The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 2, 1931, Page 6

Published by the Comprod 28th Street, New York Address and mail all checks to tte Daily Worker, $0 East 18th Street, New York, N. ¥ Page Six WALKER, COR ly Pabliching Co, Inc N. £. Tetennons Algonquin 7956-7. RUPTION AND BOLSHEVISM By MAX BEDACHT AMES . WALKER or of New York, in a recent speech declared that the attacks ma on his administration bec: e of its corruption, are attacks made against the very social system of capitalis: If Jimmie Walker had meant purely in the abstract, he m e been co: rect; but in the concrete manner in which he | applied it, it was a baseless invention. This in- vention is born of demagogy, not of ignorance. Jimmie Walker is of course a very staunch de- fender of the present system. He is an honor- able gentleman, as honor goes among capitalists. He upholds the hol ution of matrimon as these things are upheld among honorable cap- italists.. He therefore is a fit champion of the capitalist system. Now let’ us see the revo in attacks: on Tam onary i corruption in dof corrupt on corruption ? Corruption, T ion in ¥ att ticular. Is against the sy leadership in Richard Crok a corruptionist par excellence ker were embodied all of tt many Hall, because gangste! were the outstan many Hail, Crokers are s many, built for political corruption and thievery, cannot be turned into a machine of applied vir- tue; not even by the hands of such an honor~ able and virtuous gentleman as Jimmie Walker. ‘This gangsterism, corruption and thievery rep- resented by the honorable society of Tammany, is not a specific quality of the Democratic ma- chine in New York. The Républican machine in Chicago,-“with its Ellers, Crowes and other judges, district attorneys, mayors, gangsters and thieves, is an exact replica of Tammany. The only difference that might exist is a diff in efficiency. But again gahgsterism and corruption are no specific qualities of certain political machines. They are an indispensable accompaniment of capitalist government. Profit and corruption are insepatable- Corruption and gangsterism are Siamese twins. Why should a capitalist police- man not indulge in racketeering, since his sole mission is to protect and defend the racketeer- ing of his capitalist masters? Why should a judge not make money by corruption, since his sole mission is to cover the corruption of his capitalist bosses by judicial rulings? Why should a capitalist legislator not look out for his pri- vate pocket, since his sole mission is to legis- late profits into the pockets of his capitalist masters? it of Tam- | It is clear that a serious and fundamental at- tack on, and struggle against corruption, must be or will event turn into a struggle against itself. The end of capitalist corrup- tion can come with the end of capitalism itself. In this respect it would be correct to claim nst Tammany corruption nst the very system of capital- ‘orable Jimmie Walker did not have He merely wanted to profit by the the red herring left behind when it ss the country in the name of vernment of the United States © Hamilton Fish. tly | capitalism | i | | | | | ac enjoy this performance of Yet we are quite proud of | being Reds. It is this pride which causes us to protest when the honorable Jimmie Walker tries to throw the rabbis and reverends of the type as into the pot of Communism. and Rabbi Wise and Reverend ave no intention whatever to under- apitalism. They have no in- ne confidence of the masses in capit: ‘ir pretense of attack against Tammany corruption is not aimed at the under- | mining of the capitalist system. On the con- they fear that the brazen corruption of many might undermine the confidence of the masses in corrupt capitalism. That is why the rabbis and reverends make a pretense at hollering about c iption. They holler about Tammany co. vith the emphasis on Tammany—in to prevent the working masses from seeing where the emphasis really belongs, namely, on capitalist corruption. The rabbis and reverends want to replace the brazen corruption of Tammany by a more suave and gentlemanly corruption. They complain that Tammany does not extract its corruption out of the pockets of the masses of New York in a order. ally except Sued Cable silent enough and painless enough manner. They feel that the job could bé done,much more sci- entifically. They belong tothe same class as Mr. James Walker. They defend the same sys- tem Mr. James Walker endeavors to uphold. They condemn the Reds as much as Mr. James | Walker. They abhor the revolutionary working | Class as much as Mr. James Walker. They are flesh and blood of Hamilton Fish, of Herbert Hoover, of James Walker, of: James Walker's Tammany and of Tammany’s capitalism. As fer as we Reds are concerned we do not hesitate to declare, that our struggle against Tammany corruption is a struggle against capi- talist corruption. We want the workers to learn in the struggle against democratic and republi- can and social democratic corruption the neces- ity of struggle against capitalist corruption and against capitalism itself. Some