The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 27, 1931, Page 6

Pubfished by the Comprodaity Publishing Co,, Ine., dafty except Sunday. xt sO Fad. 18th Street, New York City, N. ¥. Telephone Address and mf al] checks to the Daily W Igonquin 7956-7. Cable: “DAIWORK.” er, 50 East 18th Street, New York, N. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mall everywhere: Gne year, $6; ex months. $3: et Manhattan and Bronx. New York Cily. Foreizn two menths, one year, $1; eacepting Boroughs $3+ six months, $4.50, ay By ALEX BITTELMAN. It is important for us to understand that the war inger, especially the danger of military intervention Against the Soviet Union, is the greatest menace con- fronting the workers and oppressed masses all over the world. This means just exactly what it says. It means /that the bread and butter, the well-being and future ‘of the American workers—the same as elsewhere—is directly menaced by the threatening intervention against the Soviet Union. ‘The Fate of the Soviet Union Is Also the Fate of the American Working Class. The Soviet Union is our Soviet Union. It is our- selves. Whatever happens to it, happens to us. It is today the only real home, the only fatherland that the workers of the world have. Because the Soviet Union 4s the land ruled and owned by the workers. Because fm the Soviet Union Socialism is being built—the foun- @ations for a socialist society have already been laid. Is this new world, free from the capitalist rule and the miseries of capitalist exploitation, being built only for the masses inhabiting the Soviet Union? Is it only for them? No. It is for us as well. It shows us the way to Socialism, and helps us get there quicker-and with more certainty. But this is not all. The existence of the Soviet Wnion, with a working class government building So- @lalism, is hastening the downfall of capitalism. It is Shortening the time of agony and suffering that the masses all aver the world are forced to undergo by the resistance of the dying capitalist system. Above all we must clearly understand this: that the capitalist war of intervention against the Soviet Union is being prepared as a measure of saving capi- talism. This means that military intervention is to fave the system of hunger and starvation. It is to Save the damnable and rotten system of unemploy- ment, wage cuts, gas bombs and bullets for strikers, lynchings for Negroes, persecutions and deportations for the foreign born, colonial oppression and world slaughter of millions of workers and farmers in new imperialist wa: ‘Thi: the purpose and meaning of military intervention against the land that is building socialism. And what must our answer be? Defend the Soviet Union. Turn the war of intervention into a war against capitalism. Make it the opportunity for the American working class, and for all those suffering and bleeding under the heel of American capitalism, to overthrow the rule of the capitalist dictatorship and to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat. The Capitalist Solution of the Crisis. War and military intervention are the capitalist ‘way out of the crisis. The present murderous attack upon the standard of living of the working class; and _ of the exploited farmers, is another capitalist way out of the crisis. Tightening down the screws upon the olériial peoples, making them pay larger tributes to their imperialist masters, 1s a third capitalist way out of the crisis. “These are the three capitalist ways out of the crisis. Really, these are only three branches of one fead. And this road leads to making the toiling masses of the world pay for the crisis in order to save the capitalist system. Think of it and you will see that the throwing out of thirteen million workers from the factories in the United States to relieve the pressure upon the pey-rolls; that the cutting of wages through- eut-the country of the workers in all industries; that the drive to “curtail” agricultural production instead of giving relief to the starving farmers; that all these at- tacks of the capitalists upon the standard of living of the toiling masses in the United States pursue one fim: to make the masses pay for the crisis, to protect The War Danger and the [ale Attack Against the Workers This is the second of a series of 13 articles by Alex Bittelman on the ever growing danger of war. The articles are of the utmost importance and should be put into the hands of every worker. the profits of the capitalists, system. And what is the aim of the military intervention that Hoover & Co. are preparing against the Soviet Union? The same aim. Overthrow the Workers’ Goy- ernment. Slice off the richest parts of the country— the Caucasus, the Ukraine—for division among the lead- ing imperialist powers, giving them fresh sources. of profit and in this way softening for a while the fight among them over Latin America or China. Install into power the reactionary and corrupt