The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 4, 1931, Page 4

SP Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Ine., dally except Sunday, at 60 East 2 N. Y. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: “DAIWORK.” Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 60 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. 18th Street, New York City - By mail everywhere: One year, ' ot Manhattan and Bronx, New York Ctly. Foreign; one year. $8+ six months. $4.50, SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $6; six months $8: two months, hi: excepting Boroughs NEGRO WORKERS! RALLY TO SAVE “DAILY WORKER’ of the Negro By WILLIAM L. PATTERSON er of the Liberation Movement | peopleo. Member Executive Committee, League of Strug- | gle for Negro Rights his is not an accident. The Daily Worker | e Communist Party. The Com- NE‘ of the most upon the lives | , is the only leader of the struggles of Negro p ica is the attempt | of the working class of America, Negro and of the ruling class of the South to legally lynch | white, against ruling class terror and against the nine Negro bo} bam The vation system of the bosses. It is the only dong hist of 1 and ly ings eader of ggle of the inhumanly op- xnows no page blacker than this. Yet the cap- | pressed Negro and white farmers of America. italist press of America even in the largest cities | The major part of the Negro press in the hands is silent. The preparations for this mass mur- | of the Negro capitalists has deserted the liber- der of Negro boys are being concealed by the | ation struggles of the Negro masses, Their in- press of the ng the execu- | terests are in common with the interests of the tion. One is same white | Negro landlords, the big Negro preachers, the ruling class press has on occasions printed news | Negro insurance men and bankers. Their pro- of a lynching b it took place, even naming | fits come from the exploitation of the masses | the time place, as does the profits of the white ruling class, But from the moment news of the savage | The Daily Worker is leading the struggle of murder trial of these gnnocent boys be- | the Negro masses against these misleaders, the came wn, the Daily Worker, 1 of the | Negro exploiters of the masses, these tools of Communist Party of the U.S.A., has done more | the ruling class of America. than follow this case. It sent out the firs ae appeal for a United Front of Negro churches, | Can We Afford to Lose ‘Daily’? lodges and clubs with white mass organizations | Can Negro masses afford to lose this for the defense of these innocent boys. | weapon in their struggle against the hell of “Daily” Is Champion Of Negro Masses seg , jim-crowism and ruling class mob Not one day since the arrest of these boys terror? Can the ne Scottsboro boys afford to in March has the Daily been without this weapon of defense? Not without grave to their lives. Yet the Daily Worker is rrible situation. Its finances are so low, any see it suspend publication. Action at once is necessary! Only the workers can save their paper! Every cent counts. Negro worke! rally to the support of your paper. Rally to the support of the press that is uniting the Negro and white workers of America to over- throw the system of boss oppression, starvation, jim-crowism, of lynching and-mob terror! its story of the trial, its call for mass defer ge! its suggestion as to the best means of prepar- ing for a long and relentless struggle for the lives of these boys. It analyzed the causes of the Scottskpro frame-up and the new wave of lynch terror against the Negro people, it has relentlessly exposed the Negro reformists and tools of the ruling class of America, it has de- finitely described their role. In a word, it has come forward openly and fearlessly as the lead- Railroad Workers, Organize and Strike Against Wage Cuts! out reduction in pay and for unemployment in- surance. It is also developing programs of local demands in the various railroad shops, round- houses, railroad systems, etc. These general and local demands are sup- ported by an intense campaign of organiza- tion. Joint grievance committees, to include organized and unorganized, are to be set up By WM. Z. FOSTER. MPORTANT mass struggles are looming the railroads. The companies are preparing to cut the workers’ wages. The labor bureau- crats are shaping up to help them do it. The National Railroad Industrial League is mobiliz- ing the workers to strike against the threaten- All of which is leading straight to on se cits. he various shops, yards, etc. Local leagues . ‘acter on the in the various shops, y — 'e sere ea ot a are being organized to include all NRIL sup- railroads. 