Experiences of the Trenton Hunger March unemployed delegation, elected by the Unemployed Council and working-class or- ganizations of New Jersey, began their hunger march to Trenton on Feb. 28 from Paterson, N. J. to demand from the State Legislature that they recommend to Congress the passage of the Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill and to fight for immediate unemployment relief. Much work had been carried on in every city of New_Jersey in preparation for the hunger march. Demonstrations and meetings were held almost <in alt;cities. Unemployed Councils were set up; the working-class organizations had been mobilized to help raise money and collect | food ahd clothes for the marchers. All workers were called tipon to participate in one form or | another in the preparatory work. The widest possible movement was initiated to popularize thé march and win the confidence and backing of the unemployed workers and the workers’ or- @anizations of the entire state. All efforts possible were made to involve the delegates tn the preparatory work so that through participation they would be made to feel directly responsible for the march—to feel the importance ‘and significance of such an under- taking @5 ‘well as the hardships and difficulties that they would encounter on the way. ‘The march was a four day march, passing through many cities on the way to Trenton, in some of which the marchers stopped to eat and sleep. ‘The food and shelter was provided by the working-class organizations of each city. These organizations were approached for assistance in this work, into which they entered with great spirit. ahd wholeheartedness. The hypocrisy of the Socialist controlled Workmen's Circle was very clearly exposed in this when they refused to do ariything to help with the hunger march and in one case, in Linden, N. J., they went so far as to Call ‘the police to drive the unemployed workers away from their hall. In those cities where marchers were to pass through, the workers waited for hours for them to arrive. Cheers and applause would greet them as they approached. Particularly in the smaller towns, where the population is almost wholly a working-class population and where the workers depending upon one or two industries, are suf- fering from. severe unemployment. In these towns the most enthusiastic welcomes were given to the marchers, inspiring and encourag- ing them in their work. Two good examples are Linden and Carteret. In Linden as the delegation arrived they were met by about 500 workers who had been waiting for over an hour in a pouring rain. The march- ers carrying placards and singing “Solidarity” were greeted with great applause. A very good demonstration was held and in spite of the fact that Linden has Blue Law Sundays, the police did not dare interfere with the march or mect- , the workers having demonstrated on Feb. determination not to permit the police up their demonstrations. Many work- meeting joined the Unemployed the T.U.U.L. and bought Daily other literature. A collection was with the workers contributing gener- here they proceeded to Carteret, iE GeRE EEE & i iE i With placards raised high, and a hundred voices shouting “We Want Work or- Wages” the hunger marchers marched into Carteret, a small industrial town, never before reached by the Unemployed Council. The workers of this town were notified the day before that the marchers were coming through on this day. It had been pouring hard all day, but the marchers were full | | of enthusiasm. They did not expect workers to | | meet them in Carteret when suddenly they saw | | @ crowd of people. A whisper ran through the | marchers “Are they waiting for us?” “No!” “Yes! Yes, they are!” this last as a large number of | | children made a dash toward the street the marchers were coming in on, A meeting had not been scheduled in Car- teret, but due to the fact that so many workers were out to greet the marchers, open air meet- ing was held on the main street, in spite of the / attempts of the police to get the marchers to move to another more isolated corner, Hundreds of workers were present at the meeting, to say nothing of the children. ‘The whole child population had come out. One woman comrade had a large group of these chiJ- dren around her and was explaining to them | the nature of the Pioneer paper, and what the Pioneers were. 1 The marchers went among the workers, sell- ing Daily Workers, and other literature, as well as collect money for the march, With great eagerness the workers snatched up ell the litera- ture that they were approached with. The speak- ers were greeted with applause and a thunder- ous cheer arose when a yote was called for in support of the delegation and the Unemployment Insurance Bill, The most inspiring sight was when the march- ers again resumed their march. It appeared as if the whole town had joined in the march. Men, women and children formed a line blocks | long. Once the marchers stopped and held a discussion with the workers, teaching them the songs that they had been singing, explaining the work of