gang of monarchist vagabonds, landlords and capitalists and make them squeeze the toilers of the Soviet Union to death to pro- duce profits for the international bankers and specu- lators, In other words, the aim of military interven- tien against the Soviet Union is to make the toilers pay for the capitalist crisis, to overthrow the fortress of socialism and workers’ liberation, to save the dying capitalist system. The same is the aim of the imperialist offensive upon the colonies. Why does the Hoover government— the government of the American capitalist class—sup- port the bloody gang of Chiang Kai Shek in China with money (which cannot be found for unemployment re- lief), ammunition, marines and warships? To crush the anti-imperialist revolution of the workers and peasants of China which has already established ‘the Soviet system of government over a large territory. “To save China for imperialist exploitation. To make the Chinese toilers pay their share of sweat and blood for the capitalist crisis. And why do U. S. Marines ter- rorize and kill workers and peasants in Nicaragua? Why do U. S. warships patrol the shores of Honduras and all other Caribbean countries ready at a moments no- tice to land troops and marines, or to bombard those countries? What are U. S. Marines doing in Haiti against the expressed will of the overwhelming ma- jority of the population? Why does the U. S. govern- ment support the bloody rule of Machado in Cuba? Why does American imperialism carry through a cam- paign of terror against the masses in the Philippines? It is the same story. Make the colonial masses pay for the crisis. Force them to increase. their tribute, to starve even more than before, to save capitalism in the United States from destruction. Imperialist war, military intervention against the Soviet Union and the offensive upon the toiling masses of the capitalist and colonial countries—all go hand in hand as the capitalist way out of the crisis. The Capitalist Offensive Upon the Working Class. ‘The 1929 crash of the Wall Street speculating orgy precipitated the economic crisis in the United States and in the other capitalist and colonial countries. In- dustry began to slow up. The fall in wholesale prices became more precipitate. Finding that production on the former scale could not be carried on at the former rates of profit, the capitalists curtailed production still further. The result today—thirteen’ million fully un- employed, with unemployment on the increase. Not profits, but wages shall pay for the crisis—thus decreed the capitalists in collaboration with the leaders of the American Federation of Labor, and the Socialist Party. to save the capitalist By attacking the revolutionary working class movement in the’ United States—the Communist Party and the Trade Union Unity League—which leads the fight against the capitalist offensive, the “left” fakers, Muste and Co., are helping to put through the capitalist scheme. -The Lovestone and Cannon betrayers of the revolutionary working class movement have merely be- come the tools of the “left” Muste fakers. By. means of throwing out of employment thirteen million. workers, reducing about ten more million to part-time and cutting wages systematically. the cap!- talists of the. United States have saved themselves in wages the tremendous sum of over twelve billion dol- lars in 1930, and three billion dollars in the first quar- ter of 1931. These figures come from the official re- ports of the American Federation of Labor, whose lead- ers have conspired with Hoover and with the employers to cut wages. Therefore, their reports are not likely to throw full light upon the actual.amount of which the American working class was robbed by the capitalists from January, 1930, to May, 1931; and this only by means of lay-offs and wage cutting. This figure of fifteen billion dollars does not include, of course, the amount robbed from the employed workers in the pro- cess of extracting profits. The majority of the working class in the United States—the “richest” country in the world—are hungry. Millions of workers and their families are dying slowly of starvation. Unemployment relief by the Federal and State governments does not exist. Unemployment in- surance does not exist. This is what the unemployed and employed workers are fighting for under the lead- ership of the Communist Party. But what is the capi- talist class doing? What is its government doing? Making the workers pay for the crisis. Jailing the un- employed and their Communist leaders for demanding adequate relief. Answering these demands of the masses with police clubs, bullets, gas bombs and deportations. Lynching Negroes legally, as in Scottsboro, and illegally. Robbing and murdering the Chinese and Latin Amer- icans. Waging economic war and preparing military intervention against the Soviet Union. Wage cuts is another means of making the work- ing class pay for the crisis. Hoover