The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 1, 1931, Page 4

me Algonquin 7956-7. Page Four ng Co., Inc., daily except Sunday, at 80 Fast Cable: “DAIWORK.” WHAT THE “DAILY WORKER” By BILL GEBERT mass meetings. Notify as soon District Organizer, District 8, Communist Pa when you'll be here so I can make | HE Daily Worker. in the 1 of t nents to have everything ready. If |’ send me some of these 5c and 10c I would for them and next meet- e @ collection and send the If there are any. questions sk me thru letter, I will be them, The boys are enthused ion and anxious to get or- | hey have all asked me to find out have another march at the state 11 want to march. I hope .to and meet you in the near they Daily Establishes Contacts are not exceptions. The Daily n District 8 is helping us to “break industrial cities, mining commu- ch the farmers, This role of s not sufficiently understood ken s cient advantage of in regard with the workers established by er le alone. not speaking of other as the Daily Worker as leader, agitator for our Party every day. the conclusion that the Daily t be maintafhed at all costs. What f the Daily Worker would mean to cannot be described in words, The “How does the editor of the Daily Worker know about the con- to x ward of every Party member, of po The Daily ing class organization, On the con- | of 100,000 por Daily Worker must be built into an w a letter requestil ier weapon. No wonder the Daily the center of the attack of the Fishes, Greens, the American Legion and Communist Party and when hi formation, he es the followir section organizer in Indianapolis all other defenders of decaying capitalism. “TI received your letter and am glad that Ce go Rallying to Save Daily we are welcome to your Party. If you are In the Chicago District we are mobilizing our going to be in Evansville in the near futur forces to raise our quota in the $35,000 campaign I would like to see you and talk to you pe: he Da nd we are getting wonderful res- . You understand that I have to work e from some of*the organizations. In three | 's work for a living and that is hard to were able to raise more than $400 in get. The Chamber of Comme: ago alone. The rest of the other businessmen have started a d ollowing suit. Organizations are be- While we are raising money for the lso must increase the circulation of | bs, bundle orders, routes ig regular sale in front of the s, on the breadlines and in the neigh- | ganization and are, spending a lot (Note: pst me. own ve a progressive or tion among the workers—B. G.) If yo only be here a day or two and see the ditions. you could see better what I mean we could understand each other better. Forward with the Daily Worker is the slogan the Chicago District! bo! I'm making arrangements in different parts of the in Graft and By Gangsters GANNES HARRY the soil of c American capitalism. Then Al one’s connections with the city govern- was shown and how Capone pays 6,000 | cops and city officials in order to keep up his grafting was exposed. The Chicago Tribune, closely connected with the Capone gang, was a school for gang- sters just before the World War, the pre- vious articles showed. They also traced the development of graft and gangsterism gut of What Ganester Zuta Kent in His Poison Box revenge his friend and collaborator, as well | all departments.” Another item was member- as the Chicago Tribune for the loss of one ship card number 772 to Jack Zuta in the Wil- of its important links with hte underworld the liam Hale Thompson Republican Clib with the Capone gang set out to kill Jack Zuta, one of | Printed signature of Homer K. Galpin, chair- the leaders of the Moran-Aiello gang ected | man. Galpin was campaign director for the of complicity in the Lingle killin a | late Senator McCormick, part owner of the crafty individual. He was financier for the ago Tribune and one of the parasites who Moran Aiello “mob.” After the killing of Lin- loited tens of thousands of workers in the gle, Capone pursued Zuta relentlessly Zuta rnational Harvester Co. Both the Zuta and fled to Kentucky, then to Wisconsin. But Jess | Capone gunmen did their share in electing Mc- than two months after the murder of Lingle, | Cormick. Zuta was executed in a Wisconsin summer re- sort. He was feeding nickles into a mechanical piano telling everybody, “this is the life.” The Capone gunmen swooped upon him, seated him in a chair and riddled him with machine gun bullets. The Chicago Tribune was revenged; but Zuta’s evil deeds lived after him to plague some of the “finest people in Chicago.” Zuta Could Write Zuta knew how to write, especially