The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 13, 1931, Page 4

Page Four / Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily except Sunday, at 50 Kast 18th Street, New York City. N. ¥. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7, Cable: “DAIWORK.” Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. Daily, ~ orker Bortg US.A: hy SUBSCRIPTION RATES? By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months. $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs ef Manhattan and Bronx, New York Ctiy, Foreign: one year, $8+ six months, $4.50, Lessening Reliet Calls for Sharpen- ing Local Struggles (By ALFRED WAGENKNECBT.) of the country go to and their city, state intent to continue ng tens of thousands families to starvation, concocted by the is going bankrupt, de- y Hoover. Mayor Mur. y expert of Detroit, in the national cap- e stated that cities g food to the hungry did not step in and to a vation he New York that it is nds to be so Wwiul to allow are re- The Salva- marging its hu- p in the har- unemployed seamen r comes forward lors should owboats so that they can go ocean to f and live by selling pon the mi Here and there paring to house residence for a closing down. to thousands are aid ment, the ruling class upporters. The given during the winter as a result ng and the stri les of the unem- s of the T. U. U. L. is lessening And what is the other side of al-fas Rich Get Richer. 1 Motors Corporation) reports net sales of on dollars for 1930 and boasts of a surplus of $350,000,000 and a dividend payment of $150,000,000. Henry Ford made a profit out of the hides of his slaves amounting to $55,000,000 in 1930. The capitalist press announces that certain corporations were declaring dividends of The Ger $750,000,000, while tens of thousands of workers’ families do not know where tomorrow’s loaf of bread will come from. And a rich woman spends 000 to ma er grow over her dead dog’s grave, These are only a few instances to prove that wage-cuts and speed-up of the employed workers, their ruthless exploitation, is coining fabulous wealth for those already immensely rich. Twenty-one exploiters of labor were added to the list of those with more than three million a year income and 504 in this country have one million or more income a year, Lessening relief for the starving, fabulous riches for the bosses. This calls for immediate intensification of the struggle of the millions of ployed, to the employed work- for immediate and adequate relief for the jobless, against wage-cuts and speed-up for the employed workers. We must at once give all Unemployed Councils and branches adequate leadership to strengthen and assist them in their daily activities while at the same time the members in our unemployed ers, org ume the greatest degree of ini- tiative ir ruggles. This will develo; unemployed workers, tion condi- nei ods, un- ht of day the misery of families who are t fight for We must ir tions of the wo! cover and bring to the 1 of thousands upon thou slowly starving to nt and the lar for unemploy- objective. We jose all fal government, and all agents in the We must lay the basis for a of food to be given by Un- id branches to starving fam- we emphatically a relief can only be e and that the rich and e responsible for unem- , must be made to give adequate relief. Hand in hand with this activity must go the n of many neighborhood branches of unemployed workers, the holding of many neigh- borhood meetings. The bosses and their governments are reduc- ing and discontinuing the little relief given dur- ing the winter months. In a number of instances our Unemployed Councils and the TUUL in tr cities are failing to carry on steady struggles against lessening relief. They look upon this additional task of-struggling for direct relief for the starving families as their only task, This is an error. The local struggles must go forward, must be intensified just now when the capitalis families from the corporations, cons' ment insurance must continually charity, the bosse: labor movement measure of relie’ employed Cot as our major ploy! | are condemning the unemployed to starve more upon the basis that it is more pleasant to starve in the summer time. The local struggles must go forward, the struggles against reduction and discontinuation of employment of workers given a few days work a week by the city during the winter months. While we battle for food for starving families, we must broaden and sharpen our local struggles against all forms of lessening and inadequate relief. Detend the Party Against the © Renegades By BEATRICE SISKIND. RUE to their colors as an aid to the bosses in their attempt Party and the revolutionary workers’ organiza- tions, the Trotskyites in District 9 are doing yoemen service. Since their expulsion in 1928, they have been doing sabotage work attempting to break into united front conferences, trying to capture our forums, issuing statements on our unemployment . policies, etc., sending spies into our organizations. But now they have gathered strength and have found @ “hero” through whom they hope to in- tensify their destructive work. They have found a weak-kneed scoundrel, Clem Forsen, who is trying to justify his incom- petence and inability to adjust himself to Bol- shevik methods of work, behind the skirts of the renegades. In the City of Minneapolis, the home of “left” labor fakers and social fascist scoundrels, the renegades of the Party have found many allies, vho give them comfort and support. The Trot- skyites have gathered their main support among the A. F. of L. fakers, The fakers in their elec- tion program pretend to champion the cause of free speech, and use them to take the lead to attack the Party. The “Militant” last month began the campaign against the Party here by declaring that the “party is now underground,” and that they, the Trotskyists, are the true “inheritors.” Now they are following up this line, by circularizing the Party members with the statement of Forsen. The small