The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 1, 1931, Page 4

Published by the Comprodatly Publishing Co., Inc., dafly except Suuday. at §0 East ath Street, New York City. N. ¥. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7, Cable: “DAIWORK?® Address and mall all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York. N. ¥. Page Four Dail orker Borty USA. SUBSCRIPTION RAtow: By mail everywhere: One year, $6: six months. $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs ot Manhattan and Bronx. New York Ctly. Foreign: one year, $8- six months. $4.50 ~ BILL DUNNE REPLIES TO WEISSBORD yippee lying insinuations to his other cow- ardly crimes against the working class, the renegade Albert Weisbord, expelled from the Communist Party along with other followers of Lovestons and Cannon, recently issued a state- ment containing certain false charges agi Gomrade “Bill Dunne. He implied that Com rade Dunne had certain sympathies and con- tions with the renegade Cannon. When in- wmed of these statements, Comrade Dunne, now fulfilling his duties as a member of the Executive Committee of the Red International Labor Unions in Moscow, sent the following ble: “The only connection of the Cannon-Trotsky counter-revolutionary group with the Commu- nist Party, U. S. A, Is through the fist of our Party under whose blows this collection of anti-working ‘class elements is disintegrating. “Welsbord’s latest statement regarding the connection of this counter-revolutionary group with me and others shows that he has changed only his public organizational allegiance. His line remains the same as that of the Trot- skyites and Lovestoneltes and other renegades which is ald to capitalism by an attempt to create suspicion of the political Integrity of he Party of the Proletariat and of its lead- ing comrades in the ranks of the working class now facing the fiercest attacks on the entire front, “The statement of Weisbord is nothing but a continuation of the provocation and betrayal which was first noticed by our Party in his cowardly desertion of the southern textile workers after the Gastonia battle and his ef- forts to sabotage the defense of these workers. “Our Party expelled Weisbord for this be- tr was later accepted by Cannon. enough to fix the counter-revolu- tlonary nature of such groupings even without daily additional evidence of their provocation against the proletarian dictatorship of the Soviet Union and their ald to imperialist in- tervention.” BILL DUNNE. By L AMTER. May Day in New York build our unemployed councils more firmly! We | | refuse to starve—we will fight!” year the workers of New York in their demonstrations have clearer evidence than | before who their enemies are. This year their enemies are lined up in a united front against | them, supported by the state forces. This year | the socialist party backed up by the police de- partment comes into the open, following upon the demonstration of the fascist Veterans of Foreign Wars. Was it a mistake when the “New York American” stated that the “Communist or- ganizations revealed plans yesterday for a | parade and demonstration in Union Square to follow those of veterans and patriotic societies on May Day"? Was it & mistake that the so- clalist party is described as one of the “patrio- tic” societies? By no means, The socialist party {s loyal to | capitalism—it is the perty that today plans to | | clean out first Mayor Walker, then Tammany, then the republican party and finally to install a “non-partisan” government in the city of New York. A non-partisan government is 6 capitalist government, a government that will represent, as the democratic and republican parties do—the bosses against the workers, This is the history of the socialist party in the United States to- day—in Milwaukee, Reading and elsewhere, | where there are socialist administrations. It is | the history of the socialist party in France, Eng- | land, Germany — governments of the bosses against the workers. Hence in New York today, the workers see the array of their-enemies against them. But this is not all. The Musteites, “left” socialists, to- gether with the I. W. W., anarchists, and rene~ gade Communists, have their united front against the workers. This is merely an extension of the | united front of the enemies of the workers against the working class. This year, the workers of New York City and state have special reason to demonstrate. This year the united front of the fighting working class is most important. Unemployment con- tinues. to grow. Wage cuts follow one upon the ‘ other. ‘The city and state governments refuse te do anything for the more than 1,500,000 un- | employed in the state. Roosevelt disapproved all | hills that even pretended to offer relief to the