The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 11, 1931, Page 6

Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daTty except Sutday, at 50 East 1th Stipe it. New York City, N. Y. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: “DAIWORE” Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 15th Street, New York, N. ¥. rganize for the Struggle Against War and Sy ALEX BITTELMAN d intervention against the Soviet ct menace to the working class The increasing danger of a new ing the danger of military es must organize and rally to Communist Party for. the revolution- imperialist war and military- inter- is a fight against It is a fight for he capitalist class and rule of the working class. ht against imperialist F into a war against n the imperialist war into civil and for the Dictatorship of the y and fatherland,” as long as means to sacrifice the s of the capitalist class e misery, slavery and ex- the capitalists and im- row of capitalist rule and the class rule do the toiling mas- and a fatherland. Only then the duty of the workers and exploited and protect their land from capital- attacks. of the United States today have fatherland. The country today is Rockefeller’s, Hoover's. It is the coun- It is the fatherland of the cap- erialists. A war waged by the United ss of the official aims, is a war of rob- ion, a war of the capitalists against to make the United States the country and of the exploited farmers, in order ni fatherland of the overwhelming major- f the population, capitalist rule must be overthrown g rule established in its stead. In a war between the ruling class of the United any other imperialist power, England, for best interests of the toilirig masses of the ates will be served by the DEFEAT of Amer- ism. Because this will weaken and demor- italist class and will help the working class s rule. And on the battlefields of such the duty of the workers and farmers in the to fraternize and join hands with the ers in the British army for the over- throw of both imperialisms and for the establishment of viet governments in America and in England. a war of the imperialists of the United States oppressed colonial people that is struggling it is to the best interests of the toiling United States to work for the DEFEAT e American ruling class, rendering the most active to the revolutionary anti-imperialist forces of people, within the United States and on lefields. Such a war the imperialists of the Unis is the last article in Gomrade Bittetman’s series on the war danger and how to fight it. Read and spread these articles! imperialist war and intervention! United States are carrying on at the present time against the revolution in China, where large territories are already under the rule of the workers and peasants organized in a Soviet government. Such a war United States imperialism is carrying on against the people in Nicaragua that are fighting against Marine rule and for national independence. The task and duty of the toiling masses in the United States is to fight for the victory of the liberation movements in the colonial coun- tries and for the defeat of American imperialism. In the war which American imperialism is preparing against the Soviet Union, the interests of the American workers and exploited farmers are the same as the interests of the workers and peasants of the Soviet Union. These interests demand the victory of the So- cialist Soviet Union and the defeat of the Capitalist United States. The war of military intervention against the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics, which is being prepared by the imperialists, is a war of Capitalism against Socialism. It is a CLASS WAR of the ex- ploiters against the exploited; the capitalists against the working class; the imperialists against the colonia! peoples. In this war of military intervention against the Soviet Union, the toiling masses of the United States must organize to struggle for the Socialism of the Soviet Union and against the Capitalism of the United States; for the victory of the Red Army which is fight- ing in defense of Socialism and the defeat of the in- terventionist armies which are fighting for imperialism and capitalism. The struggle against imperialist war and military in- tervention is a struggle against capitalism and capitalist rule. The working class must fight with all its power against the danger of war and military intervention. The worker and exploited farmers must organize their forces to transform the imperialist war and military intervention into a war against capitalism, for the over- throw of ths dictatorship of the capitalist class and for the establishment of a Workers’ and Farmers’ gov- ernment in the United States. Rally to the Banners of the Communist Party .. Only the revolutionary struggle of the masses, under the leadership of the Communist Party, can postpone the imperialist slaughter and check the military inter- vention against the Soviet Union. Let us remember that one of the most important reasons why the im- minent imperialist war has not yet broken out, and that the military intervention that is being prepared has not yet. taken place, is the revolutionary fight of the toiling masses for the defense of the Soviet Union under the leadership of the Communist International. The XI Plenary session of the Communist Interna- tional, held in April of this year in Moscow, gave the toiling masses of the world a fundamental guide to ac- tion when it said : “That the work of the Communist International in defense of