the Unemployed Council and T, U. U. L. ‘The workers were very eager to learn these things. A vote was taken to ascertain the num- ber of unemployed present and almost eyery hand went up. The marchers had very little time to spend in Carteret, but were unable to pro- ceed on their way for some time, the workers, enthusiastic and anxious for information, simply would not leave the march. Never before had the workers of Carteret witnessed a demonstra- tion of this kind. This experience, as well as many other like in- stances, illustrates clearly the growing discon- tent of the toiling masses and the crying need for organization. These workers see ‘no relief from their miseries. They realize, through bit- ter experience, that they have nothing to hope for from their city officials. They also realize, and this is particularly true of the workers of New Jersey who have been betrayed so many times, that the A. F. L. is not an organization of struggle and fully understand the treacherous role of the leaders of the A. F. L: The workers, knowing that only through or-' ganization and strifggle can they hope to better their conditions, are looking for leadership. It is up to the T. U. U. L, and the Unemployed Council as well as the Communist Party, to con- tinue the good work stirted by the hunger marchers, to organize these workers in struggle against thelr present starvation conditions, ¢ | who dare to talk about the employment of forced | Soviet North, and foreign workers and experts | employed in the timber districts of the USSR, | talists is nothing but a base lie, an abominable lord regime, it is true that labor here could be at 50 East DATWORK” “The fight against the VolsteadAct i pet = EASE Stee, the first step in the organization of a militant labor movement”—Matthew Woll. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: ; By mail every here: One year, $6; six months $3: two months, $1; excepting Boroughs ot Manhattan and Bronx, New York Ctiy. Foreign: one year. $8- siz months $440 Sm, Appeal to the Lumbermen of | Soviet Northern Region to the Working Class of All Countries A VERY interesting meeting, participated in by lumbermen, foreign workers from America | Canada and Germany, and experts, took place | a few days ago in Vologda, the center of the | timber industry in the USSR, to express their | indignation and anger against the base capitalist slanderers and their hirelings, the social fascists, labor in the USSR. ‘The meeting, at which both the Russian and foreign workers and engineers gave a. vivid pic- ture of their present working and living condi- tions which are incomparably better than condi- tions under Czarism and in the capitalist coun- tries, concluded by adapting the following appeal of the lumbermen to the workers of all countries: Comrades and Brothers! The capitalists and landlords of the whole world, and their faithful servants, the social fascists of the Second International, are once more up in arms against the Soviet Union. They are carrying on a slanderous campaign about alleged ‘forced labor” in our timber districts. _ The bourgeoisie is raising a hue and cry about “forced labor,” is shedding crocodile tears about. the “hard” lot of the workers and peasants of the Soviet country. Comrades and brothers: We, lumbermen of the tell you that all this hue and cry of the capi- slander which serves as cloak for the prepara- tions for war against our Soviet country. In former days, during the capitalist and land- called compulsory. From morning till night, millions of hired workers of the former Russia created by their sweat and blood aintold wealth. for a handful of opressors. But we put an end to this in October, 1917, when we threw off the landlord-capitalist yoke. During the Revolution years, we did much under the able leadership of the Communist Party for the reorganization of ‘our life and labor. We have begun to build up a socialist society, and are this year completing the founda- tion of a socialist economic system, In an im- poverished and ruined country, we haye put up gigantic socialist industrial enterprises, and at a gigantic rate we are fulfilling the task to catch up to and outdistance the advanced capitalist countries With regard to technique and eco- nomics. By means of energetic Soviet farm and collective farm construction, we created and are creating new social relations in the country- side: we are leading the peasantry on the only path which can free it from ‘age-long poverty— onto the path of socialism. On the basis of a socialist organization of labor, and introduction of new technique in agriculture, we do away with the contradictions between town and country. Labor, from having been a hard and compul- sory burden, such as it, still is in the capitalist countries, is. becoming with us a matter of prowess, honor and glory, because we are work- ing now for ourselves, because through our own labor we are creating a new socialist order, be- cause the Soviet Union is the country of the proletarians and of the oppressed and enslaved of the whole world. The capitalist world is in a blind alley. In the streets of New York, Berlin and Warsaw, the capitals of the wealthiest countries, where hand- fuls of millionaires live in luxury, millions of unemployed ,proletarians tramp the streets in search of work, bread and shelter. With the help of capitalist rationalization, the last strength is Squeezed out of millions of workers. 