2 i ‘ + * porters. Minority groups are being built inside It is plain that the railroad magnates are sae a Te ‘é z rt mow out to back up their intense speed-up on | the old unions. Unemployed Councils Ate bells the railroads, by making wholesale slashes in | establish oar Latte e ee ee railroad wages. For weeks past_they have been these organizi Bite 1 : ity thetic local unions, are linked up locally into preparing the public mind for this by system- atic propaganda in the capitalist papers. Now they are taking definite steps to this end Their program is brutal and insidious. The railroads are starting out by demanding that the Interstate Commerce Commission grant them large increases in freight and pas- senger rates. They know that, with the coun- try in crisis and price levels falling generally, their chances to get substantial rate increases are not good. But they aim to win in another way. They will utilize a refusal or only partial response to their demands as an excuse for a deep slash in railroad wages. Naturally, the companies will count on the labor fakers to help put across their wage cut. Nor will they be disappointed. The railroad “chiefs” are all set to do this under cover of an elaborate and insidious “left” maneuver. ‘That is, they will make a sham resistance while at the same time steering the movement into channels of surrender. The way the little game is planned is this: When the companies finally make definite wage cut.demands, the A. F. L. and Brotherhood Jeaders will vociferously oppose them. They will talk resistance and make a show of militancy (all of which will enthuse Mr. Muste). They will even take strike votes of the workers. All this will mean nothing except to throw dust in the eyes of the workers. In due season, the companies, the government and the labor fakers will play their trump card, the Watson- Parker law. When the sham battle has gone far enough, so that the labor misleaders hope they may retain their hold upon the workers, then the government, under the terms of the Watson-Parker law, will step in, declare a state of emergency, and steer the whole thing into arbitration, where, of course, the railroads will get the wage cut they demand. Although the Watson-Parker Law arbitra- tion is technically “voluntary,” the’ government can easily create a situation where in prac- tice it becomes compulsory. And in any event, the A. F. L. and R. R. union leaders, who all supported the Watson-Parker Law, will make no fight against its application in the “emer- gency.” Indeed, already these union chiefs are pre- paring the workers’ minds to accept a wage cut. They are putting forward the 6-hour day with corresponding cut in pay, and they are’ circulating among the workers, through their devious union channels, arguments to the ef- fect that owing to the “large,” decreases in the cost of living, the railroad workers must accept pay reductions. ‘Thus the stage is all set, with unparalleled trimmings of hypocrisy and camouflage, for a further wholesale reduction in the railroad workers’ standards of living. The program of the treacherous labor leaders fits in perfectly with that of the railroad companies, The rail- Toad workers are up against a cold-blooded united front of government, companies and labor fakers. It is the basic task of the National Railroad Industrial League to mobilize the railroad work- ers to smash this gigantic conspiracy. This can only be done by organizing the workers to strike against the impending wage cut and against the unholy trinity of government, bosses and union leaders who are trying to put it into ef- fect. But in turn, the National Railroad In- dustrial League can accomplish this only if it has the undivided support of every TUUL or- ganization. The struggle against the railroad wage cut now must occupy the very center of ‘TUUL work everywhere. ‘The National Railroad Industrial League has launched a most active campaign to fight the coming wage slash. Its central slogan is “Or- ganize and Strike Against Wage Cuts.” ‘This it | Railroad Workers United Front Committees of Action. ‘The NRHL has called a national railroad con- ference to take place in Chicago early in August. Preliminary to this, local conferences will be held in all possible railroad centers. The task of the local conferences will be to arouse the workers against the impending wage cut sell out and to unite them under the leadership of the NRIL. The purpose of the national rail- road conference will be to give national expres- sion to the entire movement. . The railroad workers are in a fighting mood. Conditions—unemployment, speed-up, etc—are intolerable and always growing worse. The old union policies are bankrupt and the rank and file have largely lost faith in the union leaders. This fresh attack by the companies, supported as it is by the labor fakers, is a last straw. Given proper leadership by us, it will provide the occasion for a great mass struggle against the companies and the reactionary trade union bureaucracy. The TUUL must throw every available force into the struggle. The great task now is to build local organization—local leagues, minority groups, grievance corhmittees, united front com- mittees of action. The holding of successful local conferences is tremendously important. The national conference, built upon delegates from the local conferences, must represent a real mobilization of the workers. It must be able to command the attention and support of great masses of railroad workers and unite them for the coming struggle. This situation is a real test of the TUUL’s