the Union of Socialist Soviet Repub- Make August 1 a day of mighty demonstration against lics has become one of the most important factors for the preservation of peace, a factor which caused the postponement of the imperialist slaughter.” It is the fear of the working class and its revolu- tionary organizations that holds the hand of the im- perialists and interventionists. Therefore the masses must join the revolutionary struggles against war and intervention. The masses must strengthen their revo- lutionary organizations for this struggle. This means the building and strengthening of the revolutionary unions organized in the Trade Union Unity League, and the building and strengthening of the Communist Party of the United States. The toiling masses cannot fight imperialist war and military intervention without the leadership of these revolutionary working class organizations. The fight against the war danger and military intervention against the Soviet Union must be an organized fight. This requires incessant everyday activities to unmask the hypocritical pacifism of the ruling class and its war preparations; to expose systematically the secret war machinations of the imperialists before the masses and to arouse their alertness and vigilance; to carry on systematic work among the armed forces to win them over to the side of the toiling masses and against the imperialists; to be prepared and organized for the carrying out of all these activities illegally, when the ruling class does not allow it to be done legally. Only the Communist Party—of all political parties— is committed to such a program of work. Therefore, the way to strengthen the forces of the workers against imperialist war and military intervention is to strengthen the Communist Party and to follow its leadership. Let us recall the experiences of the working class in the war of 1914-1918, Because of the betrayal of the reformist Second “Socialist” International, most of whose parties joined their capitalists in the imperialist war, the working class of these countries remained without organization and leadership to carry on a revolutionary fight against the war. Only in Russia were the masses able to continue the class struggle and the fight against the war, which led them eventually to the victory over capitalism and the establishment of working class rule. And why? Because they had the Bolshevik (Communist) Party, which prior and during the war, incessantly and everyday, was educating and organizing the masses for the struggle against imperialist war. The followers of the Bolsheviks in the other capitalist countries (Lieb- knecht, in Germany, etc.) were then only minorities within the reformist and opportunist socialist parties. Today the revolutionary workers throughout the world are organized in Communist Parties wnich are the only class parties of the workers. There is the Communist interuational which unites all these parties into a disciplined world organization of the proletariat. Today the werkers in each country have the organiza adershig which is trully -proletarian and in- The workers therefore must join ard ! £ By man everywhere: One year, $6; £ of SUBSCRIPTION RATBS: ~ ix monthe, $3; two months, $1 cepting Boroughs Manhattan and Bronx, New York Ctly. Foreign: one year, $8: six months, $4.50, Military Intervention strengthen the Communist Parties in order to build up the power of the masses for an effective struggle against war and intervention. The masses must build up their revolutionary unions organized in the Trade Union Unity League. These are the unions of class struggle, the organizations that lead the workers in the fight against wage cuts and starva- tion, as the National Miners Union is now leading the strike of the miners. Because they are class struggle unions they are also fighting the danger of imperialist war and military intervention against the Soviet Union. The Friends of the Soviet Union and the All-America Anti-Imperialist League are two non-party organizations that are striving to organize the toiling masses in the United States for a genuine revolutionary fight against imperialism, imperialist war and for the defense of the Soviet Union. Every worker must belong to these or- ganizations and in this way widen and strengthen the forces that are fighting war and military intervention. To strengthen the front of revolutionary struggle against imperialist war and military intervention we must especially devote ourselves to cement the bonds of solidarity between the white and Negro workers. To fulfill this vital revolutionary task, it is the duty of the white workers, who belong to the oppressing nation, to fight unreservedly against the special oppression of the Negro masses by the white ruling class; to fight without mercy against lynchings and the lynchers, mob- ilizing the most powerful mass movement to save the lives of the 9 Scottsboro boys; to fight for complete equality of the Negroes including the right of separa~ tion from the United States by the Negroes of the Black Belt. The task of the Negro workers is to urge the utmost solidarity between the black and white toiling masses in the struggle against the common oppressor— the white ruling class, against imperialist war and mil- itary intervention. Above all must we understand that the agents of the bosses in the labor movement—the leaders of the American Federation of Labor and the Socialist party of America—are at present the mainstay of capitalist rule in the United States. These servants of capitalism parade as labor leaders in order to break up and betray the workers struggles. These reformists and social-fas- cists are the main instigators of war and military in- tervention against the Soviet Union. Woll for the Am- erican Federation of Labor, and Hillquit for the So- cialist party are working hand in hand with Fish, the Civic Federation and the capitalists generally to de- fame and slander the Soviet Union and to incite the war of intervention. 