The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 15, 1931, Page 4

xuptished by the Comprodally Pt New York City. and mail all checks Page Four 13th Aq Peet, N.Y n 79) dally except Sunday, at 50 East Street. New York, N. ¥. “DAIWORK.” ‘Daily, Central =e The Struggle ‘Against the Right | and “Let Deviations (Extracts from speech of Earl Browder, re- porting for the Central Committee, C. P., U. S. A. to the Sixth National Convention of the Young Communist League, July 11th, continued from yesterday's paper.) oo ee lhe By EARL BROWDER. ll we choose our forms and methods loping the struggle? The XI. Plenum of the E. C. C. I. directed our attention especi- ally to concrete application of forms of the United Front from Below “This, simultaneously with the careful eva- luation of the general situation, calls for an exact estimation of the situation and the re- lation of forces in the various branches of in- dustry and in each enterprise, the estimation of all the peculiar features and conditions of the various strata of the working class and the application of corresponding concrete methods of struggle: economic strikes, short protest strikes, revolutionary demonstrations, mass political strikes, etc In connection with t we see the leftist devi- ation in the strike struggles in the attempt to jump without preparation from the economic strike into the mass political s' zation of the mass political strike is one of the higher methods of struggle. Its achievement will mark a high level of working class s which will already raise before us the proble of the developments to some extent of the pre quisites of a in the United States. We must therefore pagate the idea of a mass political strike. But it is something quite different if we should begin suddenly in the midst of the present miners’ strike, for ex- ample, to raise the slogan of political mass strike as the next step, as the answer to the problems of the struggle in its present stag of development. Such use of the political m strike slogan would not raise the movement to a higher level. On the cont would disor- ganize the present st te illusions, t necessary tasks of o the miners’ thing except the mi ing and strengthening of committees at the pits, strike committee, etc. It would thus obstruct the preparing of the relation of forces necessary to develop the struggle to a higher stage. The illusions that would be created by the raising of the slogan as an immediate practical sloga of action would be quickly shattered by life self and result in such disappointment and of defeat as would immediately shatter the morale. It is clear, therefore, that behind left appearance of such proposals there same old opportunist essence that exis open right-wing policies. Both can exist by side. strike uniting them in section he in the side oy) la Negro rights we are also going through the same e ence, finding necessary to conduct a constant daily against right and left deviations—with the pec Uarity that the right a r e3 tent is the de Fi youth must conccnirate to fight. In our cond of the Scottsboro campaign, we have been force! to criticize ourselves very sharply for some serious weaknesses. In the struggle for which Pz It is true that the Scottsboro campaign has on the whole been a magnificent success for been an historical + the Party. It in which we have ro of hitherto passive as well as considerable bodies “of white work on the sharp struggle again: the Negroes. In this campaign we he to the Negro m: hat the revolutionary wor ers, both white and black, are t y reliable fighters for their liberation. We demon- strated to these masses in life the treacherous nature of their bourgeois and petty-bourgeois official leadership, both of the NAACP and the churches. We have begun the process of bring- ing to these masses the main slogans of our whole program of Negro liberation and some elementary understanding of this program. In spite of these achievem however, the point which we must emphasize in our discussions. it the weakness with which we have carried out the popularization in this campaign of the slogan of self-determination and its accompanying slo- gans, confiscation of the land in the black belt from the white land owners, the state unity of the black belt and its right of self-determina- tion up to the point of separation. We have not sufficiently explained the class nature and basis of the treachery of the Negro misleaders. Those weaknesses are concrete examples of the right dangers of the Negro question. We have not as yet won a decisive victory over these weak- nesses, over this tendency to the right. Many angles of the right deviation we have not time to speak of in detail. The right wing terdencies on the Negro ques- tion have the general character of lack of at- tention and emphasis on the class differentiation within the oppressed nation. The leftist devia- tions are on the contrary an underestimation