The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 16, 1931, Page 4

28th Street, Page Four che Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., ew York City, N. ¥. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Address and mail all checks to tne Daily Worker, 60 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. dally except Sucday, at 50 East Cable: “DAIWORE.” SUBSCRIPTION RATHI: * -— * —" By mail everywhere: Oné year, $6; six months. $3: two months, $: + of Manhattan and Bronz, New York Ctly. Foreign: one year, Be a hk } éfcepting Bor $3- six months, $4.50. es ——— ——_ This series of three articles, of which the above is the first, was written before the récent anti-clerical outbreaks and fresh upsurge of the revolutionary movement in Spain. The second article will appear tomorrow.—Editor. By N. MAJORSKY (Moscow). of us the most exact { the class relationships jes of each his- “Marxism demands and objective study o! 3 and of the concrete peculiariti torical movement-”—Lenin. 1 the political meaning and the placement of the mon- he republican govern- yolutionary, bourgeois r of the new government is more than It chivalrously saved the king and the cy from the anger of the people, and @ beforehand that “it is no crime to be a government declares that it n general and landed prop- n particula In a number of towns it ned a state of seige and cal sed mass sed by rifle fire. ture is clear. s the passing of power from King Prime Minister, Admiral Aznar, government consisting of bour- means a bet- illusion of “democracy” is to serve to hid the mass of the people the fact that the new government is @ pourgeois govern- e correctly said, a dictatorship of Jution ment, or mi ‘ the bourgeoisie and of the landowners. This side of the question is of paramount importance. One must expose the counter-rev olutionary her- jtage which Zamora took over from Alfonso in order to offer resistance to the existing ten- dency to regard the provisional government in Spain as 2 revolutionary, or at any rate as progre: -bourgeois government which came into power as a result of the fight against feudal: From this fundamentally false es- timate of the present stage of the Spanish revo- lution there follow quite naturally false prac- tical conclusions of a Menshevist character which m the proletariat to inacti , to the role of oppositia: Such conclusions, and tical presumptions, must pe resolutely e chief danger at the present * however, also another danger, e danger of simplifying, of viewing y one side, of concealing the contra- ory complexity of events. vould be wrong : xis standpoint by pointing to the evolutionar; Zamora } has taken over fr case the question would naturally arise, where, then. is the revolution. Has it begun? Has it tri- umphed? “The passing of the State power from the hands of one class into the hands of another is the chief and fundamental sign of revolu- tion, both in the strictly scientific and in the practical-political sense of the word.”—(Lenin). Does the change of government in Spain mean a definite shifting of class forces, or is it only a change of cabinet within one and the same class? The monarchy of Alfonso XIII represented the power of the bloc of the landowners with the bourgeoisie. The “republic” of Alcala Zamora represents the power of the bloc of the bour- geoisie with the landowners. In this way it was no “pure” transference of | power from one class to another. But within the frame of the bloc of the bourgeoisie and of the landowners there has taken place a shifting of the leading role from one class to another and a change of the form of the class rule. That is a fact which is of great historical import- ance for Spain. It is of great importance for the development of the real people’s revolution of the workers and peasants. The Spanish bourgeoisie has come into power thanks only to the revolutionary mass move- ment which was directed against the monarchy. It is a tendencious appraisal of the situation to declare, as do the newspapers, that Alfonso’s resignation was a “voluntary act” in connection with the victory achieved by the bourgeois re- publicans at the municipal elections. In the whole of the year 1930 and in the first months of 1931 a strong strike movement had developed in Spain, and was accompanied by various armed collisions between the workers and the police. Such collisions occurred also in the villages, where here ant there peasants’ councils were formed. In the big towns of Spain, such as Barcelona, Madrid. Bilboa and Seville, there took place in this period demonstrations of workers, students and broad masses of the petty-bour- ‘The last article told of graft in Washington, showing how the Hoover administration grew out of the Harding graft regime and still car- ries on the old traditions. Previous articles dealt with graft and gangsterism in New York, CChicago, Detroit and Philadelphia. NCE in a great while one of the more indis- creef, gangstes or grafting politicians is forced to serve a short time for his misdeeds—not be- cause he