35,000,000 unemployed—such is the achievement of capi- talist society! In all countries, with the exception of the USSR, reign poverty, starvation and wage slay- sey the jot of the proletarians and workers. is the only country where unemployment has been abolished. With the cry about forced labor in the USSR, the brutal bourgeoisie tries to stifle the just de- mands of the millions of the unemployed in its respective countries, and to prepare war against the country of socialist construction. — ‘ In this whole discreditable affair, the! loyal helpers of the capitalists are the ¢ocial demo- crats. Through the instrumentality of the QUESTIONS and ANSWERS Question: My understanding of “state” is this, , a body of people directing the policies of a country. I would appreciate if you would clar- ify the meaning of the abolition of the state after Communism is reached. It scems that I do not understand the mean ng of the State— F., South Carolina, Answer: The state is not simply a body of people directing the policies of a country. This is what the employing class wants the workers to believe. It is not directed by “the people,” but by a ruling class. The United States is directed by the big capitalists of this country. With its police, its armies, its courts, its “jus- tice,” the State is an institution of the ruling class which is necessary for the suppression and control of the opposing or subjected class. Therefore she state comes into existence with the division of society into classes and will dis- appear when-class divisions are done away with. Primitive hunting and fishing tribes (which are without classes) have no state; there will be no state as soon as all elements of the capitalist class have disappeared, It is clear that-the workers cam never secure working class justice and freedom under the capitalist. state.’ To get these rights, it is nec- essary to break and overthrow the capitalist state and establish the workers’ government, which will rule in the interests of the toiling masses of workers and farmers. It is absolutely necessary for the toilers to establish their own state in order to control and finally destroy all capitalist elements and to build up socialism. The workers’ state is called the dictatorship of the proletariat because the workers dictate to and rule over the remaining capitalistic individ- uals and forces. It is not a dictatorship over the toilers; among-them, as in the Soviet Union, there is the highest form of genuine democracy yet obtained in any country. Stalin says in his book, Leninism, that “Soviets are the direct or- ganizations of the masses, consequently the most democratic, and therefore the most influential, mass organizations.” ‘The workers’ State will wither away because it will finally destroy all capitalistic elements, it will abolish all social tendencies and all social forces which enable one class or person to ex- social-interventionists, Groman, Abramovitch, Sukhanow and Co. the world bourgeoisie tries to ruin the Five Year Plan, to cause famine and desolation, and to prepare the ground for the interventionists. While you are starving, while you are refused unemployment benefit, the infamous Menshevist wreckers, in concert with the bourgeois emigres, spend millions of roubles, obtained by your sweat and blood with the intention of destroying our labor, our freedom and independence. The cry about forced labor, the base daily lies of the social democratic ‘press about the Soviet country—all this is a smoke-screen be- hind which they want to hide the sanguinary plans of the impending intervention, the base deeds of the wreckers, This is the true meaning of the campaign against forced labor in the Soviet Union, and’ especially in the northern region. Comrades and brothers! Tear off the hypo- critical masks of the capitalist slanderers, Ex- pose their hirelings—the social democrats! De- mand the appointment of an International Labor Commission for the exposure of real slavery and forced labor in the capitalist countries and‘ colonies! Strengthen the international proletar- ian fighting front! Rally to the fighting ban- ners of the Communist International for the struggle for Communism! And our answer to the campaign of the die- hards and imperialist spoliators against . our country will be: a still greater welding together of our ranks around the Communist Party and its Leninist Central Committee. We are form- ing more and more shock brigades, we are rais- ing still higher the banner of socialist compe- tition, and are giving an impetus to the pro- ductivity of labor, in ‘order to carry out the Five Year Plan in four years. We are building and will build up socialism. ‘The proletarian revolution will be victorious throughout tho world! f 1h | tice and theory at the same time before they ploit or oppress another. Therefore the basis of the state is removed. Engels explains it by saying that, “The interference of the authority of the state with social relations will . . . be- | come superfluous in one field after another and | finally will cease of itself. The authority of government over persons will be replaced by the administration of things and the direction of the processes of production.”