unemployed. The city administration of New York has cut off relief, even from the 24,000 families that have been receiving beggars’ char- ity. The workers will be returned to the list— or only 15,000 of them—provided they register with the democratic boss and promise to vote for Tammany! -The remaining 985,000 unem~- | ployed in the city of New York may continue to | starve. They may roam the streets in vain look- ing for work. There is no work, as the reports of the State Industrial Department show. The fake building program of Roosevelt will help few workers. The. seasonal industries which now should be opening up, are slowing down. The crisis is hittygg the workers more and more. The misery {n the homes is growing. The in- vestigations being made by the Unemployed Councils, which are looking into the homes, find- ing them bereft of all food; the hunger of the | children, the suicides, crimes, prostitution, in- sanity, that threaten the entire working class population—are nothing to the bosses of the city. Jimmie Walker, their fit representative in gov- ernment, answers the demands of the unem- ployed, as the delegation from Harlem to the ‘This starvation of the unemployed. the answer of the unemployed is: “We will May Day = the woods and the soil; object in view spirit and courage to do), the profiteer-foe, Onward to-conquer upon the word Go! il Labor of nations who speak not our tongue, with one object in view; in your strength and now reckon your aim, “, None be divided—your cause is the same. Spirit! Courage! and Power! to be and Master and Owner of world-industry! power than yours of today— be the song of your triumph in May! » Harold Boland Johnson, " ‘The wages of the workers have been cut in | | every industry—despite the lies of William Green, the fascist ally of the bosses. Wage slashes have penetrated every industry and shop. But now the bosses declare that the wages must come down still lower. A general wage cutting drive is setting in, started and sponsored by the Amer- ican Manufacturers Association and the Bankers Association. The workers who have suffered wage cuts, who have been working on Hoover's infamous “stagger” plan, which is given a dif- ferent formulation in Green’s “five hour day” (of course with wage reduction), face a new dras- tic wage cut. Speed-up, stagger plan, wage re~ ductions—this is the lot of those still working in the shops and mills. The answer of the employed workers is: “We will organize and strike against wage cuts and speed-up!” Persecution of the foreign born, arrests in their homes and shops, and quick transportation to Ellis Island with the threat of deportation facing them; Jim Crowism and discrimination against the Negroes, with the police battering the heads of the white and Negro workers who | fight for Negro rights (in Harlem, when the white and Negro workers demonstrated for the release of the nine Scottsboro Negro boys)— these are more of the issues facing the workers. The answer of the workers is: “We will organize white and Negro workers, natives and foreign born to fight against these persecutions.” May Day will not solve these issues. Only or- ganization and struggle will help the workers of this state and country—native and foreign-born, Negro and white, young and old—to meet the issue. The fascist leaders of the American Fed- eration of Labor, assisted by their “left” wing, the Musteites and Communist renegades, will do nothing to help the workers in organization and struggle. Their role is to help the bosses to smash the organizations of the working class, to crush the spirit of the workers fighting against the crisis. The social fascist leaders of the so- cialist party work with the police against the workers, helping them to deny the unemployed unemployment relief, approving the attacks on the unemployed workers, procuring injunctions from the Tammany courts, working with the gangsters against the workers. May Day this year faces the workers with new danger of war. The U. S. government has ep- propriated $4,200,000,000 this year, of which two- thirds (according to the government reports) is for war purposes. Poison lies are being spread against the Soviet Union (“dumping,” “forced labor,” etc.), as a preliminary to armed inter- yention in the Soviet Union. Savage attacks are being made on the Nicaraguan workers and peasants (“clean out the bandits,” says Hoover!) Hoover's government whose hands are dripping with the blood of the workers and peasants of China, the Philippines, Porto Rico and Haiti, talks about “bandits”! The workers of New York, together with the workers all over the country and the world, must organize and fight against the plans of the bosses and their government. This May Day must be the beginning of a broad, nation-wide