grafted, but because he didn’t abide by the rules. Often, too, when a gangster double- crosses his big chief he is framed-up (this is always easy) and made to pay for his errors. It is these cases that the capitalist reformers hold up as “proofs” of their wining battle against crime and graft. But there is a more serious result of the cam- paign “against” the growing gansterism and graft. The capitalists use it as a weapon against the foreign-born workers. The capitalist papers, to hide the real connections of the underworld, pick out some of the tools of the gang chiefs who happen to be foreign-born and preach long sermons about the necessity for strengthening the deportation laws. It is not even these crim- inals they are after, The whole force of the de- portation laws, worked-up on popular sentiment against the terrorism of the gangsters, is di- rected against the militant foreign-born work- ers who organize with the American workers Graft and Gangsters By HARRY GANNES Grafters and Fascism geois population, which were decidedly hostile to the monarchy. Alfonso resigned out of fear of the growing revolutionary upsurge, and with the desire, by means a tricky maneuver, to retain the ap- paratus of the class oppression. It was not the result of the elections that led to the establish- ment of the Spanish Republic. but the popular movement which had not yet fully developed, put nevertheless was already strong enough to cause the ruling classes to tremble. Bis ‘The establishment of the bourgeois republic in Spain has taken place with great historical belatedness in the epoch in which the question of a proletarian revolution is on’ the order of the day. The same was the case in Russia. As a result, the Russian revolution went over in the shortest possible historical period from the liquidation of the monarchy to the dictator- ship of the proletariat. That was its course from February to October. ‘What are the immediate perspectives of the Spanish revolution in this respect? One must openly state that these are not by a long way so favorable The Russian Revolution of 1917 began with the “double power;” that is character of its first stage. Alongside of the bourgeois provisional government there arose in Russia the Soviets, against the will of which the bourgeoisie was able to achieve very little. For the time being there does not exist a “double power” in the Spanish revolution. Power lies in the hands of the Spanish bourgeoisie (and the landowners). They are exercising this power with the aid of the State apparatus, which they kept intact. This circumstance, from the standpoint of the interests of the proletariat, is the most import- | ant negative feature of the SpanisH revolution. This feature renders more difficult than was the case in Russian 1917 not only the develop- ment of the bourgeois revolution into the so- cialist revolution but also the simple consolida- tion of the modest democratic achievements, | even the defense of the republic against the the fundamental | REVOLUTION | “OVER THETOP” = danger, which is very real under the present | circumstances, of a monarchist restoration. Why did it not not come to a “double power” in Spain? In the first place because the Spanish pro- | letariat entered the present revolution without that rich experience of the class struggle in the most various forms which the working class of Russia possessed; without the experience of the year 1905 (which is of particular importanc® as it was in the year that Soviets were first formed). The Communist Party of Spain is far and away weaker than was the Bolshevist Party under Lenin's leadership in 1917, As a result, the Spanish proletariat has en- tered the revolution without a correct orienta- tion and without ‘leadership. The Communist Party of Spain proved to be politically and or- ganizationally too weak to lead the proletariat. In the meantime, the socialists and anarchists who have behind them a considerable part of the working class, are following at thé heels of the bourgeois republicans. The socialists im- mediately entered the bourgeois government. Of great importance also is the circumstance that the monarchy was not defeated by the masses in an open armed struggle. The victory of the masses in an armed’ struggle is of great importance for the further course of the revo- lution. The masses who have the weapons in hand and make successful use of them, are ready for any fight in order not to be deprived of the weapons or of their achievements. There are a number of further important fac- tors which show the difference of the Spanish revolution compared with the Russian revolu- tion. In 1917 Russia was in a state of war, and this affected its inner and international situa- tion. The youngest and the most active part of the Russian peasantry were under arms. The masses were war-weary; they wanted possessisn of the land and therefore turned their weapons against those who would not give them either land or peace. At the moment of the victory of the Russian revolution the imperialist world was divided into