The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 20, 1931, Page 4

Publishing Co., Inc., y. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7, dally except Sunday, at 50 East Cable: “DAIWORK.” oe F By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting vine SUBSCRIPTION RATES: The Meaning ot 17,000 Commun.) ™® PXPCUTIONS Mi = ist Votes in Los Angeles aoe Ne apne (Editor’s Note:—This article on the significant primary election in Los Angeles, in which 17,000 votes were cast for the Commun- ist candidate, deserves special attention. Not only-does this vote show the huge possibilities developing before the Party everywhere, but the practical experiences involved will help our workers in the field in other places to better guide their work.) By EVA LEDER tes have been cast the candi for the C Board of Education, in t ions in Los pect on M a great vote for nist a city as Los Angeles, eHere, = ‘police a ‘especially its leader the © y, is so great. The C. P, was no old one election camps nd the Red the candidates Now alter with the cand ry elections the C. P. gettii the ate of votes, the question of what this vote means to our Party and the workers of Los Angeles, among our own comrades System. Angeles is a city of “no pa olitic means that on the bi sarty candidates but “indeper lorsed rious f system the on the part of tt greatest pieces of hypocrisy and Los Angeles bos: intended to mislead the wo: not to give a political expression to the workers’ vote, on clear party basis embody tallized division on clas of Los Angeles has actually abolished, not the two party system, which would not be a bad thing, but the party system as such, and substituted the Los Angeles Chamber of Com- merce for both—the Republican and Demo- cratic party. But it does not say so openly In the election campaign, therefore, such fake slogans as “keep the schools out of politics,” ete. are being raised, just as if the Chamber of Commerce (who nominates and elects its own candidates), would not be the real boss party, representing the interests of the boss class in the city Sandler Vote—Largely a Vote for C. P. Platform For the workers, after the present primary elections, this state of affairs is of importance and is causing some “brain racking”: were the 17.191 votes cast for the C. P. candidate (with emphasis on the C. P.) or were they casual votes? Many comrades think that this vote is of no significance whatsoever. “The voters,” they “did not vote Communist; they voted for a name.” They say more: “If,” they add, “we would have had the hammer and sickle on the ballot and over 17,000 votes would have been cast for that, we would know that it was a Com- munist vote, but as it was—who knows Of course, we agree that if the hammer sickle were on the ballot it would be ea determine that it was a Communist vote. But the fact that the hammer and sickle were not on the ballot does not mean, however, that the vote was not Communist and “of no significance at ‘all.” For after all it must be understood that all other candidates that ran, were boss candidates, and had plenty of publicity. The voter knew their names pretty well. And if this is the cas ‘hy should the voters, coming to the polls, vote “casually” for Sandler?—Why not vote for the names that stared them in the eyes the whole time of the election campaign, the names the voter heard over the radio, but for Sandler? Still we can’t say that the whole 17,191 votes were conscious Communist votes. First of all, our campaign was not developed broadly enough. It is true we distributed 75,000 leaflets, and on the whole—good leaflets. We had some open air meetings, even though broken up by the police; some shop gate meet- ings. But the work generally was started too late, not systematic, not the necessary enthus!- asm on the part of the Party membership, and it is pretty hard to say that our campaign work can be responsible for the 17,191 votes for com- rade Sandler. We must account for some casual votes, of some not too informed voters, who voted for Sandler, and would not have done so {f the hammer and sickle were on the ballot—near Sandler’s name. This category of- the vote is very small, very limited. Shulem Vote—Factors to be Considered Another point is raised: our candidate, Com- rade Shulem, in District No. 9, did not get more than 200 votes. “This shows that the vote for Sandler was not a vote for a Candidate of the Communist Party.” This reflects not on tke Sandler vote, as those comrades want to impress us, but something else. Our campaign in District No. 9 was totally not developed. Whereas the Roosevelt High School situation, with comrade Sandler coming to the Board of Education, putting up a fight there, and at other meetings speaking to the workers, facing the workers, to be sure, not as much