names Helping Everybody Further along on Zuta’s record book of pay- ment’s was Senator Harry W. Starr, former City Commissioner and former Election Commission- er who voted to keep the Communist Party off the ticket in the elections. Zuta’s payroll extended to Evanston, Illinois, on the gutskirts of Chicago, known as “The World’s Wealthiest Suburb,” inhabited by more millionaire exploiters per inch than any other piece of territory in the world. Zuta supplied and figures. He kept a complete record of his | ti. vantston Chief of Police, William O. Free- grafting operations for the fifteen ‘years of man with wads of money just for the ing. his gangster career. “Zuta’s poison box,” as The same chief Freeman is a close friend of Charles Gates Dawes, the author of the Dawes Plan, one of the foremost bankers and exploit- ers in Chicago and former vice president of the United States. Dawes, like gunman Jack Zuta, could get any favor he wanted from Freeman. From a financial view, also, Zuta’s poison box It showed a weekly income of $400,000. While four officials only. were supposed to know the contents of the Zuta papers, everybody of im- portance on the list was immediately tipped his safety deposit vault was dubbed in Chicago gangland, was never made fully public. It in- cluded without exception every leading capi- talist politician in Chicago. Zuta’s polson box conatined records of weekly payments of hun- dreds of thousands of dollars in protection money. $50,000 to Thompson Formost was the payment of $50,000 to the Thompson election campaign. He contributed SUBSCRIPTION RATES! es hig By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs ot Manhattansand Bronx, New York Ctiy. Foreign: one year, $8+ six months. 34.50. 4 tudies Reace tS! es Threat, of cut BAIN 15% IN 190 WAGES INGRERS in] Further Rise of 14 Per Cent i - Number of Employed Ex- sf pected This Year. idle Thousands in Hopeful Heg ¥ ra to Chicago Find Jobs Few, Wages Slashéd saht for Recognition of Union - Mishawaka Rabber and ; Woolen Plant. “ —e RUSSIA INGREASING REWARDS FOR WORK Wage and: Financial Reforms Are Designed to Push Out. put and Stabilize Ruble, Statement of the TALULL: O68 tie Ladish Drop Forge Strike INCE December, 1930, the Ladish Drop Force Co. of Cudahy, Wisc., has been slashing wages right and left. By April, 1931, the wages have been cut by more than 50 per cent. On May 4, another 10 per cent wage cut was put | into effect. The T.U.U.L. was first notified of the wage cut on May 3, but due to the slowness of the | local Cudahy comrades in obtaining a hall soon- | er, the T.U.U.L. was unable to hold a meeting with the workers until May 5. Instead of call- ing the workers together on the eve of the wage cut or at least on the day of the wage cut, this short delay had its effects upon the pend- ing strike. The slowness of reporting the strike situation and wage cuts proves that the com- rades do not realize the possibilities of the de- veloping strike struggles. Exactly 58 workers responded to the call of the TUUL the first meeting, and drew up their demands in the Ladish Drop Forge Co. It was also decided to call another meeting the next day, at which 75 workers showed up. At this meeting the TUUL failed to utilize the enthu- thiasm of the workers, ot lay-down the organ- izational basis for a real strike. The TUUL or- ganizers did not consolidate sufficiently the ranks of the workers by creating an Organiza- tion Committee which would have the task of preparing and finally pulling the strike in the following few days. The TUUL instead was allowed to be carried away by the desire of the workers to strike, and consequently a strike vote was taken at this meeting. The strike was then called for May 7. Due to above mis- takes the strike was weakly prepared organiza- tionally and ideologically. Despite the activities of the company, more than one-third of the workers struck the first day of the strike. Steps were taken immediately to elect a broad strike committee of 24 workers, representing every major department in the plant. Out of the strike committee and ex- ecutive committee, sub-committees on picketing, publicity, etc., were elected. The strike com- mittee was hte central authority in conducting the strike. At a mass meeting of the strikers it was de- cided to organize mass picketing and the num- ber of pickets increased every day. Towards the end of the strike, the wives of the strikers were involved on the picket line. But the out- standing weakness in picketing was the lack of militancy, which proved in the long run, that the workers were unsuccessful in keeping out the scabs. Not