ability to organize and lead the workers. Let us not be found wanting. Let every local TUUL group and supporter take up with all eaznest- ness the task of organizing the railroad work- ers for struggle. The IWW in the Camp of Social Fascism By SYDNEY BLOOMFIELD. LTHOUGH Sam Gompers, the arch enemy of the workers, who is now rotting in his grave between the graves of Andrew Carnegie and William Rockefeller, started his career as a “radical,” it-was at the most trying moment when the Haymarket martyrs needed the help of the labor movement most that Gompers an- nounced that he would have nothing to do with these working class leaders who were facing the gallows. Gompers’ role as “labor lieutenant of capital” started very early in the history of the labor movement in this country. ‘The I.W.W. has reached tie point at which Samie Gothpers left off when he died with the curse of the working class on the lips of every militant working man and woman, Every mili- tant worker today curses the I.W.W., which is today an open fascist instrument of the capi- talist class, only it is a very weak. one. On May Day, 1930, the I.W.W. had their soap box out on the Skidroad in Seattle. In re- sponse to the call of the Communist Party thousands of workers came to the May Day demonstration, which was twice broken up by the police, who herded the workers over to the I.W.W. soap box, where the fakers were con- demning the May Day demonstration. This same faker who spoke for the I.W.W. stepped off the platform and shook hands with the cops, congratulating them on their “good” work done. list May Day the Wobblies told the workers not to go to the Communist meeting, where they would get their heads clubbed, but to come to their meeting because they would be more safe. This is an example of the extent to which the Wobblies have degenerated. eo A pectt TARGET PRACTICE— Own! wit CaRrTary Party Life Burocratic Carrying Out of Fraction Decisions By JAMES GREEN ‘HE section committee of section five decided to call a meeting of all comrades active in the unemployed branches, and the comrades as- signed by the units to do work in the unem- ployed branches. At this meeting, the work of the two unem- { ployed branches of the Bronx was reviewed, and the following situation was found: 1. That both unemployed councils are func- tioning in the old, unsystematic manner. Open air meetings are being held now and then, evic- tion cases are being taken care of, but no sys- tematic, planned, organizational work is being carried on. The reason for this state of affairs was the fact that there is no stable leadership in either of the branches. After a lengthy dis- cussion, it was decided to shift our forces from the Boston Road Unemployed Branch to the Bathgate Ave. Branch, and concentrate all our forces to build up this branch properly. Out of the 15 comrades present at the meeting, five were assigned who were to be personally respon- sible to the section committee for the proper functioning of the fraction in the unemployed branch. One of them, a member of the section! committee, and 3 other members of the sub- committees of the sections. After this decision of the unemployed frac- tion, the secretary of the Boston Road branch who was present at this fraction meeting, in- stead of calling a meeting of the unemployed branch and utilizing the fraction members to convince the non-party members of the neces- sity of combining the two unemployed branches, simply wrote a note in which he announced the dissolving of the branch, or the fusing of the two branches, and he nailed this note on the door of the meeting place of the unemployed branch. When he was approached by non-party members, asking why this branch was trans- ferred to Bathgate Avenue, he said that it is a Party decision. The impermissible manner of carrying out fraction decisions is instrumental in destroying the influence of the party in un- employed branches, It is instrumental in driv- ing away even those workers who joined the branches as a result of the activity of the branch. It is high time for all party members who are working in mass organizations to know that the party through its fractions does not decide in the name of the organizations, but only brings forward proposals which the entire membership should discuss and vote upon. And it is the duty of the party members to convince the non-party workers in the mass organiza~ tions of the correctness of the fraction proposals. In connection with the above case, we must point out one more thing: in the last Organizer of the District, in connection with unemployed work, the following sentence appears: “In one section, the section organizer gave instructions to the secretary of the unemployed branch to change the territory of the branch without tak- ing up this question in the fraction and in the branch.” : This sentence quoted from the District Or- ganizer, refers to section five. From the above, it can be seen that this was not the case, This does not mean however that the section organ- jzer is not guilty of failing to make definite arrangements to see that the decision of the fraction is