had it arranged very nicely with the leaders of the American Federa- tion of Labor, Green, Woll & Co. The capitalists will cut wages. The leaders of the American Federation of Labor will see to it that no strikes take place against wage cuts. Both sides have stuck to the bargain con- scientiously. The full scope of the terrific wage cutting that tcok place only with the beginning of the crisis, with all the misery that this entailed, is best known by the workers themselves. The official statistics do not tell even part of the tale. A few figures, however, we must cite here. We take them from the May Review of the Bureau of Labor Statistics. This shows that between March, 1930, and March, 1931, per capita weekly earnings of work- ers in manufacturing industries decreased 9.4 per cent; in Anthracite coal mining—9.2; in Bituminous—16.2; Metalliferous mining—16.8; non-metal mining—13.8 per cent, and so forth. | | | We repeat: this does not tell even part of the story, as can be seen from a little news item in the Daily Worker on why the miners strike in Western Penn- sylvania. There we find that a miner employed by the Pittsburgh Terminal Coal Co. had earned in two weeks $25.47. The amount, however, deducted by the Company for smithing, explosives, doctor, insurance, bath house, and board totalled exactly $25.47. The miner received no money. Compare this with the rise in profits. We call Dr. Klein, Hoover's Assistant Secretary of Commerce, to testify in the matter. Unwillingly he is forced to admit that “in the period from 1921 to 1929 the return to in- dustrialists rose 72 per cent, whereas the gain on divi- dends on industrials and rails was 256 per cent.” The Capitalist Reaction and the Counter-Offensive of the Workers. Is the working class accepting without a fight this merciless slashing of its standard of living, and the im- perialist preparations for war and military interven- tion? No. The workers are fighting back. They are compelled to fight back with all the militancy and force at their disposal. In some countries, like Ger- many and Poland, where the crisis and the revolution- ary movement are more advanced, the working class is developing a counter-offensive, preparing to fight for power. The working class of the United States is also fighting back. We see it in the militant unemployed struggles, in the fight against the lynchings of Negroes and the deportation of foreign born, in the protests against the oppression of the colonial peoples—espe- cially in the Caribbean—by American imperialism, and in the developing wide struggles against wage cuts. More reaction and persecution is the only answer of the capitalist class to the stiffening resistance af the masses. The capitalist class and its government are adopting, with increasing frequency, methods of open dictatorship, fascist methods of rule, to suppress the workers and their movements. The existing capitalist democracy is nothing else but a dictatorship of the capitalist class, but it conceals its real nature in order to deceive the masses. However, as the struggle grows sharper, the capitalist class throws to the winds con- cealment and camouflage revealing openly its dictator- ship in its full brutality. In preparation for crushing all resistance to war and military intervention, the capitalist class of the United States will openly and ruthlessly demonstrate its dictatorship in the country. The reactionary, fascist and war recommendations of the infamous Fish Com- mittee are thus being put into effect. ‘The American working class will not be tamed nor terrorized by the capitalist reaction. This is confirmed afresh by the great strike of the bituminous miners who together with their wives and children are fighting starvation, like soldiers in battle, defending themselves from the attacks of the Pennsylvania State Cossacks and the Company thugs. The great danger to the de- veloping struggles against the capitalist offensive is the demagogy and treachery of the leaders of the Amer- ican Federation of Labor who are supported by the So- cialist Party. These must be especially watched and fought against as the enemies and traitors within our midst. The capitalist offensive against the working class is directed toward the same objective as the capitalist offensive against the Soviet Union. ‘Therefore, the working class counter-offensive must be directed against military intervention and for the defense of the So- viet Union. WORK OF RED TRADE UNIONS AND OPPOSITION AMONG UNEMPLOYED RESOLUTION BUREAU Ye deepening of the world crisis, making for the further growth of the unemployed armies thruout the capitalist countries bring to the fore as one of the central and urgent task of the revolutionary trade union movement the organi- vation of the struggle of the unemployed and the necessity for setting up close militant contacts between the unemployed and the workers in in- dustry, who today are threatenend with wage reductions. For