only did the strikers come out on the picket line, but with the aid of the Cudahy | Unemployed Council on the second day of the strike, the number of strikers grew to 175 or 85 to 90 per cent of the ottal workers in the plant. The company did everything possible to break the spirit of the strikers. The company sent out. threatening letters to all strikers urging them to return to work, and at the same time notify- ing the ex-employees that jobs were available in the plant. These methods and the spread- ing of wild rumors, were used as means of break- ing the strike. The company with the help of the capitalist press, and especially the Milwalkee Leader, the official organ of the socialists, tried to work up a Red scare and in this way break the ranks of the strikers. Stool pigeons were sent into the ranks of the strikers, as well as into the strike committee. And due to the fact that the strike committee was slow in register- ing all the strikers, they were too slow in ex- posing the stool pigeons and the agents of the company. It was only later that about a hun- dred strikers were registered by the strike com- mittee, and committees were elected to visit the more passiev strikers, as well as the scabs. The TUUL likewise took steps to organize as many as possible into its ranks and 40 wrokers joined the Metal Workers Industrial League. On the third day of the strike, the company succeeded in importing a hundred scabs over night had in this way lay the basis for break- ing the strike. The strike committee in this situation did not succeed in rallying the strikers for an organized retreat. The morale of the strikers began its downward trend and it was neccessary for the strike committee ot officially call off the strike. As a result some workers were victimized and many refusing to go back to work under the slaving conditions imposed upon them by the company. Although the company succeeded in breaking the strike, it could not put through its general ten per cent wage cut. The company being forced of withdraw 8 out of 10 percent wage cut for the piece rate workers, and 5 out of 10 per cent for the day rate workers. Among the outstanding weaknesses of the strike was the inability to strengthen the TUUL organization among the strikers, so as to pre- serve a strong shop organization even after the strike wasover. It was also seen in the failure to sell Daily Workers and Labor Unities in suf- ficient numbers. Although more Labor Unities were sold than Daily Workers. liberally to the Cermak Cook County political machine. Zuta was a close friend of Thomp- son’s and accompanied him on many of his trips. “His boxes were a veritable ‘Who's Who’ of Cook County politics and crime,” said the New York Times. Only a few names of the “who’s who” were published and only those that would do the least harm. Among the men known to have received checks or money from Zuta off to have an excuse ready. How the Courts Treat Them Capone, Zuta, Moran, Aiello and every other gang leader in Chicago as well as in every other industrial center of the United States, early in their careers established close connections with the courts. The Chicago courts have a long history of convictions of revolutionary workers. In 1884 the four Haymarket victims were framed The Program ot the Fish Comm. in Action in Michigan ing and finger-printing all the foreign-born up and hanged for organizing the workers to struggle for the eight-hour day. Every day arrests and brutal beatings of the unemployed workers and the members of the Communist Party take place. But the bosses’ gangsters get treatment in the Chicago courts of which they seldom complain. Edward D. Sullivan, author of Chicago sur- renders, a record of gangster activities in Chi- cago, is very careful to separate gangsterism from capitalism but he does intimate that some- thing is wrong with hte courts. “Things happen in Chicago courts that are hard to understand,” he says. To a worker they are not at all hard to understand. The capitalist courts protect their lackeys and supporters. They persecute the workers as their class enemies. How do the gangsters get this protection? It is known in Chicago that nearly every lawyer today protecting the gangsters and criminals was at one time an Assistant. State’s Attorney. They know whom to reach with bribes, and every State’s Attorney looks forward to the day when he will collect big fees for defending gang- sters. He does them repeated favors, and not without pay. The judges are part of the ma- chine and are well drilled in systematic deci- sions in favor of the gangsters. Judge Eller was himself a gangster