campaign of organization to fight for unemploy- ment insurance and relief, against wage cuts, speed-up and the stagger plan, for the 7-hour day with no reduction in pay, against persecu- tion of the foreign born, against discrimination, segregation and lynching of the Negroes, against imperialist war (all war funds for the unem- ployed) for full support of the workers and peasants of Nicaragua, Haiti and other colonial countries against the imperialist bandits, for de- fense of the Soviet Union against imperialist intervention! ‘This May Day, the workers will think more clearly about the entire system, about the con- dition of the woiking class and the fight against all the enemies of the working class. This May Day the workers will understand better that not @ particular capitalist group is responsible for the misery and starvation of the workers and poor farmers of this country, and of other capi- talist countries, but capitalism itself is to blame for their hunger. This May Day, they will think more clearly as the Russian workers thought in 1917, as the German and Polish workers, as the Chinese and Indian workers and its are thinking today. They will understand that only the overthrow of the whole system of capitalist exploitation and robbery, of imperialist plunder, will solve their misery, and that a Workers’ and Farmers’ Government must be established in its place. Revolutionary struggle of the workers of all countries, white and Negro, young and old, men and women—this is the united slogan for May Day. y y All workers out on May Day in demonstration and protest! All out—unemployed and employed, Negro and white—at Madison Square and march to Union Square! Make the Square resound with revolutionary working class challenge after the fascist: Veterans of Foreign Wars and social fas- cist soctalist leaders have filled the air with their ON MAY DAY! FRAME,UPS DEPORTATION | WAR DANGER Party Life Conducted by the Organization Department of the Central Committee, Communist Party, U.S.A. -Root the Party in the Shops!. The following is an extract from the speech of Comrade Browder at the Eastern Org-Agit- prop Conference last March. * By EARL BROWDER. Party is now in the process of learning the methods of work and the process of reach- ing the masses that have been taught us by the Russian Party and by the experiences of the various sections of the Comintern, learning how to apply these experiences to our own particular problems end stage of the movement in the U. S. I think we are beginning to learn these les- sons by applying them, realizing them, but that we have only begun the process. There is still an underestimation of the significance of our organizational problems, perhaps not underesti- mation so much as lack of ability to tie up these organizational problems directly with the strug- gle. among workers and showing workers how they can struggle for these demands that we build our organization, and only on that bas y must emphasize this more, that organization for us is not something separate from the struggle, not a thing in itself, and all organizational ef- fort is doomed to failure that 1s not built on the solid foundation of the development of activi- ties of mass organizations, of the masses for struggle. ‘This applies to every phase of our It is in the process of developing demands | py uw, EVERAL months ago the Bronx section was actively engaged in factory work. Comrades were working in Phillips-Jones, Polymet, and Dubilier. From this period of factory work, we can draw many lessons. For instnee, how did the comrades make con- tacts? One comrade walked home with 2 work- | er. I don’t know what, they talked about. When they came to the house, the comrade noticed the address and handed it into the unit as a con- tact. In one case a comrade got a “contact” by finding an addressed envelop belong to a work- er in the shop. Another contact... Some con- tacts were genuine ones. However, these phoney er was visited by 2 comrade, she did all but throw him out of the house. Comrades did not kmow how to get contacts in the factory. In- stead of speaking to the workers on the imme- diate conditions, the comrades were interested in | piling up a biz Hst. Such a list which was not entirely composed of workers sympathetic to- wards organization helped to create illusions in our minds. | ‘The comrades who worked in the shops made little or no effort to learn how to carry on work. Almost every time that the question regarding a particular shop came up, these comrades were not present. There was almost. complete isola- tion between the comrades in the shops and the section and unit executives. There wasn’t enough co-operation between the T.U.U.L. and the comrades involved in the work. In one case, 3 wage