2 Especially must we guard against the “left” labor fakers, Muste & Co., for whom the Lovestone and Can- non renegades are paving the way emong the more radical workers. These “left” fakers, assisted by the renegades from Communism, are doing their counter- reyolutionary bit against the Soviet Union by trying to hamper the growth of the Trade Union Unity League and of the Communist Party. Fight against the labor fakers—right and “left’— and their renegade helpers. Build the working class revolutionary movement. Fight against the imperialists that are preparing military intervention in the Soviet Union. The Immediate Problems ot the Mine Strike lowing is 2 spesch delivered by Com- ly 4, called to discuss the tmmediate problems of the miners’ strike. . es * n agree on the general per- strike perspective, ive. This is not ‘ike. That is un- a strike. The question ective? And we must our main line this national It is sort of a period , & sort of “con- But I think it would our minds that this rike. No we can't say ing now, but there the development of this strike. ie strike may break down quickly and be ended by Or the strike may con- is over quite a period, we may be long, protacted, bitter strike on the e present area, or we may have a a of the spreading of the strike and rth in the direction of a national are three defeat Ai een secant imeneb eases opinion the last perspective must be d must be the main note at the National Conference. But we must have no il- lusions that this is going to come about merely through the sweeping influence of the strike in Pennsylvania and Ohio. The strike in Pennsyl- vania and Ohio has given us a position to give us the hegemony over the national strike when i which we can spread the strike. The spreading of the strike to other fields is a much more complicated process. It involves the process of ®pecific demands in other fields, involves the @stablishment of much broader contacts on our Ives maneuvers with other elements, ‘ly the Keeney group in West Virginia; and with the Kentucky men whom we may be. able to win directly to our leadership. There- fore, I think it is correct to put the national strike in the center of our National Conference, and this should be the main note. It should be & Conference for the organization of the strug- gle—not the setting of the date for the calling. of the national strike; but the organizing of the ational strike. the broadening of the field of Struggle. This means that the National Con- ference must be a Conference of struggle against the slogans of the social-fascists, and the main slogan of the social-fascists will be “nationali- gation of the mines as the one means whereby the miners can be saved from starvation.” We have to work out our whole program, as a program.of struggle against the program of na- tionalization, and show that this is a program of slavery for the miners, more complete slavery than before, and we must make clear to the miners that our political demands and our po- litical slogans are all of an entirely diierent order from those of the social-fascists. Ours ate slogans of struggle and every one is directed against parliamentary illusions. Now, what are the dangers that stand before @ur making another step forward in the spread- The main note of | | fore you see any broad back-to-work movement it takes place, but it is not the instrument thru | i} ments. ing of the strike? The greatest danger is the development of weaknesses in the present strike, —either weaknesses in policy or the breaking of the ranks in any large scale back-te-work move- I think that the greatest weakness now at this moment is not the back-to-work move- ment. This is not the greatest danger. Be- develop you will see another kind of danger deve- lop, namely, moods of desperation, and individu- al militant action. This is not new among the miners. This has happened many times. It is the method of des- perate miners when they feel that their strike is losing and that they must do something of a desperate nature, and usually it is followed very quickly by the defeat of the strike. I think we have to consciously endzavor to prevent the deve- lopment of this mood of desperation among the miners. One way that can be done is to keep before them the possibilities of the winning of the strike. We have to fight against every pes- simistic tendency, and particularly we have to watch our own organizers to see that they don’t become the vehicle for the spreading of pessi- mism. I am inclined to think that some of our greatest dang™s are among our own organizers and not among the miners. This emphasizes all the more the necessity of establishing frac- tion work. Precisely now comes the test of our leading forces in the field, in the fight against these moods of desperation and the feeling of defeat. It will be impossible to do this only through the strike machinery. We must have fractions. And the fractions must become the steel rod that goes through the strike commit- tees and holds them up and prevents the develop- ment of any wild moves off to one side of the main