The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 8, 1931, Page 4

Published by the Compredaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily except Sueday, at 56 East 18th Street, New York City, N. Y. Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. Page Four ‘elephone Algonquin 7956-7. ‘Cabl “DAIWORK” SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mall everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs et Manhattan and Bronx, New York Ctiy. Foreign: one year, $&+ six months. $4.50. THE WASHINGTON CONFER- ENCE PREPARES FOR WAR By HARRISON GEORGE er and his “Conference” in November 1929 had openly told everybody that the em- ployers were going to cut your wages and fire a few million workers, the whole working class would have been up in arms. So they lied— told you things would be all right—and then put the boots to you! That's true, isn't it? Now, work there are some more big lies. Again the capitalists are talking nice and act- ing dirty. Read and understand!... In the city of Washington there is being held the convention of the International Chamber of Commerce. In the midst of a world crisis of capitalism such as has never before been known,” these leaders of world capitalism, who feel the ground, the capitalist system which they thought so solid, giving way beneath their feet, meet to” decide what can be done—what they think can be done—to s tem of wage slavery benefit of the few. not repre- e Workers’ as been barred—although each any decision on that does not take into account the tr growth of Soviet econ- omy and its social: ter, is so many words whispered to the winds Why, then, was the Soviet not invited? The ; the only possible answer is, that world capitalism intends to do here, in this Washington meeting of the International Cham- ber of Commerce, is to unite against the Soviet Union! Two months ago the Daily Worker told you an editorial of March 14, the Daily Worker exposed the reason behind Dwight Mor- row’s “pleasure trip” to Europe. Morrow sailed from New York on March 11. Two weeks be- e, the “Kiplinger Washington Letter,” which ulated “privately to a limited number of inéss executive: had foretold, on February such a “pleasure trip.” It had said: “If Mr. Morrow goes te Europe this summer on a pleasure trip, he will carry administration (Hooyer) authority to look into (a) foreign debts, and (b) some international entente look— ing to protection against foreign trade dump-- ing by the Soviet.” It was the job of Dwight Morrow, Morgan’s partner ‘and trusted agent of Hoover, to pre- pare for this very meeting of the International Chamber of Commerce. To intrigue in France, now at the front of war schemes against the Soviet Union, for unity against the Soviet, but with American imperialism with its vast sur- plus of commodities and credit, in the position as boss of armed invasion. European capitalism has irreconcilable differ- ences with American capitalism; the American tariff, the war debts and German reparations are points of bitter hostility. And the Wash- ington sessions are already loud with these dif- ferences. But, as the Japanese capitalist, Ken- kichi Kagmi, stated on Monday: “Consideration of an ultra socialistic policy, such as obtains in Russia, must be set aside as a separate problem of a revolutionary char- acter in the existing economic system of the world.” ver, worker And the International Chamber of Commerce, for all-of its invitation to college professors: to speak i the Open. sessions. about the marvelous economit .advaniee- of the Soviet Union; is hold~ ing secret sessions on the question of “Russian trade,” the N. Y. Times of May 3, stating that this was a “new problem” which—“arose last year, with world-wide concern caused by the dumping of Russian products.” ‘This “dumping” charge is a lie, workers! Old Russia, under the Czar in 1913, had only 3.5 per cent of the world’s export trade, and in 1930, under the Soviet, its share in the world’s ex- port trade was. only about half that of 1913, in exact figures, only 1.9°per cent. . How can 19. per cent of the werld trade be. considered a “menace” ‘to the other 98.1 per cent? You can see that all this hullabaloo about “dumping” is. a lie! But why do they lie? The answer is that it is necessary to “justify” a war against the Soviet. But why should: world capitalism make war on the Soviet if it is not a trade menace? The answer, workers, is that the menace to capital- ism comes fromthe working class within the capitalist countries! The Soviet Union is not only rapidly building industry, but it is building-it on a socialist basis! ‘The workers of the Soviet Union have the 7-Hour Day! The Soviet has abolished unemployment! The wages of the Soviet workers are continually going upward! While in every capitalist coun- try, hours are lengthened! Millions of jobless workers are starving! Wages are being cut every- where! The