two warring camps, and therefore was unable to attack the young Soviet Republic with its whole forces. These favorable conditions do not exist for Spain. All that has been said above suffices to give an idea of the difficulties of the Spanish revo- lution. The analogy with our February revo- lution applies only insofar as power has passed into the hands of the bourgeoisie, that thé achievements of the people are obviously in- adequate, that further steps must be taken; but the analogy does not apply as a whole, as the Spanish proletariat has not won the position which the Russian proletariat had won in Feb- ruary, 1917 and it will be much more difficult for the Spanish proletariat to advance. (To Be Continued) against wage-cuts; who fight for unemployment insurance and against the worsening of their standard of living. Deport Workers. ‘The drive for deportation of gangsters can never reach the Al Capones, the “Legs” Dia- monds, the Bill Dwyers, the “Bugs” Morans— that is, the real leaders, the organizers of the grafting, murdering, booze-running and dope- peddling crews. All of them are 100 per cent Americans. “Big” Tim Murphy was born “back o’ the yards” in Chicago. They are all Ameri- can citizens who vote regularly and often-at all elections. They are the best supporters of Amer- ican capitalism, and will become one of its most stalwart protectors when the fascist murderers are needeq to mow down revolutionary workers. The misleaders who have gangster-machines built up by the bureaucrats in teh trade unions are the most vicious enemies of the workers seeking to build broad mass revolutionary unions, who fight gangster methods in the American Federation of Labor. Such gangsters as Alder- man Nelson, an official of the Chicago Federa- tion of Labor, are among the most rabid sup- porters of American imperialism. ‘Thus we see that the roots of gangsterism, graft and crime have their origin in the devel- opment of American capitalism at all its stages. ‘Today it is powerfully interwoven with the ene- mies of the workers, has become part of the cap- saa Ss Saseses SS ‘Sz, at By BURCK | Spies and Traitors Struggle Between a Labor Racket- Exbosed The Communist Party of the U.S.A. warns all workers and workers’ organizations against the following spies and traitors: Abbot of San Pedro, Cal.; had crept into the Party for a short while; was expelled when he came out openly as an agent of the police and testified against arrested comrades; is now oper- ating as a member of the “Red Squad” of the police. Donald Mataharu Inouye, San Francisco, Cal.; Japanese; printer by trade; joined the Party in 1929 under false pretenses; is now expelled and exposed as a scoundrel and a traitor, who tried to blackmail the parents of an arrested comrade by threatening to give information to the gov- ernment. * Anton Jurasevich (alias Jurasich or Balto), Pittsburgh, Pa.. born in Croatia, Jugoslavia, about 45 years of age; formeman in J. & L. Steel Mill in S. S, PiPttsburgh; had sneaked into the South-Slavic Branch of the International Labor Defense (not in Party), but has now been ex- pelled from there when it was found that several workers have been fired from th steel mill on the basis of his reports as a company stool pig- eon; he may be working also for an agent of the Department of Justice. Jurasevich weighs about 160 pounds, is about 5 feet, 10 inches tall, has deep-set brown eyes, bony face, and blond hair; he does not smoke, but uses snuff. Petrov, Akron, Ohio; Russian; plied his ne- farious trade among the workers of Goodyear Airship Works under the pretext of.an offer to help those who wanted to go to the Soviet Union and of a letter purported to be signed by the Central Office of the Party, although he was not & member of the Party; it has been definitely established that he gave information on these workers to the government. He is about 5 feet, 5 inches in height, has light brown hair (almost reddish), bald about low forehead, gray-blue shifty eyes, extremely thin mouth giving the appearance of a slit, fine ta- pereq ladylike fingers, and is nervous and fidg- ety. He speaks English with pronounced Russian accent, speaks Russian fluently, and shows much familiarity with the provinces, cities, and even streets in the principal cities of the Soviet Union. Central Control! Commission of C. P. of U.S. A. italist government machinery and is inseparable from it. After the stock market crash of 1929, the eco- nomic ¢risis which hit all basic industries threw 10,000,000 workers out of employment, had ‘its effects on the bootlegging and grafting business. It narrowed teh available graft and profits for murders, vote stealing, and other services of the gunmen, This resulted in a struggle for a divi- sion of the spoils, sharpening the warfare be- tween the remaining big gangs and capitalist politicians. Particularly is this shown in many features of the city elections in Detroit, when Mayor Murphy was elected after a gang killing; we see it in New York, in the bickering between the Smith-Roosevelt faction and the