as necessary, but to a certain extent, made did not m known to the workers; Comrade Shulem, the candidate in District 9, has made no appear- at a meeting; has not in any shape or avinced the masses that he will be cap- able to represent them and the Party in the council; the workers in District 9 did not Comrade Shulem. Choosing the proper date for the ballot, is therefore a est importance to be considered election campaigns of course, we must have in mind the ce between the two posts that the Com- ‘The worker still takes elections Whereas for a lesser important the Board of Education, a fford” to give a sympathy vote, for a candi e for the city council, “his” coming city administration, he, the worker, is more care- ful as to whom he is going to vote for, and is more relu about “throwing out” a vote. paigns we have not as ‘yet con- that those candidates we put to administer “his” city affairs, ot yet, in a very concrete manner, xers that our candidates really y to day, his real interests, and le to work for them. ast for Comrade Sandler, while it complete” Communist vote, (for r mblem was not on the ballot), is a combination of a protest vote against the cap- italist candidates and the bosses that put them up, and a vote for the Communist Party plat- ich n aS form that included the most elementary needs of the workers; with the greatest portion of the vote for the latter. Socialist Party Defeated e ‘ialist party candidate, Busick, ict No, 9 1,188 votes, still this cannot “Socialist” victory. For the Los Angeles entered this “Vote Socialist to Avoid Revolu- r an | Americanized System of Produc- “We don’t want what happened in Rus- tion sia to happen in America,” ete, were supple- mented with: “Socialism promises $100 a week worker, and two cars to every family.” i again they assured the voters that st party stands for private property,” not only assured the yoters that they n principle, but that they “the Soc They sm is applied Christianity. Under you will not have to say ‘I believe anity’; you will say, ‘I practice nity’. Socialism will destroy hypocrisy n and give real religion a chance.” the May number of the New Era, that t a word to say about May Day, except: 5 you can demonstrate at the polls; ve to demonstrate in the streets and get your heads split.” And in addition to this—the S.P. spent much money for its campaign. It had special “election headquarters of ‘Bill’ Busick.” It made much noise about what it will do when elected. It face the police terror the C. P. faces in its work. It demanded from the voters to. elect “Bill” Busick on the place of “the late” politician Williams (who died a few weeks prior to the elections), because he too, Williams, was a “So- cialist” at a previous stage of the game. In the May issue of New York, the “Socialists,” declare with great pomp: “Busick takes lead in Coun- cil race; place in final ballot sure.” Still—the mountain gave birth to a mouse; after declaring itself for capitalism, and as the great fighter against the workers; after such an “alarming campaign,” the S.P. got only 1,188 votes for its “highest gun,” Busicl, and only some 400 votes for its other candidates, and was not placed on the ballot. The latest check up shows that comrade Sand- ler got approximately 2,300 votes in District 9. It must be remembered that Sandler ran on a complete revolutionary working class platform, the platform of the C. P., not as Busick, on a boss platform. In the face of these facts the votes cast for the Communist Party are of even greater sig- nificance. It shows the prospects for our work, hitting over the head any pessimism regarding our work here. Our Party locally must do every- thing in its power to consolidate this election victory. We must, at once, take every step pos- sible to get in touch with this great number of workers who voted for our candidates, and or- ganize them for the revolutionary class struggle. Our Election Campaign is not Ended Although it might be thought, as some com- rades have already said, “the election campaign is over,” this is not so, especially for us. The Los Angeles Times states in an editorial on May 7, that “there are 12 candidates for the June ballot—with an active fight indicated in each instance.” The Party adds two more to the ballot—Shylem and Sandler, whose names the workers are asked to write in on the ballot on June 2. The Party also calls upon all workers in all other districts where the Party has no candidates—not to vote for any of the boss can- didates, but to write in: “I vote for Communist Platform,” instead. We must carry on a lively campaign to mobilize, if not all, a great part of the 17,191 voters, to vote for our Party platform, for unemployment insurance, etc. For this task the Party must get to work at once, in the short time left between