make the novelist think twice and more before writing another American Tragedy. His imagination—which brought into exist- ence Sister Carrie, The Financier, The Titan, The “Genius,” An American Tragedy—had never Chiefly concerned in the past with the personal woes and joys of in- dividuals, it was evident that his mind’s eye had never looked into the boiling cauldron of mass misery—of mass starvation—of mass revolt. And Theodore Dreiser left the hilly battle- fields of Western Pennsylvania with an indict- ment of damnation against the United Mine Workers of America—of the American Federa- tien of Labor—that joins fat and itching palms with the corporations to continue this welter of hunger and death. I chanced to be on the scene when Dreiser demanded information from a constable at Horning concerning the arrest of Tom Phil- lips, a popular rank and file strfke leader of the National Miners Union. The constable, six feet two inches tall, weigh- | ing more than 250 pounds, carried a foot long revolver strapped about his chest. He eyed Dreiser, looked away, and spat on the road. “I’m not going to tell you anything,” he said, “Who the hell are you?” “The arrogance of these fools,” Dreiser an- swered, “Paid by the residents here and assum- ing powers of a dictator.” The novelist overlooked the fact that “these fools” are paid more in bribes by the coal com- panies than by the “residents’”—the miners, who were now striking for bread—for life. The constable did not quite understand Dreiser but the tone of voice of the novelist was un- mistakeable. ‘. “If you don't shut up, I'll run you in, too,” the constable said. His coat came apart and the huge revolver gleamed in the sun. “Arrest me?” Dreiser said, “Arrest me? For what, talking to you?” ‘The constable scanned the novelist again. It began to break into his realization that here was no ordinary “citizen”—no “hunky miner.” But somebody who may have authority. Who ‘wasn't out, on strike, unarmed, hungry, battling bare-armed for bread. The constable’s voice came down a tone. For all he knew Dreiser might be a coal company Official, down he for some mysterious reason. “Who did you say you are?” The constable asked. Dreiser refused to give the information until the constable offered his own namé. Thereupon this burly lieutenant of the Pittsburgh Term- inal Company ventured that “maybe” Phillips was in Allegheny County Prison. “At least that was where he was taken.” The novelist by this time had gotten a faint taste of the treatment accorded the miners by “law.” oo) Ree ‘The most illuminating eye-full of the war area the novelist caught, was when he inter- viewed the score or more of miners and their wives as to their living conditions. He discovered such facts as the following: that for months many of these had been living on bread, dandelion leaves, and tvater. He learned, for instance, from Frank Luciana, of the Creigh- ton Mine at Tarentum, that “Some pay day 1 get $14, some $24. Pay day come every two weeks. I have children. I pay $25 a month rent for my four-room house. Eats cost too much. I can't pay rent. I owe $200 on the grocery bill. Some time I eat one time a day, morning or evening. Some time I eat some kind of grass, what you call Italian grass. You cook it good, take a little flour, that is all.” He learned from Jack Rogers, of Midway, Pa., that he had averaged “just the groceries” for the past two years. “Clyde Brow:. of the Cres- cent Mine told him, “Fellows coe in with potato peels in their buckets. Leave the pot- atoes for their children to eat. I went to work four months straight with one egg sandwich in my bucket.” He learned that many other miners carry no food into the pits—only water in their dinner pails. Dreiser learned that to date 550 miners, their women and even children had been arrested. That bail for them has exceded one million dollars. That two miners had been killed. That nineteen are dying or seriously wounded. That more than 2,000 were gassed, clubbed, and rid- den down by the cavalry of the State Police. He discovered that the casualties on the other side—the coal operators side—consisted of noth- ing more to date than curtailment of produc- tion. Not one serious personal injury was sus- tained by any mercenary in the armies of the mine owners—the strikers are totally unarmed, except for their rock-hard fighting qualities. He learned that the State police—the so-called “courteous, impartial” horsemen of Governor Pinchot—have ridden down on strikers; that the imprints of the iron hoofs of the Cossacks’ horses are on the bodies of many a miner or his woman. He learned that Judge H. H. Row- and, of Pittsburgh, had handed down an injunc- tion against picketing to the Butler Consolid- ated Coal Company—which was a pretext