Walker out- fit in the New York Tammany grafting machine; in the Chicago city elections of 1931, following the degenerted primaries when Mayor Thompson and Judge Lyle openly charged each other with being representatives of gangsters and grafters. ‘Thompson’s history is too well known to need further proof to substantiate these charges. Judge Lyle was the Chicago Tribune's tool, ene- my of the unemployed workers, and spokesman for every gangster in Chicago who resented Ca- pone’s virtual monopoly of bootlegging, murder- ing and police protection, i Preserve Robbery System. ‘The gangsters are interested in the preserva- tion of capitalism, its system of exploitation, robbery and graft. They side with the capitalists on every phase of the struggle against the work- ers. They are part of the capitalist government and only with its end will they be destroyed. As the struggle of the workers against in- creasing unemployment, speed-up, against the lowering of their standard of living grows sharp- er the capitalists begin to use more fascist tac- tics—that is open and brutal dictatorial methods in attempting to suppress the workers, The criminal syndicalist laws are used more fre- quently in jailing workers. Revolutionary work- erg are’ jailed on’ the slightest pretext or on ne By LENA ROSENBERG 'HE strike of 7,000 silk workers in Allentown has brought to the surface many facts which existed before but were not so outstanding as at present. The Lehigh Valley Review is a weekly paper run by the Pinchot representative in Allentown, Mr. Méftz, ahd bécause it picks at mere scandals than any other sheet and ex- poses corruption in the rival camp it has & cir- culation many thousands. Of course, the Re- view never exposes the corruption’in its own machine such as the alfiiést feudal conttel of Bethlehem by Schwab and Grace through Mayor Pfeifle when the Review boasts of sup- porting as follows, 6n May 30. “The Review championed Pfeifle’s candidacy for the mayoralty of Bethlehem on the platform that he would make Bethlehem a clean and progresstve city, would keep down the tax rate, and would enforce all city ordinances. Mayor Pfeifle has made a good job of it during only one-fourth of his regime and thus far has proved to be, the best chief executive Bethle- hem has ever had.” Yes, he has proved to bé the best chief ex- ecutive Schwab has ever had! Under his regime not a single worker's gathering was permitted :| and where a permit was granted the police de- partment ‘spread the word all over Bethlehem that the meeting would be raided and in this way kept the workers away. When a group of unemployed workers called. a meeting in-a -pri- vate house to take up ways and mens of get- ting some relief from starvation, Mayor Pfeifle’s police made sure to be at the door and turned every one away under threat of arrest. But even this ws not keeping Bethlehem clean enough, so when two workers whose looks the police might not have liked walked down the street of Bethlehem they arrested them without a warrant and charged them with sedition be- cause they had the Daily Worker on them. .| When the strike broke out in Allentown, Mertz became a “friend” of the strikers and began to evpose the U.T.W. officials because Mozer, the Secretary of the Central Labor Union of Allentown belongs to the gang that now con- trols the city administration, which happens to be the Trexler-Young gang. It is due to this fact that Mertz agreed to publish a statement against the U.T.W. traitors by the organizer of the same time’ exposed the “stabilization” bunk as well as effects of arbitration .on the workers. ‘This article made the traitors furious for they pretext at all; frame-ups of workers become more frequent. ‘The gangster element is used against all work- ers who organize against wage-cuts, speed-up, for unemployment insurance and. for a reyolu- tionary fight against capitalism and all its rot~ tenness. In Germany the Fascists have already given an example of the role the American gangster will play as the class struggle grows sharper. The murder of Ernst’ Henning, Com- munist member of the Hamburg City Council by ‘three. Fascist gunmen in a lonely bus, in March, 1931, was in the fully approved style of- | Caporle and “Legs” Diamond. In organizing their fascist hordes against the workers, ; the capitalists will use as their storm troops th whole tribe of gunmen, dope-peddlers and gatig- sters in the United States. They will be inval. able allies for the bosses in preserving caj ism, and its whole system of graft A their experience in. terrorism will fe: used by the rich against the wi It will be a labor of love for the ‘ge fx” They, in full sympathy with their ca . backers, do not basis for existence. We have already shown how the crisis intén- sifies the terror against the workers and what function the gangsters play at this period. It is. not their friends, the gdmgsters,. whom the capi- talists are interested in jailing or deporting, but it is the revolutionary workers who lead the struggle for unemployment relief against. wage- cuts