properly carried out in the unem- ployed branches, ' puna eaenesoenreee nt ded to the call of the Communist Party ee out on the streets in Seattle. Although about three thousand workers were in the main body of the demonstration, the police prevented many thousands of workers-who jammed the street corners from joining the main body of the demonstration. ‘This year the L.W.W. did not even dare to come out, knowing that they would face the wrath of an infuriated working class who have experienced the treachery committed by the 1. W. W. fakers, International Labor Day this year found the I, W. W. for the first time off the streets of Seattle, and nowhere in sight of the thousands of workers who came out on the streets. Of what significance is May Day to the Wob- blies when all the fascists were celebrating May First as a patriotic holiday on which the American child is hypocritically glorified? The business men’s “Mother's Day” is of greater sig- nificance to the respectable IWW fakers. -t - ~ The absence of the IWW. on the streets of a ee WGINESTOWN Graft and How Sam Nessin and the other delegates of the Unemployed Council were viciously beaten at the order of Mayor Walker because they exposed grafting in the Board of Estim- ates in New York City was shown in the previ- ous articles. The origin of graft in the United States; the rise of Al Capone and his close association with the Republicans, Democrats, bankers anl exploiters in Chicago was traced. eee ae FTER Mayor Walker left New York on one of his frequent vacations, early in 1931, the | Smith-Roosevelt Tammany faction increased its pressure, not to expose real conditions, though it was necessary to bring out a few of the less important incidents, but to force the Walker group into line or out of the grafting machine. Retaliating, Charles F, Kerrigan, one of Walk- er’s henchman and assistant to the Mayor of the City of New York, threatened to uncover some of Al Smith’s grafting in the Bank of United States. Al Smith and dozens of other ‘Tammany Hall politicians had stuck their fing- ers deep into the Bank of United States, rob- bing it of millions. Kerrigan published his threat in all the New York newspapers. His statement printed by the New York Times, March 15, 1931, warned the Smith-Roosevelt group that too indiscriminate talk of graft in New York City would be followed by even worse exposures against Al Smith by the Walker out- fit. Kerrigan threatened: “There are some people in high position who will stop at nothing to prevent the orderly dis- closure of this failure (Bank of United States) and the punishment of those responsible there- for. ‘These people are working in many ways, but working to the same end, and the end is to prevent an expose which will shake not alone the banking world but some parts of the poli- tical world to their foundations.” Governor Roosevelt, threatening the rebellious Walker regime in Tammany Hall, used as his lever a set of charges drawn up against the Walker administration by a group of faithful supporters of capitalism. The petition for “in- vestigation” of the Walker regime was signed by Dr. Stephen S. Wise and the liberal sky- pilot, John Haynes Holmes. Their language is mild, careful not to’scrape beneath the surface, yet they cannot refrain from pointing out that grafting in some form or other took place in the following city departments: The Board of Standards and Appeals. ‘The Department of Licenses. Condemnation Proceedings. Health Department, Director of Budget. Department of Hospitals. The Dock Department and the Sinking Fund Commission. Recaleitrant Officials and the Grand Jury. Magistrates Courts. Police Department. $33,000,000 More Chunk ‘Through Condemnation Proceedings (taking property for city use) alone $33,000,000 was handed out in graft to “friendly” property owners whose property was required for city purposes. As the liberal complainants put it, this was due to the “failure to correct a situa-~- tion in which property owners represented by political counsel have frequently received in condemnation awards four and five times the assessed valuation of their property.” Early in April, 1931, Governor Roosevelt de- clared he+ would not “investigate” the charges — Seattle this May Day was the final step in the descent of the IWW into the cespool of fas- cism, And rightly so, After all, May First is the workers’ holiday and not the fascist holi- day. The IWW is supposed to stand for In- dustrial Workers of the World, but this May Day proved finafly that they are not concerned about the workers of the world nor are they the Industrial Workers of Seattle, nor even the Industrial Workers of Skidroad, for there was not a trace of the Wobblies as an organ- ization on the streets of Seattle on May First. Whatever rank and file member still had any illusions about the TWW being a workers’ or- ganization, who came out to celebrate with the IWW, could not find it on the Skidroad and showed his solidarity with the workers by join- ing with the real organization of the workers, and that was the demonstration led: by the Convmunist Party, ¥ By HARRY GANNES Why Governor