for the deputies to fire on the picket at Wildwood, and kill one, wound 19, and for the arrests of 38 miners immediately after>=:d. He discovered that the coal operators are ver- itable feudal lords, inside of the capitalist state. That these feudal barons have their own do- mains—upon wl.ch to trespass may mean death; have their own armies, the special deputies, the state police; have their own currency, scrip and coins; their own commisaries, where they charge the miners from 50 per cent to 100 per cent more on each article; their own schools and churches, and jails, These feudal barons rule as arrogantly as any noble of the Middle Ages, means increased power of the working class. Such unity presupposes unity of purpose. Unity of numbers without unity of purpos: is not strength. but weakness. It is the unity of para- lysis. It is the unity that Scheidemann and Noske called for under the banner of their social-de- mocratic party of Germany, and against the re- volutionary actions of the Spartakists in order to paralyze the German working class and betray the German revolution. The Communist International and the Com- ; munist Party of the United States, is the em- bodiment of revolutionary unity. The basis of this unity is its revolutionary program. Workers who accept and support this program have no difficulty in’ joining the revolutionu:y ‘unity of the American Communist.. All those. who.refuse to accept this program our Party will brand publicly before the working class for their unity with the class enemy of the proletariat; no cries for revolutionaxy unity 6n their part will save them from this fate, the king of the land had authority over his barons—today, under capitalism, the barons dic- tate to the highest authority—the national gov- ernment. Dreiser —the great novelist—had never de- Picted these conditions in his novels. He had never come across them face to face before. It was new to him. And tremendously disturbing. He knew something was wrong with the econ- omy, the government of his native land. But he never encountered the aspects of it in such reality hitherto. Cees eon Sheriff James Cain, of Allegheny County, took great pains to greet warmly Dreiser and Horacé B. Davis, the other member of the investigating committee. To give “his side” of the question. Sheriff Cain, a “World War veteran” if you please—he brought this fact up at least a dozen times—squirmed behind his desk as the noyelist shot question after question at.him. The sher- iff’s office looks out on the brutal, dirty-gray fortress @ the Allegheny County Prison across the strea® The eg§nent sheriff has but two teeth in the lower jaw—they thrust upward like tusks—and his oily ¢mile gleamed and crackled as he tried to win the novelist over to his side. “I know the hardships of these people” he beamed, “Why, I’m a miner’s son myself. But” he said; “I believe in carrying out the dictates Tones of July 10. all their insane asylums there. .Ham Fish’s Boy Friend of the law. I am against violence—on either side. Oh, yes, certainly, I believe in the rights of the miners to picket, but’—and his face creased in that oily smile, and his fangs jutted up over his upper lip, “not to infringe on the rights of private property, not to use violence.” Sheriff Cain was aided now and then by his shrewd lackey, Solicitor Averbach. Together they went out and brought in a huge gun—the type the deputies used at Wildwood te pour lead into the ranks of the miners, their wives and chil- dren, “You see”—Sheriff Cain said, pointing the pump gun in Dfeisers’ direction. Before he could continue, Dreiser warned, “Please point that gun at the solicitor instead.” The sheriff pointed the gun away. “What I was going to tell you is this. My deputy fired into the air, like this,” and he aimed the gun at the ceiling, “and no doubt somebody else killed the miner, Pete Zigaric.” “But” said Dreiser, “the reporter in the Pittsburgh Past Gazette,’—a paper that like all the other capitalist press cannot by any means be termed favorable to the miners—‘“described how your deputies fired into this group of un- armed men and women.” The sheriff looked wounded. “That reporter lied” he said. “I have the utmost faith in Deputy sheriff Silver Braun and Herbert Real. They did not shoot this miner. No doubt some- body else killed the miner. Maybe another miner.” But this sounded so lame that Solicitor Aver- bach came to his rescue. The coroner is making the investigation” he said. ‘“‘We have every con- fidence in our special deputies. They are tried and true men.” As we were leaving the office, Sheriff Cain rose and smiled at Dreiser. “I am a great lover of books and pictures,” he said. ‘There was a large picture on the shelf facing the sheriff who had given and taken