now and June 2. you don’t } Agricultural Workers in N. J. By HEINZ SCHROETER. HERE are 28,000 agricultural workers in the T state of New Jersey. As much as in all the textile mills or in the electrical manufacturing concerns of the state. These workers labor un- der wage labor conditions on dairy farms, farms, stock farms, truck farms, greenhouses, orchards and nurseries. ‘There are 3,000 children between the ages of 10 and 17 years of age working as farm laborers. ‘The wages range all the way from working for board (meals) only to $25, $30 and $40 a month with room and board. Day workers re- ceive now $1 a day and board, or $2 without board. This also includes piece-workers. The hours of work range anywheres-from 10 to 15 hours. From sun-up to sun-down. Board is getting poorer. Unemployment has grown tremendously among the agricultural wage workers, due to the in- dustrialization of farming. The number of farms and amount of land under cultivation has de- ereased, but the value of farm machinery used has nearly doubled. With less farm labor, fewer acres and fewer farmers, production continues to increase, im 4° Nearly four-fifths of the farmers of the state hire agricultural labor. The center of truck or vegetable growing is in the southern part of the state. In Burlington, Cumberland, Mon- mouth and Salem counties. Dairy farm labor centers in the northwestern part of Sussex, Hun- terdon, Salem and Warren counties. Big capitalist farmers, such as Walker-Gordon Dairy Farm in Plainsboro; Minch Bros., who own 15 farms in Bridgeton, and Repp Bros., in Glassboro, make proper concentration points for organization of the agricultural wage workers into an agricultural workers’ union. ‘The Imperial Valley strike of California has clearly demonstrated that work can be done among the agricultural wage laborers, the prole- tariat. To win over all the exploited and toiling strata, the poor farmers of the countryside, the Communist Party must place its reliance on the agricultural proletariat. The Party must secure for itself the whole- hearted support of the agricultural laborer and the rural poor, ‘The agricultural] laborers must be organized in separate organizations and all possible support be given them in their struggle , #ealnst the rural bourgeoisia, T. H. Li, Chinese revolutionary student, is facing sure death because of the insistance of Sec'y. the fact that hte Soviet Union will give him refuge. Doak to deport him to China, despite 3—The Gap Between Cost of Living and Wages By HARRY GANNES. POLOGIES for the existence of capitalism are handed out effusively by the banks, The main purpose is to supply arguments to the bourgeoisie against the growing force of the idea of a workers’ state with planned economy. Is it strange that the last two issues of the National City Bank of New York bulletin should devote the greater part of its pages to attack- ing what it calls Marxist ideas? In reality it becomes a defense of the right of the capitalists to exploit the working class. ‘The concluding note of the April issue of this imperialist bank bulletin promises that: “This discussion will be continued next month showing the net income return of all manufacturing industries for the year 1929, the distribution of wealth, causes of the existing world depression, unemployment, etc.” But @ reading of the May issue shows that the banker economists changed their minds. ‘They don’t say a word about the distribution of wealth or unemployment. Instead they resort to a lot of lying arguments by the use of which the bosses can put over wage cuts. ‘The main argument is that the bosses can speed the workers up as much as they like and whatever results from this rightfully belongs to the parasites because they did the investing. Then they go through a long-winded process to “prove” that the workers are getting more than they are entitled to anyhow. and Payroll Totalg Wage Rates, Living Costs, Pric : ‘The above graph from the May issue of the National City Bank Bulletin shows the heavy gap between the cost of living which is at about 85 and the pay roll totals which is down to about 68. On the basis of this cost of living the bosses want to cut wages (the total pay © rolls) still lower and in that way further im- poverish the employed as well as unemployed workers. In spite of the “high” hourly wages, the actual pay roll is far below the cost of living. , Capitalism Apologizes Itselt They put up the brilliant argument that the 10,000,000 unemployed really don’t have to starve. ‘They can all become manufacturers! son is free to enter any honest business and manage it as he sees fit,” they proclaim. The workers on the breadlines have been wasting their time waiting for some stinking soup. They should have started automobile factories, or com- pete with Andrew