Roosevelt Stopped the Graft “Investigation” By BURCK ab aes eae Gangsters of graft against the Walker administration. The charges were unceremoniously dropped. The threats of Kerrigan worked and a truce was patched up between the grafters in the Tam- many machine. In May, 1931, new revelations of wholesale graft in the Department of Schools were brought to light. One little instance was the purchase of a lot by the Department of Schoouws for the sum of $240,604 virtually owned by John H. McCooey, Associate Superintendent of Schools. The amount of graft involved in this deal can be judged from the fact that a few years before McCooey sold the lot which he owned to the Department of Public Schools it could have been had for $27,000 (NewYorkWorld- Telegram, Wed., May 6, 1931, p. 2). Somebody grafted at least $213,604. Framing Girls While the frame-ups of girls on charges of prostitution were exposed under Police Commis- sioner Mulrooney’s regime, they extended baek into the regime of Grover Whalen, manager for the Wanamaker stores of New York where pros- titutes are created by the low wages ‘paid. “Chile” Acuna who did a lot of the framing, said he told Whalen about it frequently. Grover Whalen was made Police Commis- sioner to hide the Rothstein scandal. Before his death, Arnold Rothstein was the Al Capone of New York. While Capone deals mainly in booze, murders and vote-stealing for the po- litical parties, Rothsfein’s business was more widespread. He engineered a $5,000,000 bond robbery; he bribed policemen; peddled dope; bought judges, and broke strikes. Rothstein paid $20,000-to Judge Vitale, though after Rothstein's death, Judge Vitale’s connection with nearly every other gangster in New York was exposed. . Rothstein was fatally shot in the Park Cen- tral Hotel on November 4, 1928. He died short- ly afterwards in a hospital. In Rothstein’s safety deposit box there were found $7,000,000 worth of dope and a bundle of papers. The documents later disappeared. They were the records of the criminal transactions between Rothstein and the leading politicians and cap- italists of New York City. The murderer of Rothstein was known to Tammany Hall, and Grover Whalen, with his “respectable” front, his relations with the upper strata of New York's society, assumed leadership in the police de- partment to cover up the disappearance of the Rothstein documents and to gloss over the fail- ure to “solve” the Rothstein murder. While Whalen couldn’t produce the missing papers, he réadily found some forged documents against the Communist Party and the Soviet Union. These forged documents formed’ the basis for the creation of the Fish Committee by Congress to investigate “Red activities” in the United States. Whalen, too, started a vici- ous drive against the militant workers to hide his gangster dealings, his vice frame-upes. The economic crisis had ‘come on, and millions were thrown on the streets to starve. During the struggle for bread and against wage cuts, Wha- len’s cossacks murdered three revolutionary workers: Steve Katovis; the Negro unemployed worker, Alfred Levi; and Gonzalo Gonzalez, ‘Thousands of others were beaten up and jailed. | The leaders of the March 6 unemployed dele- gation were railroaded to jail by order of Walker and Whalen, by Tammany judges of the type who buy their jobs from the Tammany political bosses, When William Z. Foster, Israel Amter, Robert Minor, and Harry Raymond were sent to Wel- fare Island for six months for leading the de- monstration of 110,000 unemploye@ in New York demanding ‘Work. or Wages,” they found strange company on their prison island. There, in a palatial cell, was one of the leading figures in the New York City government, Mr. Con- nolly, formerly borough, president of Queens. That Mr. Connolly ever got to Welfare Island for a year was all a mistake. His sin was not that he stole $15,000,000 through contracts for city sewers, but because he had not learned all the tricks of Tammany Hall in doing it. ‘Then, too, he was one of the rare sacrifices that the modern grafting capitalist politicians must make to protect the hundreds of millions of graft, and to mislead the workers as to the real capitalist base of grafting. fi (To be continued) By JORGE The New York School System Very recently some gentleman in the Tammany Board of Ignorance, which is miscalled “Board of Education.” figured out that it would be a grand idea to expell all children from the schools who show signs of intelligence enough not to agree with the notion that capitalism is per- fectly all right That being the case, it is well to examine just what kind of “Board of Education” New York endures. Firstly, we may call attention to the fact that a test made public recently, a test carried out by absolutely kosher capitalist educators among some 2,000 pupils, revealed that these victims of Tammany knew apparent- ly much less, even of simple factual knowledge, than if they had stayed home and played with the cat instead of attending classes. Further, not so long ago, it was revealed that the big cheese—or cheeses—of the Board, hav~ ing had some brighter persons write