capitalists, with the Wall Street bandits in the lead, cannot solve the crisis of their system, without still further attacking the stand- ards of “their” wage workers. You American workers! You see how, to protect their profits, the capitalists refuse unemployment. insurance! How, to keep their own luxuries, they cut your wages in half! They know that the workers will fight back! And they know that as long as the Soviet gov- ernment -of Workers and Farmers lives and grows; itcis a living-proof that unemployment and wage cuts-are not necessary or inevitable! As:long as:the workers are inspired by the ex- ample of the workers of the Soviet Union, the attempt to solve the crisis by unheard-of and savage attack on the workers of the capitalist countries, will meet the fiercest resistance, strikes, growing every larger; strikes and even revolution! This is the “menace” which the International Chamber of Commerce is trying to organize against, workers! The “dumping” talk is only to fool you! Just as Hoover, who makes a “dis- armament” treaty that provides Billions of Dol- Jars for new warships, comes to the Washing- ton meeting to speak about “peace”! ‘The capitalists are preparing for war, work- ers! War against the Workers’ Republic and war against your wage standards! This is the truth! And you mist organize your defense! Organize Shop Committees to strike against wage cuts! Organize to defend the Soviet Union, the hope and inspiration of the toiling and exploited masses of the whole world! —— The American Bandits In Nicaragua By ROBERT DUNN. (National Chairman of the Anti-Imperialist League.) fk order to understand the hypocrisy of the Yankee imperialist bandits in Nicaragua, workers should keep in mind the long history of Walf Street intervention in that country. Here are the highlights of the story: Twenty-three years ago, in 1908, the United States government sent battleships and marines to overthrow the Zelaya government of Nteara- gua because (1) it was considering the cancel- lation 6f the concession of a mining company inl which the U. S. Secretary of State had a majority interest; (2) it had failed to suppress with. sufficient “vigor” a strike in the banana fields of United States companies; (3) it had placed a large loan with an English firm in- stead of.in Wall Street. This was the beginning of American inter- vention. For several years, the tool of Wall Street interests, Diaz, was kept in power by the U. S. Marines. Whenever his regime seemed to be weakening the American minister in Nica- ragua. would wire, “A warship is necessary for the moral effect.” The vessel would be sent. Once when some Liberals started a revolution Major Smedley Butler, the gabbling marine, was sent from Panama with 400 marines to save the government and the American bankers. The revolution was crushed, and an “election” held under ine “supervision.” . The candidate of the U. S. bankers was easily “elected.” Diaz remained in office from 1912 to 1916, and American naval officers later testified before a Senate investigating committee that he “Was so unpopular he could not have remained in the country 24 hours without the protection of the U. S. marines. ‘Then came another equally servile president, Chamorro. Major Butler was later asked by a U. S. Senator: “How long would Chamorro re~ main if the marines were withdrawn?” Butler laughed and replied, “He wouldn't remain at all. He would be on the last coach of the train that carried the marines from the capital.” In the meantime the bankers had sunk their claws into most of the wealth of the country and loaned money to the government’ main- tained in power by the marines. Brown Broth-: ers and J. and W. Seligman & Co. were the chief bankers involved, and later the Guaranty Trust Co. The U. S, governinent had meanwhile picked up the site for another canal and. a nayal base under a forced treaty which accord-~ ing. to. the American customs collector in Nica-_ ragua, was “an important link in the chain we are attempting to forge, of preparedness and na- tignal defense, and the protection of our invest~ ment in the Panama Canal.” By 1924 a Liberal administration that tried to balk at some of the orders of Wall Street somehow got into power. Only then were the marines withdrawn for a few months. Why? ‘To permit Chamorro to start another “revolu- tion’ financed by Wall Street. It was suecess- ful; but when the Liberals were again gaining pper hand in their efforts to oust the nts, the marines were sent to Blue- defeat. Later that year the Wall Street govern- ment had its old puppet, Diaz, put back in the presidency. But the Liberals continued to fight and were only stopped when marines fram 9 battleships were landed at Puerta Cabezas and established “neutral-zones.” They defeated the Liberals and kept in power the faithful lackey, Diaz. Then in April, 1927, Henry L. Stimson was sent to pacify all factions, and