Mellon by building up a new aluminum trust! The banks use the stale argument of the capi- talists that, since commodity prices are falling, wages must come down, so that the worthy in- vestors v.0 slave at playing bridge, swimming, golfing, boozing in Florida, or sweat away their lives at the roulette tables in Monte Carlo, can get their usual profits. But the National City Bank scribbler who was devoting his time to arguing for the existence of capitalism and for lower wages for the work- ers on the basis of the decline of commidities, did not consult his fellow liar who discussed a very interesting table about wage rates, living costs, prices and payroll tables in another part of the bulletin, This table we reproduce in this issue of the Daily Worker. What does it show? It shows that the cost of living is at the index number of about 85 while total parolls are at the index number of 68. In other words, there is a twenty-point gap between the amount of money the workers get and what they have to pay to live! Yet the capitalists try to use this as an argument for cutting wages still further. Even commodity prices (and these always refer to wholesale prices which the workers cannot ab- tain) are far above total payrolls. The National City Bank Bulletin writer who discusses this table admits: “The line next to the bottom is the Bureau of Labor Statistics index of wholesale commo- dity prices, and its position below the cost of living indicates that those who gain their live- lihood from the production of these commo- dities have suffered a decline in real wages.” In short, wages have been cut faster than the drop in wholesale commodity prices. The argu- ment that wages must come down to prices is one of the most vicious lies peddled by the capi- talist class. Wages already have gone far below wholesale prices. Even the lying figures of the capitalist bank- ers cannot hide the growing mass improvement of the working class. Hence they resort to more theoretical arguments for the right of capitalism to continue to exist, and proceed to an attack against the Soviet Union because they know the workers look in that direction for a solution to their misery. GARY, Indiana, May 19.—The Indianapolis state hunger march of May 2-4 has already in- tensified the struggle of the jobless and has built up the prestige of both the Trade Union Unity League and the Communist Party very considerably. ‘The mass meetings, particularly in the Calu- met section by which the marchers were rallied and which endorsed the demands for unemploy- ment insurance, etc., were thentselves important demonstrations, They culminated in the May 1 demonstrations, which, since the capitalist press had to take notice of the march, were also ad- vertised and built up. ‘There were 184 delegates, and more could have been obtained if there had been room in the trucks. The shortness of the time, and the necessity for covering the larger cities by a cir- cuitous route, caused the marchers to go by borrowed trucks and cars. Successful mass meetings were held in Marion, Anderson, Munice, and could have been held in other cities on the way if there were time. All Forces Against. ‘The state forces: Chamber of Commerce, Em- ployers’ Association, the leadership in the Amer- ican Legion and of the*United Mine Workers, the socialist party and big capitalist concerns realized the importance of the march at once, and did everything to demoralize it, in vain. They got the state police to co-operate with all city police on the way, and in some cities noth- ing but engine trouble developing in the middle of town enabled the marchers to mingle with { the manses ang distribute leaflets eto ono aA aae Se The Indiana Hunger March ‘The committee of three which interviewed the governor was searched for weapons as they went in, The governor was fluctuating back and forth between wrathful arbitrariness and a pretense of bluff cordiality. He made promises to “look into it,” but did nothing. ‘The workers learned from the arrest of Luesse, chairman of the state unemployment insurance committee, from the experience of having the demonstration at the state house broken up by police and driven to Military Park, that the capitalist state is against them, that it wants them to starve. When force failed, the reactionary organiza- tions had to resort to demagogy. But in doing so, they had to admit a great deal. Thus, J. E. White, prominent in Legion circles and men- tioned as the next Indiana State Commander of the Legion, had to say: “The truth is that the statements (in the Hunger March leaflets) their leaders make are all true. That shows intelligent leadership at least.” Native Americans. Most of the delegates were native Americans. About 20 per cent were Negro workers. They came from practically every