line. Now, about West. Virginia. In West Virginia we are not dealing with an entirely unorganized movement. I don’t accept the stories that Kee- ney puts out that they have 19 or 20 thousand miners organized. We have a stronger organi- zation than Keeney hes, nevertheless the fact remains that in Southern West Virginia we are dealing with not an entirely unorganized move- ment, and the Keeney group has the hegemony in Southern West Virginia. This requires that we have a tactic of maneuver in regard to these people. We cannot merely decline to have re- lations with whatever group comes out of this Tield, whether it is Keeney personally, or Kee- ney’s representatives. The fact remains that one of the roads to the miners in this terri- tory is maneuvers with this outfit. I think our tactic must be in connection with the Keeney outfit, to get our connections established there and create the issues in the strike on which we will overthrow the Keeney leadership, and begin it, of course, at this Conference. So, whoever we can get from Southern West Vir- ginia should be taken into the Conference. There should be no illusions created of lack of issues between us. But the issues should be déveloped on a concrete basis, not abstractly. Now, what is the significance of the changed tactics of the Socialist Party? It is a very defi- nite new line expressed in the slogan: “Win the N. M. U. away from the Communists.” In my opinion there are two sides to this. In the first place, it is a recognition of the failure of the direct attack against us. It is the launching of a new line of attack against our leadership. It ig analagous to the- slogan —‘‘Soviets without Bolgheviks”. The danger of such a move is not ;actually particularly great in the Pennsylvania- Ohio field, but this danger will be increased by the necessary manéuvers that we have to con- duct with, West Virginia, and we have to be keenly conscious of tiais danger. Even in the Pennsylvania field the danger will grow ia pro- portion as the socialists develop activity along this line. Now, one last word on the individual settle- ments. I do not see any immediate practical! issue on this as yet. We can only begin to see this as a practical problem when we can set that the operators are ready to make substantiai concessions to the miners. Of course there will be certain independent mines that produce for a local market. They lose this market when the strike is on, and they have no means of re- gaining it, and are ready to settle on any basis which will give them back their market, but such mines do not involve 5 percent of the mines, and therefore it is not a central question of the strike, and perhaps it would be a mistake to settle these mines, even tho it would not, in the economic sense, hurt the strike. It would be politically a mistake to settle these little mines because of the effect it would have on the Strike Committees. They might take this in the way that it was reported from Ohio, and there is not sufficient gain in such settlements for us to accept the tasks it gives us to make clear what this means to the masses of the min- ers. Therefore these little settlements are ruled out of order. Then the question remains, will any of the big companies settle. Here we must remember that the bituminous field is not so complete a monopoly as the anthracite where competition is practically eliminated. In the bituminous there is competition. Therefore you can speak of different groups of operators that could be dealt with, conceivably, but there are not more than three or four major interests there, and it is certainly not conceivable in the next few days that one of these major interests is ready to make large-scale concessions to the miners. The strike will have to go on several weeks be- fore such a settlement is conceivable. So in the next two or three weeks. I don’t think we can have any practical problems of settlements with these major interests. We really have not faced the problems in- volved in actually meeting such settlements with the operatars. Our task is to force a realization of these concessions through our mine committees. and if possible the National Miners’ Union. But I don’t see that this is a practical issue today, although. we have cer- tainly got to be examining this question far in advance. In regard to the National Conference, think it is already clear that the way in which this conference was called was the correct one. It is correct that this is not to be presented to the miners in the strike field as a substitute for their immediate strike problems, that it is not being presented to them as the conference which is going to produce a political program which solves their problems, but it is a con- ference to extend the front of the struggle, a conference to fight against all the illusions of any other possible solution of the miners’ prob- lems except through struggle, and that it is a conference called by the Strike Committee with the endorsement of the National Miners’ Union. Expose the lle about the S viet ‘ Union—Spread Redacht’s pamp:.