of the importance of dealing with the Negro mai as an oppressed nation in which the worki! class can and must give leadership, and substi tution therefore of the class struggle. Many shad- ings of this leftist deviation have appeared. In its most open form it no longer shows itself But wide-spread remnants of it still exist in the opposition of the building of the LSNR as a mass organization, especially dedicated as an auxiliary of the Party to the struggle for Ne- gro rights by the joint forces of white and black workers. The leftist deviations try to justify themselves on the basis of the existing ‘weaknesses in our work which are of a right character generally. But the right weaknesses cannot be overcome or corrected by left ten- dencies, but only by a simultaneous struggle against both right and “left” deviations. * . ads The work of the Young Communist League on the field of struggle for Negro rights has the same general mistakes and weaknesses as the Party, only in a more exaggerated form. There has been an opportunistic slowness in taking up the struggle, for example, of the Scottsboro case, in which the youth organization should have been one of the outstanding leaders. There was a tendency to hesitate in the recruitment of young Negro workers directly into the YCL, and to use the Young Liberator groups as a sub- stitute, which is impermissible. The Young Lib- erator groups on the other hand were in some cases allowed to develop primarily as Negro or- Banizations. rather than joint organizations of Negro and white vouth. These weaknesses in the development of ihe Young Liberators have been (8 Aeenounced and of long duration that it has e. The reali- | been found more advisable to correct them through a drastic process of reorganization rath- er than of simple correction. That is why it is proposed that the YCL shall set itself immed- iately the task of bringing the membership of the Young Liberator groups into the YCL and those who are not ready for the YCL into the LSU and similar mass organizations. To ful- fill the function of the youth division of the general mass organization of the LSNR we will then proceed to the organization of youth Friends of the Liberator, should be able to guard against all the mis- takes and weaknesses that distorted the develop- ment of the Young Liberators. In general, we have been keenly aware that right tendencies and always show themselves as consistent systems of thought an tion in any particular comrade. Quite often it otherwise. Comrades whose general line is quite correct may at a particular movement be victims of a r error and at other moments of a left error, having a fixed tendency to deviate in their direction. ther, comrades who may have a tendency to- ward the right deviation may also be particu- larly susceptible to sudden leftist deviations, par- ticularly in moments when the party is conscious- ly and stubbornly fighting against their particu- lar right tenden The connection between right and “left” deviations is very close, not only in their opportunistic essence, hut also in their individual expressions. wi oe Supremely important at the present moment | is the struggle the imperialist war and anti-militarist wo are now in the midst cf the preparatory campaign for August First, the international day of struggle against war. This is our third Aug First campaign Can we say that even nov thoroughly Bolshevik strug Most serious and gl 1 ses have shown It is tr e, that we are ing advances. Our first August F cam- peign was extremely weak politically and organ- izationally. It culminated in demonstrations of No, we cannot. only a few tens of thousands. Our second August | First campaign, last was stronger politi- eally and organizat + it mol d app imately 200,060 der tors. This year a we are improving and broadening our campaigr But even today we stil find evidence of gro:s year, 21 erestimation of the war dan We find impertant newspaper: ublished by the Party icusly negle+! tion for August First. We find ey occasionally of the idea that the dang serious as we s past show that in bourgeois ideology is work, blu g the k generally causing us to lag Quite t y to th ions r of war is not really All such tendencies of the our Party till felt, slowing down our nness of our work and behind the masses ° our campaig ger, the defect of our campaign, lies precisely in the fact that it is not sharp enough political- ly. that we do no! k in flaming words thst will arouse the macses We take the questic ly and discuss it too 1 ly intellectual inter » hundred times more fire and litical sharpness into our struggle the defense of the Soviet n. We must alarm the working class. We against the coming wer. too scholastically, too calm- h as something of pure- must monster that is gathering itself to leap upon them and their families. the horrors of the World War, not in order to raise humanitarian and pasifist wails about