basic industry, and, as they report back, organization of unem- ployed councils and the struggle for concrete re- lief in specified cases, and for more relief in general, must be speeded up. ‘The experience of the marchers in Marion is particularly interesting. The committee received a letter before the march started, that “The United Workers of America has received some of, spur leaflets and 18 100 pen cent back of the “Any per- | | LIFE | Conducted by the Organization Department of the Central Committee, Communist Party, U.S.A. Jork To Be Done San Francisco, Cal. Dear Comrade As a member of the Unemployed Council of San Francisco, I have witnessed a splendid May Day demonstration. ‘The workers of this city realize more and more that the Communit Party is the only Party which keeps continuous contact with the great masses of workers. To be satisfied in the labor movement would be dangerous; there is plenty work-ahead and many opportunities to reach more workers. Open air meetings are import- ant—however, not sufficient organizational re- sults are obtained. The Council has learned to give every member more personal attention, in that way the membership is activized. I am sending you a list with some suggestions, perhaps it can be useful to other organizations. Comrades, took over this list and see in which way you like to be active. 1. Get a new member for the: Party, Trade Union Unity League, Unemployed Council, Young Communist League, etc. 2. Get subscriptions for the: Labor Unity, etc. Daily Worker, Sell working class literature. Donate to your organizations. Collect donations from sympathizers. Attend your meetings. Attend your classes. Read and study every day. 9. Get information about the conditions in shop and factory. 10. Get information about the families of the unemployed. 11. Get information about the workers in uni- form. 12. Ask ‘your secretary for suggestions. Comradely yours, P. Ss. eras ae demands.” When the marchers reached Marion over four hours late, because of breakdowns, they found that this “United Workers” was a loose, mass organization, with a militant outlook, though confused in theory. It is made up mostly of unemployed workers and affiliated with the A. F. of L. It is so strong in the Marion locality that the mayor is forced to give way to it, so nearly the whole town of Marion turned out with banners and bands to greet the marchers, The marchers were met 50 miles from town by the mayor and the president of the Central Trades Council, who invited them to supper and assured them that “the band is waiting.” Meeting of 3,000. The streets were lined with cheering workers. A crowd of 3,000 had been assembled by the United Workers, and the hunger march spokes- men addressed them. They found enthusiastic reception of the demands. Not quite so much enthusiasm for the fight against Jim Crowism. This is the town where last year Negroes were lynched at the court. house. At this same court house the hunger marchers denounced lynching and Jim Crowism, and 35 from the crowd added themselves to the hunger march, Flogged Foreman, Marion workers on city charity jobs recently tied an insulting foreman to a tree and flogged him. While the marchers were in Marion an anti-Jim Crow demonstration took place; a member of the “United Workers” who had led the crowd to a restaurant led them out again when the proprietor refused te serve Negroes, ‘The first 35 from Marion deserted when they saw police preparations at Indianapolis. ‘The leader of that group said he didn't realize he was with Reds, and “we are not Reds.” But Monday some of these came back, with a new group from Marion, including the man who led them out of the restaurant, and he stated: “We don’t care what they call us, we are starving and we will fight.” He said his father had fought in the Civil War to free the slaves, and now he as Teady to fight for the slarying workers Having a Good Time in Brazil A cable from Brazil to the New York Coffee and Sugar Exchange in the N. Y. Times of May 13, relates the following: “The Official Coffee States Council already is purchasing coffee for destruction. The press and others are being invited to attend the acts of destruction expected this month. The council is studying reform regulations for the Santos, Rio and Victoria Exchanges, with a view to facilitate deliveries and realize pur= chases for destruction.” That's nice, isn’t it, That proves that capi- talism is a marvelous success! Do you pay any less for a cup of coffee in your restaurant? You don’t! But coffee is so plentiful that they are destroying huge quantities! This proves that Mr. Knockerbocker is absolutely right in writing against the “Red Trade Menace!” The egg-smashing contest in California re- cently, and the storing of 200,000,000 bushels of wheat by the Farm