mobilizing the unemployed for the strug- gle and organizing them, the question of agita- tion-and action is of uttermost importance. The masses of unemployed proletarians will only re- cognize the leadership of the revolutionary labor lent when the adherents of the revolu- trade union movement learn how to link up the general principal slogans with the every day demands, and day in and day out at the labor exchanges, the municipalities, in Parlia- ment, etc., legrn how to organize and actively the striggle for the petty and everyday of the unemployed, for rendering them re and practical help and for showing them.a way out of their constant poverty. ‘The ‘chief militant demands of the revolution- ary trade union movement in the capitalist countries, which should in the different coun- tries be supplemented according to local condi- tions are: 1. The introduction of obligatory unemploy- ment insurance at the expense of the employers and state. 2. Unemployment relief, amounting to full wages, to be paid out to all unemployed for the whole -period of unemployment. 3. Relief to be paid out to workers employed time, to make up their full amount of wages. 4. The seven-hour working day for all work- ers and the six-hour day for workers under age, for miners and workers employed in harmful ese without cuts in wages. Struggle against compulsory labor and the task ‘work systems. Besides, it is necessary to raise special demands in different communities, provincial parliaments, ete, These are to be as follows: (1) ‘Work to be it union rates; (2) grants to be handed out in case of sickness, accidents or death; win- ter relief to be handed out; (3) unemployed get- ting insignificant relief or not getting any re- Uef at all to have their rent reduced or to be freed from paying rent altogether; (4) fuel, Lota al and milk for the children to be sup- Fag Reig of charge; (5) free fare when going to r exchanges or in search of work; (6) and gas free of charge; (7) special pee young workers to be organized, etc. Naturally, these demands must be closely link- mw bag the general conditions of the politi- ‘and economic struggle against the capitalist - Yegime, against fascism, police terrorism, etc. The winning over of the majority of the unemployed does not only depend upon the abililty to cor- e the slogans of agitation and ac- OF THE R.LL.U, EXECUTIVE j of the every day struggle of the unemployed in defense of their immediate demands. Forms of Organization ‘The thorough preparation and organization of the struggle of the unemployed for their partial demands on the basis of the broad united front from below is therefore one of the basic tasks confronting the revolutionary T. U. movement in all capitalist countries, and the linking up of this struggle with the struggle of the workers in! in- dustry is the prerequisite of the mass political action of the proletarian against the bourgeoisie. Particularly the center ef gravity in all our work must be transfered to that strata of unem- ployed who get no relief at all or who only get insignificant amounts. In order to organizationally link up the unem- ployed and warrant for them a solid leadership, the R. I. L. U., adherents must take the initiative of arranging for the election of unemployed com~- mittees (committees or councils) on the basis of the broad united front from below. Elections of such comittees are depending upon the situation in the given country at the labor exchanges, in the doss-houses, at the public kitchens, or at the workers’ living houses, by general meetings of all unemployed, regardless of race, nationality or sex, and no matter to which party or trade union these workers belong. All committees of a town or city, elected at the labor exchanges, the doss-houses, the public kit- chens or in the different districts of the city, elect a Local Unemployment Committee to lead the struggle on a local scale. The local commit- tees in their turn must elect a Regional Unem- ployed Comittee to consolidate all local forces on a regional scale and to increase the power of ac- tion of the unemployed movement. Such Unem- ployed Committees must from top to bottom, be comprised of representatives from the enter- prises. Similarly, when setting up local or regional unemployed committees, it is necessary to put consistently into effect the principal of tactic of the united front from below. The local and re- gional committees of the unemployed are res- ponsible for carrying on the struggle of the un- employed on the territory they cover. In those countries where there are leading centers of the unemployed movement, they must develop ener- getic activity and become actual leading bodies. In those countries where there are no such centres, {% is necessary to carefully consider the expediency of organiaing such om a national scale. In order to create a firm base for the unem- ployed committees, it is expedient to register the unemployed by issuing