them, but in order to stimulate every ounce erby of the working class to struggle to avert this impending catastrophe. We must rouse in the working masses the consciousness that they have the power to prevent war against the USSR. Only such a struggle will give us the full revo- lutionary possibilities inherent in the present situation of the impending war danger, will actually contribute towards the postponement of the outbreak of war, and, when war becomes a fact, will have laid the foundation for the strug- gle to transform the imperialist war into civil war, A vital part of the struggle against war is the this work has been its almost complete neglect. This is true of both the Party and the YCL. One phase of this neglect has been the miscon- ception that anti-militarist work consists entirely of conspiratorial penetration of the armed forces Work within the armed forces is an essential part of anti-militarist work. It must be devel- oped on a scale far surpassing anything that we have hitherto attempted. But we must also understand that there is a.. even broader phase of anti-militarist work. This is the mass work of propaganda and agitation against militarism, the raising of mass agitation for demands of the soldiers and sailors, the creation of the po- litical atmosphere both among the masses and among the armed forces, which will facilitate the connections between them and render pos- sible the carrying on of open mass anti-mili- tarist agitation of all kinds. The Yellow Socialists in the Imperialist Front ia | has been my policy for 35 years that once a law is passed we must obey it. Of course we are pacifists, but, far from opposing the draft law. we have established a paid bureau of information, under my personal supervision, for the purpose of explaining the law and teaching obedience to it, and that bureau has served from 500 to 700 a day. There are 1,000 of our boys at Camp Upton now, socialists, and nany of them have written us regarding the law. Our reply has invariably been: “*You are an American soldier, Be a good me. ‘Suppress your views if they don't agree rith the views of your country,’ I tell them. ‘We believe in government by the majority.” (Abraham Cahan, leading American socialist, Jet 8, 1917, N, ¥. Sun.’ The yellow socialists sent the workers to death in the last imperialist war to save the bankers’ investments. The yellow socialists are helping the bosses prepare the attack on the Soviet Union, mash the united front of the bosses and the socialists. Rally to the defense of the Soviet Union. Out on the streets of International Red Day, August First! which in the light of | one year of intensive and valuable experience we | “left” tendencies do not | Fur- | so | the pressure of | make it feel the presence of a horrible | ‘tha=C Yorker’ * - Party U.S.A evtSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: 'Oné year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $ | of Manhattan and Bronx, New York Ctly, Foreign: one year, 38+ six months, $4.50, eeepting Boroughs _ Irs NOT THE TEAR GAS THAT MAKES ME CRY—” By BURCK The N. A. A. C. P. Convention in Pittsburgh By CARL PRICE Te 22nd Annual Conference of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, just concluded in Pittsburgh, marked the open appearance of the organization as a direct | agent of the American capitalist class. The Convention of the NAACP was a bosses’ convention which had as its chief purpose the aim of drawing the workers away from the class struggle in their interests, away from mass test, away from demands for Negro equality. and from demands relative t@ the needs of the workers against the bosses and their govern- ment. The Convention had as its keynote the sound- ing of the “unity” of the interests of the bosses and the workers, the policy of class collabora- | tion, and the attempt to fool the workers and We must recall all | of en | thus aid the bosses in keeping them in a state of miserable slavery. All the Imperialists Were There! The Convention was organized mainly on the | basis of mass meetings at which prominent up- holders of the boss-class, were chief speakers. The few business sessions were attended by about 200 delegates, including a large sprinkling of Reverends and Doctors. The character of the convention is shown by the fact that among the speakers most widely heralded by the NAACP were Thomas A. Dunn, President of the Pittsburgh Chamber of Com- merce, Norman Thomas, of the socialist party, Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., the dictator for American imperialism in Porto Rico, Bishop E. D.W. Jones, William Pickens, and representatives anti-militarist work, The greatest deviation in | Of Mayor Kline of Pittsburgh, and Governor Pinchot, of Pennsylvania, who sent a telegram. The Convention exposed further the alliance of all agents of the bosses against the Scotts- boro defendants. The conspiracy against the | Scottsboro