cut took place in the Polymet and the Had the comrades been in closer contact with the leading committees, there might have been some action. During the course of the work, it became evi- dent that the comrades, especially ‘the section® committee, did not have a clear idea of the meaning of immediate demands. There was no perspective of struggle. Finally, a meeting of the section committee was called with the dis- trict organizer. It became clear that every has some condition around which it would be possible to rally workers. For instance, workers in @ machine shop get two pieces of soap for every five workers. They need five pieces. It was possible to elect a committee to demand that the boss comply. He did. The workers After it became clear what is meant by imme- diate demands, the comrades in the Polymet raised the demand for toilet paper. This was re- peated seven times in the bulletin. This is a de- mand that appears ridiculous in the eyes of the workers. Comrades in the factories should ask the workers what grievances they have. We must raise demands that the workers think are FE Ore F t contacts piled up, In one case, when the work- | |PRE-CONVENTION DISCUSSION YOUNG COMMUNIST LEAGUE, U. S. A. Factory Work in the Bronx comrades didn’t know until several days later. | matically grow when we build the unions. Very often we did not draw in the workers in the shop into the making of the bulletin. In this way we did not make them feel that it is actu- ally theirs. The question of bridge organizations in the shops presented itself very sharply in the Bronx section. In the case of the Dubilier, many young | workers were laid off. The question presented it- self as to whether we should organize an un- employed council or a sport and social club. ‘This was a new situation for us. It was reported that the workers would be taken back in about four or five months. Some comrades believed that we should organize an unemployed council. Others advocated @ club. We decided to organize a council. Severrl days later we got the report that the workers wanted a club, Again, because of our isolation from the factory, we did not know the sentiment of the workers. In the case of the Phillips-Jones we were un- der. the impression that we had a basis for a shop organization committee. Suddenly. out of the clear sky, the comrade reported that she had organized a swimming club. The comrade took the initiative without con~ulting the lead- ing bodies. She finally left the factory and nothing was done about it. From our factory work it seems evident that the comrades. took the work in the shop as an adventure, not as the basic work of the League. Mistakes were made because we did little fac- tory work before that time and were never faced with the problems involved in the work. Kaye Matthews, Negro Jobless Discriminated Against Reports from many cities give the information that the families of Negro unemployed workers are discriminated against by the city governments and charity institutions. The relief distributed is always inadequate, but’ Negro families in many instances get nothing or much less than amounts given to white families. Starvation and sickness among Negro fam- ilies is much more severe, Fight dis- crimination, unite Negro and white un- employed workers into neighborhood branches for common struggle for adequate relief. Workers! Join the Party’ of Your Class! Communist Party 0. 5. A. P. O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. Please send me more information on the Oum- mmunist Party. fe 1 NAME ..reccoccccccccecceseessecccscsscsscssses Aeeecesesetessscences for Unemployment Relief. Organize the Employed Workers Into Fighting Unions, Mobilize the Employed and _ Unemployed for Common Strug- | A Tale of Two Cities In the Soviet Union the Young Communist League has two or three million members, the enormous majority of them workers. Some, of course, are students. And among-these students, 2 few who disgraced the fest by sexual laxity which, by the way, is rotting American colleges from stem to stern. In Moscow a play was written to hold-up these particular students to shame and ridicule. Nothing extraordinary of a play at that, one of thousands of plays, most of them dealing with things of more serious importance, such as the drama of civil war, the sacrifices for the revo- lution and how the workers are conquering dif- ficulties building socialism. In New York City, out of the many hundreds of brilliant dramas of Soviet playwriters, a cer- tain set of smart-aleck “socialists” who affect an intellectual pose in what is called “The Young Circle Dramatic Studio,” selected this particular play (“Squaring the Circle,” by v. Katayev), of Soviet criticism of certain excep- tional students among the whole