buy off Moncada, a general of the Liberal army, who had always, as a matter of fact, been in favor of American intervention. Moncada was, therefore, prompt to comply when Stimson told him to put down his arms—and be paid $10 apiece for them—or have them shot out of his hands by the Amer- ican marines, Essentially a traitor, and having presidential aspirations, Moncada took the place of Diaz as imperialist tool. He was promptly elected president in an ‘‘election” run by marines. At that time only one Liberal general refused to be bribed into betrayal by Stimson. In spite of the fact that Stimson said in 1927, ‘the civil war in Nicaragua is now definitely ended,” adding that Sandino had only 50 or 60. men, the struggle has not ceased. The Yankee im- perialists put a $30,000 reward on Sandino’s head and have hunted him like a wild beast in the mountains. Hundreds of peasants and workers have given their lives for the expulsion of the ‘Wall Street invaders from Nicaragua, The har- bor workers of Corinto once struck to support the armed fight. The Anti-Imperialist League ofthe U. S. sent ene supplies to the Army of Liberation. ~~ is After training the Nicaraguan National. Guard to protect its interests and ‘clinching the power of -its servile Moncada, the bloody, Washington “government ‘iow adopts a “new policy.” But at the very moment when it declares it will no Jonger send marines to. protect American pro- perty in the interior of the country, it is drop- ping bombs on the Army of Liberation, and slaughtering the heroic workers and peasants who strike against slavery on the plantations of the Standard Fruit and Steamship Co. Let no worker be bamboozled by the Stimson “change of’ policy” propaganda, ‘The American “imperialist: poliey today is previsety that: of sa “tage when’ ‘he ‘stated'in 19267 “We must” guarantee’ rights‘ to - build: the canal ° across even ff necessary AGAINST THE WILL OF THE NICARAGUAN expanding interests and trade as @ center 2 necessary protection across the trade routes be- ‘ween Adlantle and Pacific.” (Emphasis vere) ‘The marines haye been in Nicaragua, with the “exception of a few-months “vacation,”-ever since 1908. Only the force of the workers and pea- sants of Nicaragua combined with those of the workers and poor farmers of the United States can get them out. Every worker should join and vigorously support the Anti-Imperialist League which supports the struggle of the Army of Liberation under general Sandino, the revolt of the workers and peasants, and demand the immediate withdrawal of all marine ¢ from all eountrise, THE BEST LIAR g Racketeering---Capitalist Gov- ernment Institution By I. AMTER. 1. has thé scandal in New York broken at this timé? Is it because racketeering has suddenly assufnéd such large dimensions that something slipped-and an exposure followed? ‘This isnot the case, as the history of the Amer- ican fortunes will disclose. Racketeering( al- though styled differently in the past) has existed for a few hundred years in the United States, and has now become a fixed governmenial insti- tution. But the increase in the government force, with more and more rackets being added, has increased the greed and the number of those directly involved, and therefore the struggle be- comes keener. But two other factors of outstanding impor- tance have forced the exposure at the present time. One: the political struggle within the democratic Tammany Hall machine. In the last elections, the democratic machine suffered a severe defeat on the alleged score of prohibition. The solid South, which supposedly is dry, repu- diated Smith, the wet, and voted for Hoover. ‘The break was complete, and the crushing of the democratic party on this score seemed im- minent. This was a fake issue, the real reason being firstly, as far as the South is concerned, that industries are growing up in the South, that northern capital is flowing into the South, and that the same interests demand the same policies of protection. And secondly, a difference between the republican and the democratic parties no longer exists. Neither is dry or wet, neither is for free trade or for high tariff. The struggle is a sectional struggle—not of so-called indus- trial against bank capital (for these are now merged into finance capital), but of groups of finance capital in different parts of the country. ‘Tammany Hall is now in the midst of a strug- gle between three groups: the Roosevelt, the Smith and the Walker faction. The struggle is over the presidential nomination for the coming campaign—in 1932. Smith has not given up his aspirations; Roosevelt is being groomed for pres- ident. Smith is wet, Roosevelt is non-committal. Tammany Hall's name is a stench, and too close connection will doom any candidate. The south- ern democrats declare that they will not be tied to the tail of the Tammany tiger. They declare that this will mean ruination