boys was exposed when twice the Convention refused to give Mrs. Patterson, the mother of one of the Scottsboro defendants, the | floor. Aid Scottsboro Lynchers The attempt of the NAACP to aid the lynch ing mill owners of the South with their attack against the I L. D. defense of the Scottsboro victims, was shown when Ben Careathers, Pitts- burgh chairman of the League of Struggle for Negro Rights demanded the floor on Sunday afternoon at the mass meeting of the Con- vention, held in Soldiers Memorial Hall. Care- athers spoke from the floor, announcing to those present, that Mrs. Patterson was with him and desired the floor. The chairman tried to stop Careathers and ordered him to leave, but Care- athers continued to demand the floor for Mrs. Patterson, and exposed the conspiracy of the | NAACP against the Scottsboro defendants. The chairman then called on Robert W. Bag- nell, Director of the branches of the NAACP. Bagnell denied Mrs. Patterson the floor, and called the police, who arrested Careathers, and Frank Smith. Frank Smith had spoken from the floor after Careathers was arrested. The extent of this conspiracy is shown by the Pittsburgh Courier of last week, which in a story headlined with “Communists Are Squelched” states—“A Com- munist attempted to speak from the floor, and was promptly told by Robert W. Bagnell, to either sit down or get gut. The man sat down.” The editor of this sheet of the bosses was present when these two Communists were ar- rested, and deliberately suppressed in the Cou- rier, all mention of the arrested. Secondly, the Courier suppressed the fact that Mrs. Patterson was present at both the Friday and Sunday ses- sions of the Convention and that the floor was demanded on her behalf. The capitalist press, a part of this conspiracy, in its write-ups had practicaliy no mention of the fact that Mrs. Patterson was present. In the same conference where Mrs. Patter- son was treated so badly that she was forced nee! | tO leave the “hall without getting the floor, Pickens made his speech against the I. L. D., Scottsboro defense, dismissing the mass protest which has so far saved the Scottsboro defendants from legal murder, with the statement that the Communists “sent 100 insulting telegrams to the Governor of Alabama.” Pickens went so far as to excuse the betrayal of the lawyer, Roddy, in the first trial, by stating that he was “afraid, and that anyone else would have to do similar; in his position,” in spite of the fact that Roddy cooperated with tHe lynch mob and lynch courts. He called the Communists “fools” and stated that the mass protest did not help. His entire speech was a speech of faith in the lynch courts of the Southern bosses. Walter White, Secretary of the NAACP, made a plea for the upholding of the capitalist system. He stated “We must follow orderly processes of the law in demanding Negro rights, in order not to leave the Negro open to Communist pro- paganda.” He stated that the NAACP aims to “liberalize” the nation’s highest tribunal (Su- preme Court) and the other courts of the country. The editor, Vann, of the Courier, who has a long strike-breaking record in the city of Pitts- burgh, is described by his paper as a “practical Negro business man” and his address to the convention was quiée similar to the address of Dunn, president of the Chamber of Commerce, He issued the typical capitalist slogan that “Service Brings Its Monetary Reward” (he should have said service to the capitalist class), and stated “the emoluments arising from the successful operation of any publication are things apart from the true mission of that pub- lication, The public pays most when it is served best, and herein lies the pathway to success for any publication.” Thomas Not For Equal Rights Norman Thomas, highly praised by the cap- italist press of Pittsburgh, made a plea that Negro business men be admitted to the Pitts- burgh Chamber of Commerce. Of course, Thomas, Pickens, White, and the others did not say a word about the Soviet Union, Dubois be- ing the only speaker who pointed out that the Soviet Union is a country where there is com- plete equality for Negroes. Thomas did not even come out for complete social and economic equality for the Negro, confining his demand to the demand for “justice” for the Negro. The Pittsburgh branch of the NAACP, at the end of the Convention issued an open letter of advice to those who had made the Convene tion a success, including the Westinghouse Elece tric and Manufacturing Company, the Pitts- burgh Courier, Press, Sun Telegraph, and Post. Gazette, to several churches, and to the YM CA, which was the official headquarters of the NAACP Convention. The official policies of the NAACP were stated in a resolution adopted by the Confer- ence, which said, in part “Th American Negro still clings to the belief that just as his pro- gress, since emancipation, has been accomplished by hard work, even if