- Jet “Soviet ‘Forced Labor’ "—96 pages, 10 cents. Write for it to the Workers Library Publishers, P. 0. Box 148, Station D., New York City. Hillquit Under Fire trom the Socialist Rank and File INDIGNATION ameng the workers against Morris Hillquit, “international secretary” of the socialist party, on account of his law ac- tion in the Supreme Court of New York attack~ ing the Russian Revolution on behalf of the expropriated oil capitalists of Baku, has created an embarrassing situation for that Party. While Hillquit is speaking in the name of socialist party members in the Vienna Congress of thé Second International, the Brooklyn (23 A.D.) branch of his party adopted the following reso- lution: “WHEREAS: Morris Hillquit as attorney in the case against the Standard Oil Company and the Vacuum Oi] Company filed a summons and complaint in the Supreme Court, County of New York, on June 20, 1931, and “WHEREAS: Sections 26 and 27 of this sum- mons and complaint read as follows: (Excerpts. From Summons and Complaint) Supreme County of New York. Index No. 20438, Filed June 20, 1931. M. Salimoff, et al, on behalf of themselves and all other parties similarly situated and who may hereafter intervene herein, plaintiffs against the Vacuum Oil Company. defendant. XXXVI. In and after November, 1917, a revo~ lution occurred in Russia, and the supporters of the said revolution, acting together under the name or designation of the Federated Socialist Soviet Republics of Russia or Soviet Government of Russia, thereafter wrongfully, unlawfully and by force of arms seized possession of all of the plaintiffs’ oil lands, wells, buildings, fixtures, machinery, plants, cisterns and pipe lines above described by virtue of an alleged “decree of nationalization or confiscation of all oil lands and of the whole oil producing business in Rus- sia and have ever thereafter wrongfully, un- lawfully and forcibly retained and maintained possession of said lands, wells, buildings, fix- tures, machinery, plants, cisterns and pipe lines without the consent of the owners thereof and of the persons lawfully entitled to the posses- sion of the same, including the plaintiffs. The said revolutionists and those acting in their be- half will hereafter be designated as the Soviet Government. “SXVII. The Soviet Government of Russia is not and never was recognized by the govern- ment of the United States, as a government de jure or de facto. “XXVIII. The said Soviet Government .. . has wrongfully converted all the oils so produced in the Baku region, including the oil of the plaintiffs, to its own use and has carried it away from the land of the owners thereof. . . “XIX. The said Soviet Government there- after wrongfully, unlawfully and forcibly oblit- erated and destroyed all fences, walls, monu- ments and boundary lines dividing the lands of the divers separate owners and lessees of land in the said Baku region . . . consolidated all such lands and oil wells . . . and wilfully mingled the oil and oil products of such lands, including those of the plaintiffs, so that they all constituted one homogeneous mass. . . . “Verification: “Morris Hillquit, being duly sworn, deposes and says: that he is the attorney for the plain- * tiffs in the above entitled action; that he has read the foregoing complaint and knows the contents thereof; that the same is true to his own knowledge, except as to those matters therein stated to be alleged on information and belief, and as to those matters he believes it to be true. “Deponent further says that he resides at No. 40 East 66th St., in the County and State of New York, and has his office at 19 West 44th St. in the said county, and the reasons why this verification is made by the deponent and not by the plaintiffs is that the said plaintiffs are not in the county of New York, where de- ponent resides and has his office. “Deponent further says that the source of his information and the ground for his belief are correspondence between the parties, statements, of the plaintiffs and other documents. MORRIS HILLQUIT. Notarized: June 18, 1931. “WHEREAS: In the verification at the close of this summons, and complaint Morris Hillquit swears ‘that he has read the foregoing com- plaint and knows the contents thereof; that the same is true to his own knowledge,’ and “WHEREAS: this is an attack on Russia and its right to nationalize or confiscate private property, and thereby an attack upon a Social- ist principle, therefore be it “RESOLVED, that the Central Committee, Local New York, Socialist Party, calls upon him immediately to withdraw from the case.” This was presented to the socialist party city committee on July 1st. That body nervously decided to “table the resolution.” “with the un- derstanding that it be taken up again later.” In the meantime Hillquit must not be embarrassed, while in Vienna performing his other “duties” regarding the Soviet Union, by these incon- venient protests from socialist workers who are only now having their eyes opened to the treach- erous war policies of their leadership. The only effective protest against Hillquit will be the August First demonstrations. Seventy Million Mobilized for Capitalist Profits, 1914-1918 Number Pereent- Called age to to- Up tal pop. France (without col- IONS oisc'pc sieme's + 4:0 7,960,000 20.4 Great Britain (without colonies) 12.5.4. .0 40s 4,971,000 10.7 British Dominions, Col- onies and India ...... 4,525,000 Russia . 15,123,000 85 Italy .. 5,615,000 15.8 The United States . 3,800,000 3.8 Roumania 1,000,000 13.3 Germany . 13,260,000 20.0 Austria Hungary 9,000,000 115 Approximate total. 70,000,000 OUT ON THE STREETS ON INTERNA- . TIONAL RED DAY AUGUST FIRST! AGAINST IMPERIALIST WAR AND FOR THE DEFENSE OF THE SOVIET UNION! By JORGE puede! “Onward Christian Soldiers” From the San Francisco “Examiner” of June 28, we extract this tidbit: “Santa Rosa, June 27.