text-book: not only assumed authorship of such books, but managed to get them “approved by the Board of (not a hard task!) and made bags money from their sale. Quite like Tammany. Now an investigation—doubtless by ers but none the less useful—exposes “Board of Education” get land on which to build schools. On May 28, a gent nanied Fly Maran, testified before the investigators, ad- mitted a situation which, boiled down into an example, is briefly revealed in the following Maran owned a track of 200 lots on Sedgwick Ave, in the Bronx. About M: bozo named Horowitz came to option on thirty of these lots, which he selected carefully from ail the rest. A month Jater, in April, the Board of Education began to discuss buying land somewhere in that neighborhood for a school. On May 25, 1927, the Board of Edu- cation definitely decided to buy just 30 lots— and as luck would have it—precisely those thirty lots which Horowitz had selected. bd Horowitz had paid no money nor had he signed any papers, and Maran was happy that he had such a: wonderful friend, so happy, in fact, that when he was paid $169,000 for those loys, he presented Horowitz with $6,500. Maran said Horowitz “knevs. who to go to,” so he sold another school site and paid Horowitz $10,000. Horowitz evidently had the Board of Education eating out of his hand. Now let's see something else. A reader sent us a copy of “The News Outline,” a little sheet put out for children in the public schools. We got the editién of March 9-13, entirely devoted to the vilest kind of lies about the Soviet Union. It is headed: “Will Other Nations Buy Russia’: Goods?” and it spins a long yarn about “how Russia produces her goods;” the old stuff— forced labor, “the use of men who are not paid for their labor,” and “the products of their labor belong to the state and not to the men who do the work.” Nothing is said about school! sites or text books. But the sting of the thing is in a “True-F: Test” at the end; statements which the pupil is supposed to respond to as “true” or “false,” so that the teacher can judge, supposedly, if the pupil has learned what was said. ‘The kid who answers “true” to the test state- ment: “Russia forces men to work in lumber camps” is judged to be a bright boy who has Jearned his lesson. But if he answers “false”— er, ha!—then he is not only a‘ dull scholar, but is listed among those “reds,’ the Pioneers, whom the Tammany grafters in the Board of Education want to expell from the schools We don’t think it necessary to say any mor about the N. Y. Board of Education. ORL ees “Maryland, My Maryland” A reader tells us that he has discovered why the Maryland legislature and governor were “too busy” to receive the Unemployed Delega- tion and Hunger Marchers, so “busy” that they had the police beat up about twenty and throw them in jail to keep from being disturbed in their “important” deliberations. He says: “The other day while going over the files of the Washington Star of last March. I came upon a news item from Annapolis, dated March 14, which reads as follows: “Tabby the Cat occupied the attention of the Maryland House of Delegates yesterday, and it began to appear that stealing a cat would become a crime. The Bill, sponsored by the Maryland Cat Club, to make cats of equal value with dogs as legal property in the eyes of the law, was advanced to the third reading file. The Bill, introduced by T. War- ren Rice, of the Sixth Baltimore District, would punish. theft of a cat by imprisonment up to three months.” Clearly, legislators occupied with such pressing matters of state, have no time for the unemployed, tens of thousands of whom throughout Mary- land may, it is true, be tempted to steal a cat and fry it for supper. As for us, we are tempted to parody: For life or death, for woe or weal, Thy peerless chivalry reveal, ’ And pass a law, a cat to steal, Gets ninety days, in Maryland. O, Shaw! From London fe are told that there is an up- roar in Catholic church circles because George Bernard Shaw, in a radio speech about Joan of Are, inferred that the “Maid of Orleans "was totally lacking in sex appeal.” The high church “dignitaries” say that such a remark is “a crimi- nal insult.” We cannot decide who is correct, never hav- ing met the girl. Perhaps she had Clara Bow out-classed, as the protest of indignant “holy fathers” seems to imply. But what we are cer- tain of is that the Catholic church, which burned her to death at the stake, are poor pleaders against anyone else “insulting” her memory, Pee ni Tell Your Landlord An Associated Press dispatch last Friday opened up as follows: “WASHINGTON, May 29.—As official Wash- ington views if, a downward adjustment of rents appears necessary. There is generally @ surplus of space in all dwellings with the single exception of one-family houses.” Of course you shouldn't wait for “official Washington” to do anything about it. Reduced rents are “necessary,” but they never will be reduced unless tenants get together in Tenants’ Leagues and refuse to pay any rent at all until rents are cut, You can use “official Washing- ton”, authority, however, fo back up your de- mands,