poorly paid, agitation, and appeal to law and order, just so, these same efforts today, by more intelligent political power and economic cooperation, will lead to complete emancipation.” The speech of J. E. Spingarn, President of the NAACP, also stated the position of the NAA CP by calling for the defense of the Constitu-' tion of the United States. He said “The pro- gram of the Association is, and remains, the Constiution.” The entire line of the Convention was to warn against the awful possibility that the Negro masses might be interested by Communism, and to state faith in the present system of society. On Scottsboro, the speakers stated their faith that the courts of Alabama will deal “justice” to the Scottsboro defendants. On the question of the struggle against Jim-Crow, and for so- cial and industrial equality, the speakers pleaded with the bosses to grant them equality, end 4 the Impenalist Plots in The Far East Workers fighting the war danger and demon- strating on August First must realize that the Soviet Union has already been attacked by the armed mercenaries of imperialism. Not only in the days of the intervention immediately after the Russian Revolution, but only two years ago, on the Eastern Soviet borders, the armies af cap- italism moved for a brief period against the Red Army. They were quickly hurled back. But the threat against the Soviet Union in the same quarter is still there, says Henry Hall, the author of War in the Far East, the only pamphlet in Eng- lish which tells the story of the Manchurian “in- cident” in 1929 when the Chinese war lords seized the Chinese Eastern Railroad. A reading of this pamphlet, prepared under the auspices of Labor Research Association, will convince any worker that United States capitalists’ interest in the “neutralization” of this road and their conspiratorial activities with the Chinese butch- ers in 1929, holds real dangers for the fiture. While these intrigues were in proeess in the summer of 1929, “Chinese and. White Guards de- tachments crossed the Soviet border and raided Russian villages. The Chinese authorities in Harbin sted thousands of Soviet citizens,” writes Hall. Then the Red Army of workers and peasants effectively repulsed the Chinese forces and quickly brought the imperialist agents to their knees ready to negotiate. ‘The whole story is told in detail by Hall in- cluding the part played by Stimson, U. S. Secre- tary of State. Those who want to read a brief account of how imperialist diplomacy worked in the last open armed assault on the workers’ government, should own this pamphlet and sell copies to other workers. It can be had for ten cents from the Workers Library Publishers, 35 E. 12th Street, New York City. FIGHT STEADILY FOR RELIEF! Organize Unemployed Councils to Fight for Unemployment Relief. Organize the Employed Workers Into Fighting Unions. Mobilize the Employed and Unemployed for Common Strug- gles Under the Leadership of the Trade Union Unity League stated their faith that the NAACP can make the bosses listen to reason. Strikebreaking Against Negro Miners ‘The NAACP Convention has been made a major activity of the. capitalist class in this District, particularly because of the strike of the coal miners, thousands of whom are Negroes, and the unrest among the steel workers of the District. The NAACP branches held meetings in the coal fields, where they tried to influence the Negro miners to support Pinchot who has been engaged, together with the coal operators and the UMWA, in trying to break the strike. The NAACP Convention has been made the most of by the bosses, in the attempt to draw the 60,000 Negroes in this city away from the growing influence of the Communist Party and to fool ther1 into believing that they can achieve something by beggi..g for it instead of by fight- ing. The Convention had as its main purpose, the drawing of the Negro masses away from a struggle for the rights of the Negro for struggle against the boss-class, for struggle on behalf of their working-class i ‘Serests. Leaflets were issued to the workers of Pitts- burgh, and to the delegates of the Convention, street meetings were held near the Convention meeting place, to expose to the workers of Pitts- burgh, the role of the NAACP as an agent of ii ‘ et! a ae The “Farmers’ Own” Co-operatives We match “our” government against the world for exalted morality. The Farm Board, which says sometimes that it is a government agency, and at other times that it is not, de- pending on the requirements of hypocrisy, has refused to sell the Soviet Union 250,000 bales of cotton (which it bought illegally, by the way). The reason given by the Fatm Board is that the board can’t sell cotton to anybody that the United States “don’t recognize.” So the pur chase of some $2,500,000 worth of cotton is re= jected because the purchaser don’t legally exist, according to Hoover. But there's something stranger than that! The