—Dr. Louis Richard Patmont, today announced his resignation, as pastor of the First Christian Church here, in order to lecture against Communism through- out the nation. Doctor Patmont, is widely known as a paleontologist. He has held the Pastorage here for years.” ‘We know about a dozen different names to call that guy besides a “paleontologist,” but the cold truth is sufficient. A paleontologist, boys and girls, is a chap who is interested in fossils, cher- ishes fossils, digs them up and hugs them to his bossom, has fossils on the brain, so to speake So what more would you expect froma paleon~ tologist:than that he clings to Christianity and capitalism and detests Communism, the living and growing movement of today. Incidently, this shows that Comrade Bukharin in his speech to Soviet scientists, recently men« tioned in American capitalist papers, was correct in pointing out that under capitalism science and scientists become the servants of the exploiters, The papers pooh-poohed the statement, but facts are stubborn things, That the paleontologist is also s preacher mere- ly adds to the proof. Anyhow, heaven has called him to a higher mission—and salary! 27 eo “This Fine Old (Aluminum) Gent” Reading the N. Y. Times of July 7, page one, Berlin story, we read how Foreign Minister Curtius of Germany, licked Uncle Sam’s boots by waxing eloquent about skinflint Andy Mellon. Curtius said: “What Andy Mellon did is simply grandiose. To think that this fine old gentleman came over here expecting to spend most of his time with his son, and instead plunged into the intricacies of these discussions, is simply great.” Uh, huh! Now let’s turn over to page 13 of the same edition of the Times, and see what this “fine old gentleman” is doing, by asking,.in the name of his aluminuum trust, that he, in the name ofthe U.S. Treasury, pay himself, a million, dollars. On page 13, is an Associated Press dis- Patch from Pittsburgh, which we give below: “Pittsburgh, July 6, (AP)—The Aluminum Company of America filed suit in the Federal court today against the government, asking the return of zbout $1,900,000 in income tax payments and interest. The suit asserts that« the company paid $650,632.38 above its actual income and excess profit taxes in 1919 on in- tercompany transactions of the corporation and twenty-seven affiliated companies, and ask the return of that amount with interest.” Get that “with interest!” Such a fine old alum~- inum gentleman! Always looking out for Number. One! The Workers Ex-Servicemen League should remind the vets about, how furiously this “fine old gent” defended the U. S. Treasury against their de- Mmands for cash bonus. “War Stories” ‘That is the name of a magazine, one of the kind for “popular” distribution, that is appears ing out of nowhere to whip up the war fever among the masses whom the capitalists think have forgotten the last war, if they are old enough to remember it. . In its June issue “War Stories” carries a col- umn of impossible lies under the heading “Says tite Sarge,” tough guy stuff, typical fascist pro- paganda against the Communists, opening up with ranting about “riots,” in the middle charg- ing that “Communist cash financed the short- selling operations in stock of the Chelsea Bank and Trust Company” and so made all the banks go bust. Then it winds up “It’s this kind of Communist vermin, Red Rats, that the country is suffering from as sorely as business depression. If we got rid of one we'd probably get rid of the other Toot Sweet. Rats bring bubonic plague, so we ex- terminate ‘em. Red Rats spread a2 poison that’s infinitely worse—and we're letting ‘em get away with it. Live and let live is all right, T say, when it works both ways. But for these Red Rats, stinking Communists, and scum of the foulest cesspool, there should be no merey whatever... Damn and Drown the Reds!” Now, workers, there’s a nice bit of fascist pro- paganda for violence against you! Just exactly the same kind of wild incitation as was used against the Germans in the last war! Learn, workers, and learn now—before you suffer for not learning—that to defend yourselves and your class organizations from the hooligan horde that the fascist agitators for capitalism are’ try- ing to mobilize against you, learn that you must have you own Workers’ Defense Corps! Let us see what you can do organizing such defense groups in every organization that comes onto the streets on August First in demonstra- tion against imperialist war! Do not under- estimate the criminal intentions of fascist ele- ments! Do not be sorry afterward that you didn’t do something in time! ee oe “Anaconda” The dictionary tells us that an “anaconda” is “any large snake which crushes its prey.” So that is why they call it the Anaconda Mining Company, the Copper Trust, which rules not only Butte, but all Montana. Anaconda also owns the Montana State Fed- eraticn of Labor, and the 34th annual Conven- tion of that body gave enough evidence of that. It held its sessions at the Anaconda owned Montaria Hofel, It invited Senator Wheeler, the “progressive” who somehow manages never to step on the snake's tail, to speak, and then. to quote from its official organ, the “Montana Labor News”: “Following the adjournment the delegates left on a special street car for the Anaconda Re- duction Works, where, as guests of the Aana- conda, Copper Company, they enjoyed 2 com- plete inspection of the world’s largest copper- producing sitielter.” Are the smeltermen organized? What a ques- tion! Are the coper miners organized? Do you think that the A. F. of L. would even dream of such a thing? Anaconda don’t want it! Thus Anaconda “crushes its prev"! eee