membership cards. How- ever, this does not make it obligatory for the un- employed to pay membership dues. Voluntary dues paid in by the unemployed may frequently be sufficient, or collections among the unemploy- ed and the employed workers, as well as among the petty-bourgeois elements, Besides, the re- gistered unemployed should not be looked upon as priviledged members of the unemployed or- ganizations, considered as such by the unemploy- ed committees when defending their interests, as compared to the unregistered. In those countries when other forms of organi- zing the unemployed are already being applied, which have proved to be actually effective, that may be preserved, inasfar as they do not hinder the further extension of the united front, or should be further developed in accordance with our present instructions. Task of the Unemployed and Auxiliary Committees The centre of gravity of the whole work of the unemployed movement should be transferred to the labor exchanges and other’ institutions where the masses of unemployed gather. In those countries where there is no possibility for getting the masses of unemployed together atthe labor exchanges, etc., it is necessary to conceh- trate the work among the unémployed directly in the localities where the unemployed live: The labor exchange comittees, the town district committees and councils, besides registering members and accepting dues, are also responsible for the general work carried on at the given labor exchange or in the given locality. ‘This work, besides everything else, includes: To issue bul- letins at the labor exchanges on labor demands and also district and town papers, to convene general meetings of the unemployed, elect dele- gates, to organize anti-fascist self-defense corps, to set up special committees and auxiliary com- tees during strikes for attending to organiza- tional questions, to questions — the trade union press, recruiting activities, legai advice, food for children, catering for women and young workers, struggle against evictions, control of overtime work at the enterprises, etc. In view of the fact that the committees at the labor exchanges or the town districts cannot at- tend wholly to this work, these committees and auxiliary committees and councils are charged with an extremely important task. All unem- ployed deprived of relief, or whose relief has been decreased, who have been refused municipal help, who are struck off the books of the labor exchange for having refused to do certain work offered to them, or who clash with the police for certain action connected with the unemployed movement must get advice and support on all these questions and difficulties from the legal advice buro. : Evictions, Strikes and Overtime The task of the committee for. struggling against evictions of unemployed for not having out of their houses. The unemployed strike com- mittee must work in close contact with the ge- neral strike committee during strikes, and mo- bilize the unemployed for distributing leaflets, for taking their turn on the picket-line and for carrying out all work connected with the strug- gle, as well as keep all unemployed workers wide- ly informed on the progress of the strike. Of important significance for linking up the struggle of the unemployed with the struggle of the workers in industry are the unemployed committees for controlling the amount of ¢w- time work put in at the enterprises. The task of these committees consists of showing up all in- stances of overtime worker, as well as the differ- ent rationalization measures introduced at the enterprises of their respective districts and local- ities; however, simultaneously these committees must prevent the indignation of the unemployed from developing into a struggle against the workers employed. Work in the Trade Unions At those enterprises where overtime work is applied, the unity committees or unemployed committees organize special meetings with the factory committees and functionaries, organize demonstrations of unemployed in front of the enterprises and hold factory meetings, where representatives of the unemployed speak, in order to thus, by means of joint action on the part of the employed’ and unemployed, set up a frater- nal militant union to fight overtime work in the interest of both. ‘The activity of the unemployed in the reac- tionary trade unions must be organized and directed by the T. U, Committee. To carry out this work it is absolutely necessary for the un- employed when registering to point out to which unjon they belong. The unemployed must mo- bilize the members of the trade unions for the struggle in defense of the demands raised by the unemployed—for the seven-hour working day, without any wage reductions, against overtime and new rationalization measures, against the anti-proletarian measures on the part of the bourgeoisie and the treacherous policy of the 'T. U. bureaucracy, particularly as regards