Board to keep up the price of bread, together with this coffee destroying ceremony in Brazil—and in the midst of star- ving millions of workers—all this would never, never be done by the “Red Menace!” In fact the Reds are a menace to such a dangerously insane system of starvation of the many for the profits of the few! Walk up close, Mr. Knockerbocker, and take @ look at the w ng class of the capitalist countries! That is your “menace,” because the workers are getting all-fired tired of starving to death in the midst of plenty! . Try It Yourself Did it ever occur to you, readers of the Daily Worker, that you might do a little job your= self in contradicting hokum you see in local capitalist papers. We have no illusion at all about the role of the capitalist papers. They are to defend capitalism and attack Communism, and they will continue to do so. You cannot “convince” their editors. But in their effort to appear upholders of “dem- ocracy” they sometimes run columns of “letters from readers,” “voice of the people” columns, and so on, which you should make use of. Every day's mail pours into the Daily Worker office a stack of clippings from local news- Papers. We are glad to get them, too. They often furnish us with material for comment, and even though we don’t use them, they help inform us of what is being said on many sub- jects, But it is obvious that when an article ap- pears in a local paper in Ohio or California giving some falsehood about the Soviet Union or the Communists, that it is very necessary to have it contradicted right im that same paper than anywhere else. What the Daily Worker might say about it might never reach the read< ers of that local paper. Think it over, comrad Whew you see ar- ticles in your local papers, get out your own pen and ink and, using the information you can find in the Daily Worker and other papers, sit right down and send an answer to the editor of that local paper, telling him you want it printed. Maybe he won't print it. But maybe he will. Don't make it so long that it will be refused space on account of length. Make it tq the point and don’t wander away from that point. If the paper has a ders’ column” of any kind, mark it down for that. Of course, there will be no revolution accom- plished by this. But it helps some in taking the edge off capitalist lies. Really there are so many these days that the Daily Worker can’t Keep track of them all. So try it yourself and let us know how you come out, Help Starve the Mosquitoes! There is a great fuss in Washington about “economy.” Hoover is “paring” the rine off the government wage workers who—hitherto—have had the mistaken notion that “keeping their mouths shut” would keep them in a well-paid government job. Thousands of them are going to be fired. Thousands more’are going to find an empty spot in their previous pay—which was none too big as it was. But all this “economy” business is forgotten when it comes to making Herbert Hoover com- fortable. News items tell us that “government agencies” are all busy with “added new weapons in their efforts to keep President Hoever from being bitten by mosquitoes.” Now this is a pretty howdy-do. One method is “an ‘improved method of spraying oil’— probably from Teapot Dome—although whether it is to be sprayed over the mosquitoes or the presidential carcass is not clear. Still another method “is a fish from the Carolinas,” which is to be imported as a sort of Fish Committee to patrol the streams and pools against any Sovict dumping of mosquitoes, After all, while we have no love for mosqui- toes, our heart flops over with pity at the thought of any mosquito so rash as to settle on the hide of the Great Engineer, Prophet of Prosperity in 60 Days. We warn the mosquito that there is no appropriation for “human food” available, and a bite is, after all, only a “dole” and is certain to produce instant death—to the mosquito. ° e As Rat to Rat In Duluth, Minnesota, the dock workers are giving scabs a run for their money. One scab was chased clear up to a roof. From there he went to throwing bricks. One of the bricks hit @ passer-by, a Negro worker, if we are informed correctly, and broke his leg. Naturally, a big fuss was raised and a cop appeared who thought that the man on th voof was a striker and the one with the broken Jeg was a scab. So he drew his gun and threat- ened to shoot the scab it he didn't come down. The scab wasn’t the least bit afraid. The fear that he had when the strikers were after him vanished when he saw the cop, even if the latter was cursing him and threatening to shoot —that was all a little mistake, a ake that should be and could be corrected. So he yelled out: “Don't shoot me! I'm a scab!” And he wasn't shot. ald fact he knew his cop. The cop let him go Negro Woe 16s hed ben oe fo asl