two or three niillion Communist youth, to present at what is, called the “New School.” And it is presented as thought it represents the average and usual Communist Youth. Where the original play, a comedy, pokes fum at the “left” (if we may so dignify it), opportune ism of these exceptions among the Soviet stu- dents, who caricature the honest working class resentment against bourgeois habits by con- tinually questioning each other if it is bour- geois to eat, or have curtains on the window; the play as presented in New York is used to furnish the petty bourgeois audience of “so- cialists,” with these ridiculous questions as an apology for their bourgeois piggishness. The play thus stinks of counter-revolution Not a word about the workers. One would never know that workers exist, neither from the play itself, nor from the actors, who do their stuff with @ supercilious and smug air of aloofness from the subject like a prima donna compelled to play the role of a street walker, nor even in’ , the audience. This audience! It reminded us of nothing a much as a lot of pomaded, powdered and per- fumed pigs. How these “socialist” jewelry store- keepers, aspiring attorneys and ambitious den- tists thrilled with the contoctions of the young apes on the stage! How they revelled in the thought that, without risking their precious | necks, they could participate in something smacking of counter-revolution . against ths Soviet! Medals for Murder This is a story of how Major General Butler of the U. S. Marines, was presented, according to what we understand, with a. Congressional Medal of Honor for crawling through an im~- aginary drain pipe of a Haitian fortress that never existed and murdering a large number of practically unarmed Haitian peasants. We hasten to add that there is no doubt about the murders or the medal. But about the fort— well, that just had to exist to furnish the hero with a drain pipe. But Mr. Bellegrade, Haitian minister to Washington, who ought to know something about his own country, was reported in the Washington Herald of April 113, as saying “We in Haiti always wondered about that. For there is no Fort Riviere. There never was We have looked all over our island and there is no such thing. However, for taking Fort Riviere, he (General Butler) got the Cangres- | sional Medal of Honor.” That was sort of annoying to the hero in- dustry. International complications threatened Although the United States couldn't very well threaten to invade Haiti, because {ts armed forces are there already! Have been, indeed. since the memory of Haiti runneth not to the contrary, although they have continually been “evacuated,” a la Nicaragua, ever since they went in. But if Stimson can't send another warship, he certainly ought to demand a certain polite- ness from those whom he regards as servants, namely the Haitian “government.” So, after Mr. Bellegrade was kicked viciously on the stuns, he said that although he never heard of the fort, it must exist, because the U. S. Govern- ment says so, Also, it must have been blown up (no, not the story of heroism, but the fort!), because the U. S. Government claims it wes. pu ey poe no Haitian ever heard of its capture, is because “fifty-one 3 ut Heitians were killed and Gets wee on oe yivors left to tell of the battle.” Get that—“No survivors!” No declaration of war was made against the) Haitian Negro Re- Public! Just the Marines sent in to massacre peas- ants fighting for their native land! In Nicar- agua they cell them “bandits,” in the Philip- pines they call them “colorums,” and in. Halt! | they call them “cacos”"—any mysterious name to make workers and farmers in the United States think the victims are some kind of wild animals! . “No survivors!” And Mr. Bellegrade mentions fifty-one dead. But Governor Roosevelt of New York State, Assistant Secretary of the Navy when the massacre took Place (he poses as quite a “liberal” now!) says “the defending force (Hatians) totalled 200.” And Butler himself says Organize Unemployed Councils to Fight (N. Y. Times, Monday, April 27), “There 150 buzzards in there.” Haitians are faded ks “buzzards” to Major General Butler of the U. S. Marine Corps! Haiti is not fascist Ttaly, and Butler will not be called on to alopogize for the insult! f 4 And, “no survivors!” So it makes no differ- ence whether there was a fort or not, or # drain pipe. There was Butler with four com- Panties of Marines, or 24 men each, armed to the teeth. The official citation of the U. 8. Congress admitting—nay, ! as follows: by were shot by the automatic guns of the ‘th Company and by the Thirteenth Company advancing to the attack.” “No survivors!” Why should Butler leave any of the 150 “buzzards” alive? And why, having \ Mt —[—[SS | By JORGE te | n-ne ee