acting as a judge. But ro i the capitalists did not Uke. It ex-} 4 0 were: Judge Joseph W. Schulman, for more than ten years a judge of the Municipal Court; Geo. Van Lent, fornier state senator and political leader; Emanuel Eller, son of Morris Eller, a former judge of the Municipal, Superior and Criminal Courts, all republicans. Eller got the money from Zuta for work done while he was judge. ‘Then there was Richard J. Williams, sargeant of police and assistant to Frank D. Loesch, capitalist crime “reformer,” who got $500 from Zuta. Checks were also, made pay- able to the Regular Republican Club of Cook County. He contributed heavily to the demo- erats as well, These papers contained a card from Charles E. Graydon, sheriff of Cook County reading: “Tg members of the department. The bearer, Jack Zuta, is extended the courtesies of FIGHT STEADILY FOR RELIEF! ‘Visit the homes of the unemployed workers. List all cases of starvation, undernourishment, inade- quate relief. Carry on a sustained and steady struggle for unemployment relief for the starving families from the city government, the large corporations and employers. Have large delegations of unemployed workers present at every mecting of the elty council to fight for,adequate re- By JOHN SCHMIES 1 bes anti-working class Bill which is being sponsored by the Fish Committee was adopted in the Michigan State Legislature on May 20 and is now before State Governor Brucker to be signed. The Bill if signed immediately be- comes a law and all aliens (as it is called in the Bill) are given 30 days to register. “The act prohibits the employment of any alien who does not possess a registration card issued by the State Department of Public Safety; firms violating this provision would be subject to a fine of $100 and the employment office could be sentenced to 90 days in prison.” The Bill further says, “the minimum fine for failing to possess a certificate is $50 and the maximum is $100.” The Bill also carries with it a jail sentence up to 90 days. According to the Detroit newspapers the following were the sponsors of this Bill: (a) the Fish Committee, (b) the ati- thorities of the United States Immigration De- partment and the United States War Depart- ment, and (c) the representatives of the Auto- mobile Manufacturers’ Association. ‘The measure was drafted in a series of weekly conferences with Federal authorities in Detroit last winter. The law makers were told, accord- ing to the newspaper information, that the prin- ciple aims of the Legislation is to “reach Com- munists who are attempting to stir unrest.” ‘The work of this Bill was kept secret and was very plainly in the statement by Senator Chester M. Howell who said, “this issue should not be delayed because the less that is said about this bill the better it will be for all concerned.” ‘The attitude of Governor Brucker is highly in favor of the Bill, and he surely will sign the Bill within the next few days. This Bill is not only directed against the foreign-born workers, but is aimed at the revolutionary wadership and mass militancy of the American working class. The passing of this Bill by the capitalist class and the State Government in Michigan is the reply to the increased mass demand on the part of the starving masses for Unemployed Relief and Unemployment Insurance. Senator Chester ‘W. Howell made it very plain in his statement when he says, “this Bill to us is a weapon to deal with the Communists who are planning a march to Lansing in a proper fashion.” Of course, the Senator has in mind that this Bill will immediately be applied into action against all marchers who will be organized into the State Hunger March in the state of Michigan which {s scheduled to arrive in Lansing on May 27. ‘The whole Bill is not yet made public but the information which we can obtain shows plainly that this law represents an organized attempt to crush every semblance of working class organi- zation which struggles against the increased mass misery and mass exploitation by the cap- italist class. PARTY LIFE Conducted by the Org. Dept. Central Com- mittee, Communist Party, U. S. A. How Not to Handle New Members On being in the Party only about two weeks, one of our now members, without knowing why, was transferred to a unit, where the Section, without informing her, made a recommendation that she become Financial Secretary. The unit she was transferred to is not in her territory. Without being informed that she was to be Financial Secretary, without being explained the nature of the work, this comrade was mechan- ically being “activized.” She, however, felt the responsibility