for the democratic party. But Tammany Hall does not give up its control of the democratic party so easily, and Smith, who is a loyal Tammanyite, leads the fight ‘for Tammany control. Roosevelt, who is the most promising candidate for the demo- cratic party, senses the danger of being iden- tified too closely with Tammany, and there- fore, must find means of breaking. the hold of ‘Tammany Hall on the democratic party. ‘The republicans, knowing of this struggle within the democratic party and knowing that the continual defeat of Hoover in the U. S. gov- ernment has shaken the faith in the republican regime; and since Hoover has been repudiated by the republicans in Congress, it is necessary to start the struggle in the stronghold of the democratic party—New York—in order to expose it and weaken its position. Roosevelt, on the other hand, refuses to capitulate to the demands of Tammany, and to promote his hold on the democratic machine, not only in New York, but. particularly outside New York, he has consented ’ to the investigation of the Walker administra- tion. ‘This exposure will not proceed very far, for it will merely start the investigation of every re- publican and democratic administration in the country, with the result that the workers will see the rottenness of the system, and begin to recog- nize the need of sweeping the entire system out of the country. The ‘second ‘and most important factor is the economic situation. The mass unemployment, starvation and misery of the 10,000,000 unem- ployed in the country; the starvation of the poor farmers; the refusal of the city, state and . KEEP MY JOB?” By BURCK PRE-CONVENTION DISCUSSION YOUNG COMMUNIST LEAGUE, U. S. A. Our Partial Youth Demands at Ford’s W bie burning question facing every young worker in a shop today, when he feels the effects of the crisis in the form of wage-clashes, speed-up is: “WHICH DEMANDS can I force from the boss which will better my conditions IMMEDIATELY? How can I do this and still It was precisely because our League DID NOT answer especially the first part of this question to the young workers in the shops in which we were concentrating that our last Enlarged Buro meeting stated as sharply as it did that our basic shortcoming in our shop work in the Plan of Action was the fact tat in none of these shops was our work carried on around a program of PARTIAL DEMANDS. It was only AFTER the Enlarged Buro meet- ing that we comrades tackled the question of partial demands for this plant as a means of organizing struggle through the Auto Workers’ Union. In drawing up these demands with the Ford Nucleus we kept the following in mind: 1, The concrate conditions of the young work- ers in that plant. 2. Against what do the young workers “kick” mostly? 3. Around what demands can we rally the majority of the youth in the plant, for imme- diate struggle. In Ford’s there are three categotMss of young workers: 1, ‘Trade schoo] boys—aged from 12 @ 17. 2. Apprentices—aged from 18 to 21. 3. Young workers—who are not learning a trade. Trade School Boys. The trade school boys work mostly on the as- sembly line, in the motor building, and now have been drawn even into the foundries, into sand- ing. A trade school boy starts with 20 cents an hour and gets a cent raise every two months if his work in the shop is recorded as “fair” by the foreman, who fills out a “report card” every six weeks. By the time the boys are 18 they make 50 cents an hour. ‘These boys spend two weeks in the shop, working 8 hours a day. The third week is spent in school, for 7 hours a day. When in school, they get paid for only 7 hours’ work. The trade school boys get lunch at the company’s expense the week that they spend in school, and the lunch period is only 20 minutes, 10 of which are spent on the lunch line. Trade school students between 12 and 15 receive 3 weeks’ vacation with pay (wages same as when in shop), those be- capitalist government, which those in govern- ment have to face. The) opposition parties, tak- ing advantage of this situation—the republicans in New York, assisted by the socialists—have be- gun the campaign against Tammany Hall, at the same time concealing the fearful unemploy- ment and the sufferings of the workers. They are taking advantage of the clubbing and beat- ing of the workers by the city administration in order to lay a basis in New York for the coming aldermanic elections. They see in this exposure an \opportimity to “befuddle sostilly issue, and to raise in the mu fashion of years ago the issue of “good,” “honest,” “clean” administrations of capitalism—something con- tradictory in itself, and conceal the basic ques- tion: Shall the workers and poor farmers con- tinue to support a system which is not only rot- ten but which is causing the misery te the masses of workers\and farmers? © ‘This is the fundamental question tial ‘the muckrakers cannot raise, for both of