ques- tions affecting the unemployed. ‘They must'on all such questions come out at meetings, conferences and congreses of the trade unions, mobilizing the trade union members and workers at the enterprises and rallying them for the joint struggle. . The network of auxiliary committees’ and com- missions’ task is to carry on tireless and self- sacrificing work, aim at liking up closely the mases of unemployed with the unemployed com- mittees and the workers at the enterprises. The activity of the leading organs of the unemployed movement should aim at consolidating the ranks of the unemployed and employed workers in a single militant front by means of putting for- ward demands responding to the interest of both. It is essential to take advantage of each and every opportunity for organizing demonstrations, meetings and manifastations of both the employ- ed and unemployed workers. General Task ‘The center of gravity of all activity of the unemployed committees should be the organiza- tion of the struggle of the unemployed for their urgent everyday demands and interests. The committees and their auxiliary committees must” carry on a systematic and stubborn struggle for the most insignificant demands of the unemploy- ed. The most insignificant success serves to raise the consciousness of the unemployed and in- creases their confidence in the fighting organs. If the unemployed committees desire to win over the overwhelming majority of the unem- ployed on to a higher political plane, the every day struggle for satisfying the direct needs of the starving unemployed should comprise the basic content of all of their activity. The un- employed committees are obliged to thoroughly control the work of their auxiliary committees, besides the later must regularly report of their work to the unemployed committees. At regular and frequently convened meetings, open for each and every unemployed worker, the unemployed committees and their auxliary comittees must report of all of their work, on all of its positive and negative results. The un- employed’ have full right at any time to remove from their posts different members of the com- mittee auxiliary committee, and also to make new elections of the committee or the auxiliary committee. Revolutionary T. U. Organizattons and the Unemployed Movement ‘The movement of the unemployed must be- come a wide united front movement and be built in such a fashion that it acquires maxi- mum attractive force for the wide unemployed asses, regardless of the party or trade union these masses belong to. Even this angle the revolutionary T. U. organizations must imme- diately develop their work among the unemiploy- ed. All R. I. L. U,, sections and affiliated organi- zations must display uppermost initiative for organizing and extending the movement of the unemployed. Therefore, it is necessary that the revolution- ary T. U. movement renders every possible sup- port to the movement of the unemployed and leads the latter through its adherents. How- ever, such leadership must not be formal. The movement of the unemployed must not be subor- dinated to the revolutionary T. U. movement by means of a number of formal resolutions. In actual fact,, the revolutionary.T, U. movement must lead the whole of the unemployed move- ment through its followers, who have to come out boldly and actively in the leading commit- tees and their auxiliary committees for defend- ing the demands of the unemployed. On the other hand, it is necessary to start wide recruiting activities among the unemployed for drawing members into the revolutionary trade union organization,sns, in order to win over the more class-conscious sections of the unemployed and organize them in the ranks of the Red trade unions and T. U. Opposition. In order to direct the movement of the unemployed into correct channels and guarantee a correct class line, the supporters of the revolutionary trade unions movement must be firmly organ- ized. ‘The members of the revolutionary T.U. move- ment in the ranks of the unemployed movement should be the chief political motive power, act as the organizing factor throughout all cam~ paigns and demonstrations of the unemployed in the struggle for their living interests. The revolutionary T.U. movement must do its level best, in the process of the everyday systematic struggle for the interests of the un- employed, to win the confidence of the unem- ‘ Workers! | font | By JORGE ene eee “Get. thes Money!” Now that those ornery cusses in Europe who call Uncle Sam a Shylock are left aghast at Ameri- can “generosity,” and the Bolsheviks who sneer at American capitalists as “heartless creatures who. would sell their grandmother’s false teeth for a profit,” are thunderstruck at Hoover’s mag- nanimous offer of a moratorium on war debts, let us consider the opinion of Senator Fletcher of Florida on the question of whether the mora- torium means a step toward cancellation of the war debts. In