was too great for her to undertake at the time, although her willingness to become an active unit member was evident. She was assigned by the unit to do some work in connection with May Day. Two other Party members from other units, of longer standing, were assigned with her. One of these was evidently scared of the task, and lingered. The other hurried with the work. The result was that the work was done in a haphazard man- ner. After they finished the work, the two comrades left her alone with the materials, to be taken back to the Section. The impres- sion she got was not a very healthy one. Then this comrade was assigned to canvass with another comrade from our unit. She was on time, but the other comrade was not. After thirty-five minutes of waiting, she left in dis- gust, wondering at this method of work used by members of a Party that is the vanguard of the working class. i With this method of work we will not hold new mmebers. I do not think that a comrade, being in the Party so short a time, should be shifted from one unit to another. We must, by all means, activize new members. However, there is a difference between activ- izing new members by explaining to them how the Party functions, the nature of the work they are assigned to and by mechanically loading new members with work they know nothing about. The Org. Department of the Section, in this particular case’ should have taken pains to explain to this comrade why she was being transferred. ‘The Unit Buro or the Organizer should have explained the nature of the work to this com- rade. When a new member comes into the Unit, the Unit Buro should assign a comrade to ex- plain the various activities of the Party. This comrade should make every effort to become friendly with the new comrade in order to make the comrade a part of the unit. We, older Party members, must set an example to the new members by carrying out our as- signments one hundred per cent. workers. It calls for increase in the numbers of State Troopers who are charged with the ex- ecution of this program. It therefore becomes our immediate task, (a) to,build-up the most genuine and broadest united front movement from below to struggle against the capitalist class, (b) this united front move- ment must be conscious of the fact that this is not an attack only against the foreign-born workers, but it is an attack against every worker and working class farhily, (c) the united front movement must build militant organizations in the shops, among the unemployed, in workers’ organizations and in the local unions of the A. F. of L., (d) mass meetings, mass demonstra- tions, protest movements demanding the with- drawal of this Bill must be organized, (e) The building up of this broad united front move- ment must be extended thruout the entire coun- try and to guard against the tendency that this struggle only affects the foreign born workers, (f) The movement must advocate and organi- zationally work for the building up of strikes in the shops against registration, etc, Mass viola- tion not on a state basis but on a national basis against this program keeping in the forefront at all times that the Bill is directed in every and all cases to reduce the standard of living. to terrorize the workers, to crush the growing unity between the employed and unemployed, between the Negro and white workrs, (g) We must clearly bring into the forefront the bosses’ program of By JORGE Popularity Hoover isn’t the only one who is “econo- mizing”—at the expense of the workers—these days. The Japanese government is cutting wages, too. And the Mikado has become so popular that he has to go home in an armored car with a wemendous guard of police and troops—who haven't had their wages cut! Readers of the capitalist pre: be a bit leery of the “populari other capitalist rulers like Hooy: 90 per cent manufactured, Hoover just now is busy trying to make every- body believe that the postal service is “econo= mizing” painlessly, not cutting down the ser« vice nor hurting the interests of the post office workers. This is hooey, The clerks and carriers will be speeded up, the carriers’ routes enlarged and loads made heavier, just as a wage-cut in a fac- tory is put over by the speed-up. The substi- tute carriers may just as well give up hope, which is their principal diet, of getting on the regular payroll—that is reserved for Hoover's valet and his new publicity man, who is trying to “make Hoover appear human.” The government employes have some “as- ciations,” officered by a lot of bootlickers and bureaucrats. But they need a union and need it bad. And the only leadership