the orders to kill the miners. This picture, he explained, was “That of Christ, telling the young rich man to sell his goods, and give them to the poor.” He smiled a sanctimonious smile. “You see,” the sheriff said, picking up the pump gun, “I haye a Sunday school class I teach every Sunday. And I bought that picture to present to them.” And he put the gun back on a shelf facing the picture. FIGHT STEADILY FOR RELIEF! Organize Unemployed Councils to Figh’ for Unemployment Relief. Organize the _-Employed..Workers. Into. Fighting Unions. Mobilize the Employed and Unemployed for Common Strug- gles Under the Leadership of the Trade Union Unity League “ | Bf | Yep, But the Cow Was Dead Somebody sent us this, scrawled on a sheet of paper, and we think he must be alluding to the German reparations cow: “Ye starving mutts, what ails ye now? “Come bind the laurels round his brow; “Great Herbert Hoover—saved a cow!” oF en Tell Us What It Means When France on July 9 insisted that Germany must pay the reparations installment due July 15, poor old fathead Moover gct so mixed up that he issued the following “authoritative states ment” at Washington, published in the N. Y. We defy anybody to say what means these following paragraphs: “President Hoover considers his plan as much in full force and effect as if it had recelved the formal and official sanction of all the. powers cencerned. ‘ “Neither President’ Hoover nor the State De- partment has undertaken diplomatic exchanges with European governments to bring about an understanding by which Germany will not be obliged to pay her next reparations installment, due July 15, if formal and official sanction to the Hoover plan has not been given by all gov- ernments by that time. “Germany will not be obliged to pay one pen- ny of the installment if formal and official sanction is lacking, even from ‘France, by Let the Germans, French and other diplo- July 15.” mats, including the Scandinavians, puzzle over that a while! The Hoover plan is “in effect,” but there is no Hoover plan and it isn’t in effect, yet Germany don’t have to pay anyhow, willy nilly and ipso facto, hocus pocus and non compos mentis, hurrah for Hoover! All of which moves us to suggest to the Ger- mans, since they say they are going to rename a Berlin street and call it “Hooverstrasse,” that they pick out a winding blind alley and-move That would be correctly called “Hooverstrasse.” * Workers should take note of the kind of ani- mals being used by the Fish Committee and other reactionary elements who want Commu- nists outlawed and urge war on the Soviet Union, You will recall that several months ago the N. Y. World mentioned that Gaston B, Means was authorized by the Fish Committee to “in- vestigate the reds” in New York City, and that Means had rented an expensive suit of rooms at one of New York's best hotels and was busy as a ctanberry merchant “investigating” us. Well, we dug around a bit and give-below a photographic reproduction of a news article which appeared in the N. Y. Tribune on July 18, 1918, just 13 years ago, during the World War. We urge you to read this carefully, and note the fact that not only Mr. Means, but also “some of New York's most prominent lawyers” were in the pay of the Kaiser. Of added interest one may note that the pres- ent “investigator” of Ham Fish’s committee, who was acquitted of murder of a wealthy woman, was never jailed as a German spy, nor was any real German spy convicted during the war under the infamous “Espionage Law”, but that hun-} dreds of workers were jailed and stayed in jeif until five years after the war. Anyhow, look over this interesting news item of 13 years back. Get sore enough about this to tell ’em what you think of ‘em on August First! » erman Spies 'Paidin Trinit Church ‘Yar ston B. Means Admi He Got $177,000 for Services to Kaiser CHICAGO, July 17—Admissions th to-day by Gaston B. Means in testi- mony at the hearing to dete? legality of one of two wills p to dispose of the $3,000,001 by James C. King, . Means, who re ermany, ‘and’ of. deliverin, high he received on’a chet Boy-Ed, German naval at, Washington, who was subs: quently expglled. Asked regarding the’ Ngai he received 03, 000, a ade ‘the money ‘the did, some of New Yi Fike sake re eal oa The Poor Fish Again Some person, writing to a Buffalo paper, lates the following: “The newspapers report the wholesale kill- ing of fish in Ischua Creek, near Cuba, New York. by pollution of the stream from the dumping of 50,000 gallons of milk.” ~~ Quite- properly he comments: “Russia® vould shoot such ‘patriots’ as this. But we don’t even arrest them!” Arrest them! Heavens, no! We pay them three prices for what milk there is left, or our bables die of starvation if we lack the priced j ‘ a. Te-