the N. Y. Times of Tuesday, June 23, Sena- tor Fletcher set forth the entire moral basis of capitalism thus: “I do not believe that it is a step toward can- cellation. I don’t like td talk about not getting our money. It is thoroughly immoral and dis- honest not to get the money.” Hollywood Beggars Beggars are getting to be “so numerous they give a bad impression to visitors” says the “Hol- lywood News,” out by the City of the Angels and Aimee Semple McPherson, The beggars are “congesting traffic in quest of alms.” So the Los Angeles City Council is going to solve the problem of poverty by pass- ing a law—that “banishes beggars from the downtown streets.” The Hollywood News adds that “many” are not Los Angeles beggars anyhow. Those foreign beggars who drift down from Sacramento “should be rounded up and sent whence they came, materially reducing tle swarms now ap= pealing for aid.” Altogether, capitalism is a it? Yes,-it-ain’t! * Yes, Fatty, It’s Different Heywood Broun was surprised the other night. He admits it. And fain would he have concealed his surprise. In fact he tried to shoo it away. He was surprised by what occurred at the Em- bassy theatre in New York, when his “socialist” soul was astonished at the applause given by the audience to the Red Army shown in the films. The devil of it was that a lot of other armies had their picture shown and got hardly a rise out of the audience. The Italian and French troops paraded across the screen while the audi- ence sat “in bored silence.” The parade of Fish’s and Woll’s pet fascists, the Veterans of Foreign Wars, got just one guy to clap his hands. “Then,” says Broun, “a moment latet they showed several views of the Red Square in Mos- cow, with Stalin reviewing the Red Army. This was received by the audience in a way which surprised me. About half the people in the theatre applauded. Several hissed very loudly and definitely. The rest were silent. Some few laughed.” So the “‘socialist” clown who performs for the World-Telegram was “surprised.” But he tried to whistle away the spectre of Communism. After gabbling along about $100 worth at his salary rate, he says of the audience: “They look upon Russia dispassionately. To them it is just an- other country with a different form of govern- ment than ours.” Pretty stupid. To admit being surprised at the passion shown. and then say they look upon Russia “dispassionately.” That ought to get a wage cut for Broun from any sharp capitalist, editor like Roy Howard ee fine thing. ain't A Flapper Looks at Moscow After some diligent years as a women’s fa- shion writer and an attempt to abolish all boot- leg liquor in Manhattan by the ancient but un- reliable means of drinking it, Alice Hughes was sent to the Soviet Union by the World-Telegram, which is trying to beat the Post and the Times on stupidities about Bolshevism. All we can make out of the drivel is that the light-minded lady thinks that revolutions are just too awful for anything! How can anyone get along without all those big electric signs like Broadway’s, advertising Catchem & Skinnem’s Hair Oil, and a thousand other evidences of “civilization”? Really, girls, perfume is terribly costly in Mos- cow! And how can any woman live without it? Alice went about pricing things in amazement, And no seal-skin coats to be had at any price! Terrible! The only thing she enthused over was when, at the house of an American friend, she was surrounded by bottles of vodka and wines. ‘That cheered her up for a while so that caviar was caviar, and not a “blob of tar” on bread that pained her soul. But she had a relapse. She tried to enter a shoe store just to see how much shoes ¢ost, when she discovered in amaze~- ment that “one is only admitted if he has a card from a trade union.” This was too much! There are limits to what Alice can stand. So, bravely brushing aside her tears, she fled back to New York, to write up the horrible details. Revolutions are not inter- esting after all! They’re simply awful! Join the Party of. “Your Ci Class! Communist Party U. 8. A. P. O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. Please send me more information on the Cum- munist Party. eeeceseees. Oe cewcescerrees Occupation . -Mail this to ice, Communist Party, P. O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. ployed, to make cvery one of these workers re- alize that only the R.LL.U, sections and their organizations are the acknowledged representa- tives of the millions of unemployed, While formerly not affiliated to the revolu- tionary trade union movement, the R.LL.U. ad- herents must, by means of energetic and revo- lutionary work tor defending the living interests of the unemployed and by means of linking up — their struggle with the struggle of the workers in industry, lead the whole movement politically and organizationally, in order to finally turn these millions of unemployed into a firm con- solidated force for overthrowing capitalism. 4