. There. will remain the Communistic planning and administering of production and distribution. . (See Lenin’s, State and Revolution.) Se Of Question: (1) What is the Proletarian Party all about?—A Worker, N. Y. | (2) Is it possible for a revolution to succeed before a majority of proletarians understand Marx's theory? Is it necessary to: study, prac- could lead to a revolution?—J. K. Penna. Answer: These two questions from different | sources can be answered together as we shall soon see. : The Proletarian Party originated as one of the | Left Wing groups that split off from the social- ist party just after the war, but unlike the other | left wing groups, it refused to merge into the | Communist Party (at that time called the Work- | ers Party). The Proletarian Party believes that | the reyolution will be brought about purely by the theoretical education of the workers—that if the workers only.get educated enough they will | somehow spontaneously revolt. This is a thor- oughly petty-bourgeois theory. It is a theory | which instead of breeding active revolutionists, breeds only “hall-cats” and “spittoon philoso- phers”—people who are always ready to sit around and “schmoose” about revolutionary the- ories, but who are inwardly decayed with a cynical contempt for “those saps, those dumb- bells” as they call the workers who, they say, “haven't got the sense” to revolt. They claim that the Communists do not have a sufficiently “pure’-Marxian program. “Pure” to them means lots of words without any action. For the Com- munists not only study theory but put. their theories into practice by organizing and fight- ing in the class struggle. True Marxism is the science of the class struggle. And those who take no part whatever in it, as the Proletarian Party and the Socialist Labor Party, certainly cannot claim to be real Marxists and revolu- tionists. Of course education in Marxian-Leninist theory is of tremendous importance for every worker, not as a goal in itself, but as a most essential guide to his participation in the class le, the highest point of which is the prole- | tarian revolution. But the education obtained | through practical experience in the class strug- gle is every bit as important. Both are neces- sary to an active revolutionist. If it were necessary to wait until the major- ity of workers understand Marx's complete the- ories before the revolution, then it would not take place, For, do what we can, the facilities of a Communist Party to reach and convince the millions of workers in a capitalist country by @ complete system of theoretical education are compared to the tremendous task. On the other hand, the capitalists con- trol all the schools, press, churches, movies, and every imaginable facility for propa- ds only one, basic, theory of Marx be learnt by the majority of the ‘king , or at least, the decisive section of it—-and that is the Class Struggle—the need for overthrowing the government of the capitalists, and setting up their own Workers’ Soviet Gov- ernment. But this the great masses of workers will not Jearn from books, though books play an important role, They will lcarn this from their everyday experiences in the factory, from their struggles against wage cuts and for im- provements in conditions, from their experiences in strikes, from their clashes with police and troops on the picket line, from their struggle against war, from their fight for unemployment relief. When it $s a question of great’ masses, the Class Struggle itself is the greatest teacher. As we develop and lead this struggle, we build up revolutionary consciousness as well as. the revolutionary organization which is necessary to win it, , : \ By JORGE eee “A Rose by Any Other Name...” James Rose, Massachusetts State Vicc-Com- mander of the Americati Legion, speaking at Lawrence, Mass., April 23, opening a member- ship drive of the Legion quite openly stated that the Legion was proud of strike-breaking done in the past and is organizing to do a bet- ter job of it in future. He “admired the stand of local citizens” against the textile strikers and went on to say: “The Legion must see to it that there is in- troduced into the legislature that which will de- mand the rounding up of these reds, bolshe- vists or Communists—call them what you will —load them into transports, not caring how seaworthy they are, and dump them into that Utopia of theirs that they talk so much about.” According to the Lawrence Daily Eagle, which reported the meeting, the Catholic priest, James A. McDonald of St. Mary’s parish, and chaplain of the Lawrence Legion Post, “who played such % prominent part in combating the radical ele- ment in the recent strike of the American Woolen Co., employes,” was present and spoke, urging more members for the Legion so that “more good can be accomplished.” Yet some religion-blinded Catholic editor wrote us recently, asserting that the Catholics “never are against the interests of the workers”! Incidentally, we observe a movement is: going on in many states to get the state legislatures to pass petitions for an embargo on Soviet goods. for deportations and so on. It seems the Legion is back of this reactionary movement, if we can believe Mr. Rose. Workers who are Legion mem- bers should get hep to the game of their capi- talist leaders, and bring their whole Post over to affiliation with the Workers’ Ex-Servicemen’s League, Kicking their reactionary officials out-in the process. The W.E.S.L. has its headquarters at 79 E. 10th St., New York City. Write ‘em. In the “Grand Manor” Workers’ Clubs are fine things. We're all for ‘em, But they can and do commit opportunist mistakes which a, leadership that is really-Com- munist would not allow. For example, we have before us a sort of “come-on” card coupon put out by the Williams- burg (Brooklyn) Workers’ Club, to get attend- ance at a dance. Nothing wrong about issuing cards. But if it is really a “workers” club, and wants to attract not just “people,” but specific- ally workers, why, then, do we find on the back of this card, the most godawful rubbish’in the form of a cheap, semi-vulgar (and altogether vulgar in the proletarian sense) song. Want a sample of it?— “The preacher's ready for the service, “So why the hell should you get nervous?” Evidently the comrades want Babbits at their dance. Certainly, an advertisement of a. shoe store would be preferable, and might pay the printing cost, too. But a working class song or bit of poetry belongs. , It seems that, because the ball is to be in the “Grand Manor Million Dollar Ball Room,” the comrades couldn't resist the “grand manner” of advertising, that is to say the bourgeois manner. The comrades should remember that they're in the working-class business, not the amusement busine pr eeat eee Awfully Helpful, Ain’t They? Among the little oddities in the clippings that come showering on our desk, are the following: 1. A policeman at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, has & 38 caliber bullet in his brain which somebody playfully shot at him during the recent military revolt. The N. Y. Times says that the cop “pos- sesses all his senses’—all he ever had. Which reminds us that Mr. Mulrooney sent some of his experts down to Brazil recently to train’the Brazilidn cops on how to get along without senses. 2. A paper from Guatemala informs us of the “tremendous progress” which will be made in combatting illiteracy. This is the idea, Guate- mala being the second most illiterate country on earth, the government ‘must go through the motions of carryime en.a “reform” to eradicate illiteracy. So it passes a law, and the law says that.anybody who cannot read and write shall pay the. government $2 a year tax. Since the United Fruit Company of Wall Street keeps most of the workers busy about 18 hours a day sweating in the hot sun and speeded like a Ford factory worker for ten cents a day, they have no chance to learn to read and write. So the gov- ernment will take $2 more for the president's cigarette money, and that’s all. 3. It came to us like this: “Boston, April 21 (AP)—Mayor Curley today purchased life in- surance policies that eventually—in about 200 years—will provide a fund of $45,548,527 for-re- lief of impoverished Bostonians.” Now, that is real nice of the mayor, isn’t it. We think we'll move up to Boston and Wait around a century or so, and maybe we get a Jead nickel out of this wonderful “liberal.” It’s like the capitalists; they're always SO helpful! * * “Go Thou and Do Likewise!” Concerning the charge of “Soviet dumping,” we call the attention to a few lines from the speech of Comrade V. Molotov to the Sixth So- viet Congress recently. . a After assuring the delegates that the Soviet would get as high prices as possible for: wheat or oil or anything else sold on the world market, Molotov sprung this neat one: he “Of course, our competitors cannot’ deprive us of a most important. advantage with regard to the costs of production, and that is, that the country of the October Revolution has freed :it- self from the necessity of keeping parasitic classes (the rich landlords and the juniers) and has abolished absolute rents. By the way, our competitors will receive no hindrance from us, if they feel inclined to take the same course,” That's a mean dig, but a mighty clever one. Let the robbery of rent be wiped out in America, as it is in the Soviet Union, and a lot of farm- ers—not to speak of city workers—would be able to breathe! But it will not be done by the capitalists. or their government, but only by the workers and farmers united in revolution against the land- Jords ancl capitalists. They will not teke the in- vitation of lotoy to do as the Soviet does, as