and against capitalism with all its rotten Props. ; the National Textile Workers Union, which at , want capitalism destroyed, as it will end their eer and a Pinchot Tool tor Lackey Service thought that when they got the workers so en- raged against the Communists by lying to the effect that Communists are strike-breakers and agents of the bosses, that they refused to read the Daily Worker their treachery in strikes would not be exposed. These traitors had to do something about it for the workers were beginning to question the sincerity of the Kellys in the Broad Silk strike. Sincethey could not deny the facts in the N.T. W.U,. statement, they issued a front page attack in the Pennsylvania Labor Herald which Mozer edits against the N.T.W.U. organizer, making some filthy insinuations about “Mertz, Rosen- berg, who are listed as strike-breakers, willing | to tear down American institutions and Amer- ican standards to secure ‘the desires of the “Reds.” In this attack ‘they also’ mention that while Mertz has been accused of wife beating it was not against Lena: Knowing that Mertz's wife is worried about him going out with other women they carefully cut this article out and send it to his wife, hoping that a personal acandal would thus be created nd the attention of the strikers drawn away from their real pro- blems. ten in this fashion in ‘view of. Mertz’s matri- monial troubles. No doubt the article was purposely writ- | Of course, that Mertz is a strike-breaker we | can agree because in the Review of June 6 a statement appears by the manufacturers threat- , ening with an injunction against the outsiders, which is, of course, meant agairist’ the strikers, and Mertz agrees with this statement, as a mat- ter of fact cleams that he helped to get the manufacturers to issue it. And that the or- ganizer of the N.T.W.U. hs no particular love for the “American institutions which break strikers by intimidation and terrorizing of pick- ets and American standards which allow mil- lions of workers to starve because of unemploy- ment and w age cuts, we have no argument against. From the w ritings of both sheets it is clear that both Mertz and Mozer agree on the meth- ods of breaking the strike and their fight is just a fight between two capitalist cliques each trying to clean up a better share of the booty for himself. We have already shown what kind of a “Communist Mertz is” in the quotation on Pfeifle and his position on the manufacturers statement. Now we will take Mozers sheet on June 6, which carries the following gems in an editorial attack against Communists, not manu- facturers! Z “It is unfortunate that some plan to end the silk strike has not been developed by the various agencies which have sought to end)this strug- gle.” (Emphasis mine—L.R.) Who.are these gencies that the Labor Herald speaks of? No others than the Chamber of Com- merce and the Citizens Committee, which was appointed by it. It so happens that the Lehigh Valley Review was first to call on’ the Chamber of Commerce to do something about ending the strike. Here it is both Mozer and Mertz call upon the Chamber of Commerce and the Cit- izens Committee, both ageneéies notorious for breaking strikes, particularly in the Textile In- i Apustry. Naturally such a settlement could be ‘only in favor of the silk manufacturers and because the N.T.W.U. has warned the strikers that this would happen’ it makes it somewhat difficult for both Mozer and Mertz to pat it over, And as the strikers begin to realize the real role of both these agents of the bosses as some of them do already, it may even make a sell-out impossible and thestrike will yet be won, It is therefore natural that Mozer and his * buddies from the U.T.W. (Kelly-Smith and Mac-_ donald) should be sore at the Communists, and ‘when dos this full belly racketeer call upor for help against the Communists we will let “the editorial in the Labor Herald speak for it-_ self: “What does the Chamber of Commerce or the American Legion think of the effort to bring Communists to Allentown.” ‘Thus we see that although there are no poli- Ns rec eee ‘ Pe a By JORGE ee Take ’em to Pieces Perhaps not all workers have the patience te untangle Mr. Knickerbocker’s anti-Soviet ar- ticles appearing now in the N. Y. Post and other papers, Let us take one apart and see how ridiculous is the assumption that the N. Y. Na« tion recently made to the effect that Knicker» bocker is all right, but the “headlines writers” are scoundrels. ‘They may be scoundrels, but Knickerbocker is responsible for the following distortions. We cite his article in the N. ¥. Post of June 4. It opens up by saying? “Manchester, England. . . is receiving les- son in the methods of Soviet trade. It is paying careful attention, for chimneys that had smolics for decades , . + are smokeless” today...” Why was this? Because, Knickerbocker says. Soviet trade agents in Britain, at one meeting held with Manchester business men, promised that the Soviet would not “compete with your producers in the British colonies and British dominions.” ‘Then: A month later the head of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce got to thinking that textile machinery sold to the Soviet would make textiles that had to be sold somewhere. Then: Six months later this chap discovered that there was “a large contract” (how “large” Knicker- bocker conceals) “for the sale of Russian. tex- tiles in the market within the British Empire” at low prices. But Knickerbocker hides, instead of revealing, the fact that this “large contract” had been made earlier, before the Soviet Trade Organ- ization in England was set up, whereby some dealer in Germany was buying Soviet textiles and selling them wherever he could. the “con- tract” between the dealer and some British mer- chants, the Soviet having no control over these people at all. The Sovict trade agent, Saul Bron, explained this to the Manchester business men, and said that the particular dealer would not be allowed to sell to British markets when his contract expired. £o what was wrong with that? Nothing! But Knickerbocker tries to make it appear that Bron lied, by going on to tell other thinks that have nothing to do with Bron’s promise, Knick- erbocker continues: “Another month later . . . Mr. Lee (head of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce) dropped diplomatic phraseology entirely” and was com- plaining that the awful Russians with their new textile machinery might, yes, they might, be making goods to be thrown “on markets in which we are interested.” Please note that he doesn’t say on markets “in the British colonies and British dominions” —but markets “in which we are interested.” which were not included in Bron’s promise to Manchester business men. But Knickerbocker lying, implies that the Soviet was breaking its promise. Then he goes on to say: “Now when British salesmen in Persia write home that it is useless to send any more samples to Persia, . . . because Russian goods, both better and cheaper, are being sold there. When did Persia become a “colony” of “dominion” of Britain? Yet Knickerbocker acts as if Soviet sales there violated the Soviet promise to Manchester! More! Knickerbocker goes on to speak about “Far Eastern markets” as though England had Some god given right to monopoly of trade with the Far East! And as if the Soviet had proms ised to lay off! Also, as if the entire trouble’ of Manchester textile mill owners was due to ‘methods of Soviet trade,” although in a carefully. hidden |. few lines in the last part of his article, Knick- erbocker mentions sthat Japan had “taken a |. painful slice” of, Manchester's trade inthe Far East. and Poland had taken other markets. Yet, the whole lying line of deliberate distor- tion was set by Knickerbocker when he opened his: article by declaring that Manchester was. “receiving a lesson in the methods of Soviet trade” and implying that the Soviet is to blame for Manchester's “smokeless chimneys.” In short, Knickerbocker is a liar. | Worker, the Trade Union Unity League and the of them are trying to show to their masters that th ey are on the job. Mozer through his Pennsylvania Labor Herald is trying to prove to Trezler-Young that his heart is ll there, by pasting the Communist danger all ovcr his sheet in every issue, Mertz and his L3high Valley Review is trying to get more favors from Pin- chot, who claims to be a lover of the. workers 4 by increasing his circulation of ‘Lehigh: Valley Review, which gives him a better chance.to fool the workers and since he knows that the Com- munist scare does not go over so big any more so he lays low on it in which case he is putt it over on Mozer, who is too stupid to reali it yet. ba ‘Thus the strike has brought out the fact that the Lehigh Valley Review, which the strikers read and thought was the best paper, it with the silk manufacturers because it supports their strike-breaking statement of June-6. . And al- ready they staged a demonstration in. front of the Review Office. The next fact which is driven home to the strikers very sharply is that when the organizer of the N.T.W.U. was forcibly kept out of mass meetings, Sheriff Kelow, who is now running for Mayor, spoke.a.t a strikers meeting and assured the strikers that he is with them, and only a few days later he called the Pinchot’s State troopers to break up a militant mass picket line in Eamus, Again showing that Mozer’s Sheriff Kellow and Mertz’s. Pinchot police unite when it comes to éstrike-breaking, Another fact which Mozer can’t blame on the Communists is the fact that 7 strikers were are rested and fined from $10 to $25 or jail sen= tences for “peaceful picketing.” “ It's’ no use, Mozer and co., the strikers were there’and saw it themselves, ? « As a result of this strike and the-actions of both Lehigh Valley Review and the Labor Herald the strikers should themselves realize that they can not depend on either capitalist sheet whether it is Independent or Labor. ‘The only press the workers can depend on is the Daily Labor Unity. These papers are your papers, Allentown strikers, so learn to accept them as vA « ‘ 4