so-called but very fake “co-operatives,” which Secretary Hyde tries to claim are “controlled by the farmers themselves’"—also refused to sell the Soviet any of the huge surplus they don't know what to do with. Were the farmers asked whether they want to sell cotton to the Soviet or not? They were not! And the “co-opera- tives” bureaucrats who are as much a part of the government as if they were enlisted in the army, refuse even to give a reason or excuse! Workers should understand this as a proof of the Communist charge that the Farm Board accumulated huge stores of wheat, cotton and other supplies in its hands not merely for fun, but to supply an army of intervention against the Soviet Union. That they insist on holding it means that they figure their war plans will soon mature. That they refuse to sell it for use by the Soviet, shows that they intend it shall be used against the Soviet. By JORGE Lots of Money for War z Government orders for 23 “patrol” airplanes for the U. S. Navy has just ben given by Wash- ington to the Consolidated Aircraft Company of Buffalo. These 23 planes cost $1,709,837. The Curtis Aeroplane and Motor Company just last week got an order from the U. S. Navy for 30 “observation” planes, costing $443,235. What is going to be “observed” and “pa- trolled”? Just as an observation of our own, we ‘call attention to the following advertisement, ap- peafing in the Wilkesbarre “Times Leader” of June 30: “FOR SALE—One able-bodied man to high- est bidder. Reason for selling—must have cash immediately to save wife and eleven children from eviction by sheriff's sale.” The ad was put in by Anthony Baranowski, 41, of Route 1, Jackson township, a mortgaged farm; the -property to be sold by the sheriff is one cow and a few scrawny chickens. All the rest has already been sold to feed the family. Here is the “Times Leader” account of what Baranowski says: “I'm a citizen of the United States. I en- y listed during the war, but now I’m nothing,” he sobbed. “I haven’t any country and if someone wants buy me and send me any place in the world, I'll go.” So... he enlisted during the war. But now he and his babies can starve to death . . . while the government buys war planes for the next war! This is a great country! You ex-servicemen ought to get out and let the war-makers hear what you're thinking on August First, the big day of protest against imperialist war! * . Breech-Clout - Fundamentalism A Bombay dispatch by wireless to the N. ¥. Times of July 10 conveys to us the latest ine formation concerning the all-absorbing question of Mahatma Gandhi's breech-clout, a grave question of something more than etiquette, as we gather from the following expressions of Gandhi: “My lioncloth is an organic evolution in my life. It came naturally, without effort and without premeditation. My duty, as I con- ceive it, if I succeed in reaching London, will be to add nothing more to my lioncloth than the climate demands. If I am to win the hearts of the English, as I want to, I can do so only by being 100 per cent truthful. Truth is like the sun, and it will melt the icy moun- tains of suspicion and distrust.” Which is, if we may say so, a lot of faith to put in a breech-clout, especially if the safety- pins are not trustworthy. No doubt but that Gandhi will “win the heart” of Ramsay MacDonald, whose social-imperialist soul will certainly go out when he watches the respiratory heaving of Gandhi’s entrancing navel. That, dear reader, surely will win Ine dian inpereD ee: Dumbness Or Dente igesin The “Prairie Farmer” of June 27, under @ headline “We Might Destroy the Surplus,” runs an editorial remarking upon the destruction of coffee in Brazil. It goes on to reveal some- thing that most of you workers don’t know, that the Farm Board organizations have already heen destroying farm produce: ‘Last year a California co-operative affih- ated with the Farm Board paid its members for allowing half the crop to rot on the trees, in order that the rest might be sold for a profit.” The editorial then quotes another: farm paper, “Wallace’s Farmer,” as saying: “A certain amount of widespread, deliberate destruction might have a purging effect on our economic system. Why not get ready to consider a deliberate destruction of one-third of all of our food in an effort to get people ready for co-operative planned thinking’ to avoid such foolishness. Personally, I think a little destruction of this sort would be prefer- able to the plain ‘dumbness’ which now seems to characterize our economic leadership.” Now, dear reader, these farm paper editors are not “Red destroyers,” not Bolsheviks who are supposed to just love to “destroy things.” They are capitalists who advocate that food needed by the workers should be destroyed rather than that workers should destroy capi- talism and eat, Yet to these crazy “remedies” for an insane system, the editor of the Prairie. Farmer” ree sponds a) y | ¢