which can help them is the Trade Union Unity League, 2 W. 15th St. New York City. Give this to your mail carrier! A Game of Fries Out “For quite a long while,” we are informed by @ reader, “Major General Amos L. Fries, located in the Sherman Building, Washington, D, C., was in charge of the Chemical Warfare Division of the United States Army.” “Something went wrong. pointed. . “His next step was to open an office and hang out his shingle as an engineer. Customers were scarce, in fact, there were none. What to do to eat? “Why not become a Red Baiter? was done. He calls it ‘The American Security League,’ Probably because it secures one Amer= ican an income. “The first thing to do was to get out and hook a few rich goofs. It was done. The next move was to hire a crew of professional money-raisers to get him a steady flow of dough. The budget, understand, calls for a salary for the General of $20,000 per year. The old boy not only has to eat, but eat tip-top.” So our correspondent thinks that it was purely accidental that the Major General launched the “red baiting” organization. We are not so sure. It seems to us that the General is still working should always of kings and It is about He was not re-ap- The thing for the U. S. Army chemical service. At least figuratively he is spreading poison gas. Te ea The “MacFadden Publications, Inc.” Macfadden, Incorporated, is a liar. On May 20 it started off a press release sent out free to all papers carrying their advertising, with the following prevarication: “NEW YORK, May 20.—Frank J. Moran. busi- ‘ness manager for the International Brotherhood, a Communist society, arrested in San Francisco yesterday, today was positively identified as George W. Perry, slayer of Mrs. Cora Belle Hackett-Perry near Lac du Flambeau, Wis., July 6, 1930.” This supposed “mistake” is no mistake. Nearly every capitalist paper in the country is being stuffed’ full of lies like this against the Com- munists. It is a part of the Fish Committee program that is being carried out to create a wide hysteria against the Communists and the Soviet Union. Of course the “International Brotherhood” is NOT a “Communist society.” But that made no difference to the lying Mac- fadden Publications, Inc. etre Wichita and Milwaukee In Wichita, Kansas, we near, the Reserve Officers Association, the Daughters of the Amer= ican Revolution and other 100 per centers, hav- ing succeeded in avoiding a great peril. As in the rest of the country, red flags were being used at dangerous street crossings of rail- roads near school houses. The patriots fnially succeeded in changing the colors to green. Green flags for red “avoid the possibility of instilling radical ideas into youthful minds by familiar contact with the red flag,” was the idea. This struck a responsive chord in Milwaukee, where the “socialist” paper, the “Leader,” also finding the red flag bad for sore eyes. said that it didn’t “care much for the red flag” and added: “Red is not ‘a very appealing color. Lettey written in red ink hurts the eyes literally, ay) anything red hurts the eyes of complacent people figuratively.” So the “socialists” are, out of consideration for such “complacent people” as the Reserve — Officers and the counter-revolutionary Daug>— ters of the American Revolution, ready to haul down the red flag. Which recalls the stanza: “It suits today the meek and base Whose minds are fixed on pelf and place, To cower beneath the rich man’s frown And haul that sacred emblem down.” the Negro workers on the one hand and the deportation and terrorization of the foreign-born workers on the other hand, (h) We must imme- diately build up in every section and city the Councils for the Protection of Foreign Born. A organizations whether they are religious or na- tionalistic as long as théy are composed of work- ers must be won over into this movement of struggle against these anti-working class laws, (i) Special fighting committees in the factories, yes, in the various departments in the factories. in the Unemployed Branches, as well as in all local unions and local fraternal societies to be organized for the purpose of creating the neces- sary fighting vitality and driving force in build- ing up local, state and national movements in all branches and sections of workers’ organiza- tions. Last, but not least, the building up of a fighting organization out of this broad united front movement for the defense of the Soviet Union and against imperialist war preparations. The struggle against unemployment, as well as our program of struggle against wage cuts and speed up must be our elementary approach in