them, the republicans and the socialists, are supporters of the present system and shiver at the idea of a change of the system. Both of them, in other cities where they control, use the same methods, and therefore must be judged not by their eager- ness to “clean” City Hall in New York, but by their practices in cities where they control. tween 15 and 17 get two weeks on the same basis. This group of workers studies a trade at their OWN EXPENSE. They are found in the same processes of production as are the trade school students. However, more apprentices work in the foundry tool room and at more dangerous types of work than are trade school boys. The apprentice starts with 25 cents an hour, his wages are also raised according to his “report card,” and at the end of about two years he can make 55 cents an hour. He works 8 hours a day. Four hours: a week are allotted for learning a “trade,” the four hours divided inte two-hour sessions, twice a week. He receives no pay for these four hours, this is a considerable cut, for the apprentices do not work a full week now. The apprentice receives no vacation at the com- Ppany’s expense. Other Young Workers. ‘The young workers, who are learning no trade, work mostly on the production line, in the motor building, in the glass plant and also in the foun- dry. They start with $6 a day and in general go no higher than $7.60, working 8 hours a day. How does the wage of the trade school boy, the apprentice, compare with that of the adult workers in Ford’s? On the assembly line, in the gear shift department, the adults get from $7.60 to $8 a day, in the foundry tool room (the hardest and unhealthiest work) they get $8, $9 and $10 per day. Very few of the adult and young workers work more than three days a week—which means that the trade school boys do the same work the rest of the week ‘for al- most HALF the pay. Ford does not cut wages directly—but greater SPEED-UP is his “Golden Rule” method. Because of this speed-up not a day goes by without some accident, Our Demands. On the basis of the above coriditions we have worked out the following demands: For the Trade School. 1, Boys from 12 to 45, to work 6 hours a day; boys from 15 to 17 to work 7 hours a day. Both with no reduction in pay. 2. Minimum starting wage to be 30 cents an hour, with a sliding scale of 12 cents increase every six weeks, 3. No trade school boy to work at dangerous machinery or unhealthy work (sanding, foundry). 4, One half hour for lunch; When in shop, to receive lunch at company’s expense. 5. All boys to receive four weeks’ with pay. 6. Students to have permission to form stu- dent councils, clubs, etc. 7. Half time off in speed as compared with adult workers, For the Apprentices. 1, To get study of trade at company’s ex- pense. a, 2. Minimum starting wage to be 35 cents an hour. 3. Work 7 hours a day with 8-hour pay. 4, One half hour for lunch—no time off for lunch period. 4. Two weeks’ vacation with pay. For Young Workers Not “earning Trade. 1. Seven-hour day with 8-hour pay. 2. One half hour for lunch—no time off for lunch period. 3. Same vacation as apprentices, with pay. 4..No dangerous operations to be performed by young workers under 21 (foundry work ap- plies especially to Negro youth). 5. No discrimination of single workers in giv- vacation “yo dng’ jobs. Other Demands for All Young Workers. 1, No night work for young workers under 21. . 2% Double compensation for young workers under 18. 3. Soap and towels to be supplied regularly by company. 4, Two 15-minute rest periods daily. Only in the struggle for our partial demands will we be able to win both the adult and young | of other lands and races. der! Yet Fish & Co, dare to Me | By ie Think It Over : “Speaking of the all-important question of approach,” says a reader, “I have seen a number of organizers trying to create nuclei in some of | the main industries fail, and I must say that their failure was not the fault of the workers, These organizers hardly had any understand- ing of the psychology of the native American worker, “Generally speaking, we know the American is bold in practical affairs. He sets to work in plain, blunt vigor. I may say that simply be- cause he has nothing essentially to live for (in- dividualism), he can ‘take a chance,’ he ‘doesn’t | | * give a dam,’ he can ‘take the breaks’ and ‘tough luck’ and ‘take a crack at it again.’ “And who can organize him? Only he who has, in a similar pitch, as great a boldness or courage; rather because he has something to live | for—boldness out of essential positiveness, a so- cial policy. Such a man will be native to him. He'll be ‘in the know.’ He'll belong.” ev Which is all very interesting, and we do not mean to question the value of studying the psychology of the masses. But our reader has psychologized too much. In fact, we left out a long paragraph dealing with the historical] back- ground of the American worker's mind, just to clear away the underbrush and get at the real point. * There is altogether too much nonsense writ- ten about the special and mysterious mentality of American workers as compared to' workers About 99 per cent of this is an alibi for “radicals” who shrink from the job of organizing these workers. It is soaked up from bourgeois “intellectuals” who try to comfort the capitalists with hokum about American workers being “different.” If there is anything that ails the American worker's “psychology” it is simply capitalist ideological influence. And it is the duty of the Communist organizer to replace that by Com- munist influence in the course of daily struggles for concrete aims. This mysterious “American” psychology is merély capitalist psychology. More, if the Communist organizers don’t suc- ceed in that, our correspondent is correct in say- ing that it is not the workers’ fault. Yet, what ails the organizer is not a lack of a college edu- cation in psychology, even “American” psychol- ogy, but the lack of a really Communist line, a remnant—more or less rooted—of a right op- portunist disbelief in the “third period” and its practical possibilities, derived from the same bourgeois ideological influence. In short, the Jack of “boldness and courage” is not physical, nor psychic, but political. But still even this is not an adequate ex- planation. Some comrades may fully under- stand the political perspective, and indeed spend valuable ours expounding it to each other at inner-party meetings, but fall down on building organizationally what they say can be built. We will not write a thesis on it, but just re- mark that too much steam is wasted in “large” doings, in abstract general work, to the neglect of pains-taking detailed work, the patient, per- sistent approach to individual workers. ‘> get results “in a hurry” a crowd, a factory or a city is sort of “sprayed with a propaganda fire hose,” whereas the genuine quickest way is to learn from that old adage about water dropping on a rock. We fancy you'll hear more of this, so take it seriously. * f : d : Etiquette } A Chicago comrade writes that she was sur- } prised at the May Day demonstration there, to find “gloved and well-dressed women selling our literature.” She thought that the Gold Coast had gone Bolshevik, until one comrade ex- plained that a swanky appearance was “Party instructions.” She feels that this business may develop into a “yellowishness,” and wonders what our opin- ion might be, as 2 sort of authority on Bolshe- vik etiquette, Well, this question was treated by the Organ- ization Department in the Party Life column of the Daily on April 23. It was there men- tioned that in New York, where some comrades seem to have interpreted the policy of prolet- arianization of the Party as an instruction to wear garments requisite of an Oregon lumber- jack and boycott the cap and hat makers, a garb more similar to that of “ordinary workers” is more sensible not only in demonstrations but in daily doings.’ “Where is thy leather-jacket?” was the Shake esperian query, unspoken but audible, in New York City, where hob-nailed boots and overalls are not usual for “ordinary. workers.” Possibly some comrades figured that Jimmy Walker and Alice Longworth were “ordinaty workers,” but we didi’t see any silk hats in New ‘York May Day crowds, though some few canes were noticed and, under the circumstances are permissible, But special efforts at: nail-staining, marcelling and manicuring, plus-fours of Tuxe- dos, are a “distortion of the Party liné” accord- ing to our own point of view which, since we have a plebélan up-bringing, may be prejudiced, perhaps, but which we have just the same. And that’s that! Pee Bp stage ao 2 cae eee Se weat Talk About Convi fear We suggest that Mr. nviet L bor! excited enough to organize an embargo froth farm machinery and binder twine produced in Minnesota. The state government of Minnesota, headed by the social-fascist “Farmer-Labor” Governor Olson, is producing these two com- modities with convict labor in the state prison. In California, and many other states, the auto license tags of enamelled metal are convict made. In an Associated Press dispatch of May 6 from Jackson, Mississippi, it is stated that Mrs. W. A. Montgomery, President of the Board ef ‘Trustees, has brought charges before that Board of inhuman treatment of convict laborers on the Parchman State Penal Farm. Convicts were “inhumanly beaten” and denied water by the Prison Farm authorities, for com- plaining to the Board of Trustees, she said. She added a demand for an investigation of the death of one prisoner, F. B. Morris, who was officially declared to have died of “a bloc! artery.” More, she declared that another one oner had died “from being forced to work in @ cotton field under a hot sun while suite from a chronic illness.” j Convict labor! Forced labor!’ Cruelty and