insignificant clique of renegades, fi- nanced by unknown sources, headed by Vincent Dunne, are crawling out of their sectarian holes, armed with the typical counter-revolutionary slander to aid the bosses in their attack against the Party. The Section Committee of St. Paul, Commu- nist Party of the U. S. A., expelled Clem Forsen, renegade and spy, from the ranks of the Com- munist Party. The committee gave thorough consideration to the fact that Clem Forsen, who was trusted by the Party for responsible work, was taking instructions from the Trotskyites, composed of renegades from the Communist movement, who are connected with an Interna- tional clique of counter-revolutionists. The District Committee of Dist. 9 warns every comrade in the ranks of the Party and every worker against this renegade and his associates, whose only object is to fight the Party, to hin- der the work of organizing the working class for struggle against the capitalist system, History has proven that the policies of these scoundrels, especially in the Soviet Union, would have been disastrous to the only proletarian country in the world and to the Communist International, It is essential to examine the purpose of the to destroy the Communist | | membership against him. Statement issued by Forsen and written by the | Jeader of the group. at demoralizing the Party membership, under- mining the confidence in the leadership, distort- ing Party policies and practices to serve their ‘The statement aims only | never openly opposed the policies of the lead- ing committee. He “accepted” them and sabo- taged. There was a revolt among the St. Paul The response of the comrades and the members of the T. U. U. L. and Unemployed Council to his expulsion was “good riddance of bad rubbish.” A particularly important event stands out to betray the methods of this renegade within the ranks of the Party. After the February 25th dem- onstration in St. Paul, an organizational meet- ing was held. Contrary to Party decision and policy he took a vote among the workers, as to whether they would go out and raid a store. This was a direct police provocation, and an at- tempt to put the Party on record for individual acts of violence to which the Party is absolutely and unalterably opposed, Forsen was expelled from the Party the first time in July, 1930, for his “petty bourgeois” at- titude towards Party discipline. He was given permission to re-apply within six months if his work in the mass organization proved worthy. ‘He was re-admitted and made a statement, which was proven false by his later actions, which re- pudiated his entire conduct and to conduct him- self as a disciplined member of the Party. But Forsen remained the same petty-bourgeois phrase monger that led to his original expulsion, and allied himself with the right bunch at last. The statement of Forsen, at this time, when the bosses and their government through the Fish committee nationally and through Mayor Kunze locally, is attacking and attempting to crush the Party, is a provocative document, a direct did to the enemy. We will not go into the International program of the Trotskyites; that program has been exposed as the open in- strument of counter-revolution the world over. The Party does not debate with spies and rene- gades. All of the shortcoming of our Party must be overcome wherever they exist by more discipline and tighter organizational forms, that will weed out of its ranks these renegades and disruptors. The District Committee calls upon the workers and Party members to learn from the experience of the St, Paul Section, to close their ranks, to exercise more ciscivline in our work, and to pre- pare with real bolshevik organization to defend the Party from all anti-working class forces, whether they are direct and open enemies or polish their treachery with fine phrases. Enlist Women In Jobless Activities Win the wives of unemployed workers and unem- ployed women workers for the neighborhood branches of unemployed workers. Enlist them in struggles against high food prices, against high rents, for free meals for school chil- dren, for unemployment insurance. The heroic fight of the women in Chicago against high bread prices and their par- victory should be a Jesson to all Language Work and | | | | less to talk about or: | simistic tendenci | guage di PARTY LIFE Conducted by the Organization Department of the Central Committee, Communist Party, U.S.A. Building of TUUL By ANDREW OVERGAARD. (Secy. Metal Workers’ Industrial League) IN order ‘to effectively organize the workers in the most important industries for struggles | against wage cuts, speed-up, for unemployment | insurance and for better conditions in the shops, we must take into consideration the role of the foreign born workers in these industries. take such industries as coal and steel, the ma- jority of the workers in numerous coal and steel | centers are foreign born, and it is therefore use- nization unless we under- them into the unions take measures to recr and leagues of the TUUL. In order to actually pyt into practice the policy of the Party in number of steps for improvement of our work in the various language organizations, and 2 use the language press more effectively than is the case at present.. We must also examine carefully the work of our language organiz who are in the field with the object of improv- ing their methods of wo! First it is of the greate: importance thatWe combat the influence of the agents of the capi- | | talists, the social fascist ly reminding the fore’ , etc., who are c ign horn workers, “That ht in America,” and therefore they have no r must keep quiet. foreign born wor! re part of the American working class, and call upon these workers to unite with the American workers for strug and at the same time vigorously take up the de fense of the foreign born workers. The pes- and the false ideas for ample in the minds of some of our comrade can not do anything because of lan- ulties” must be combatted only an influence of the bourgeoisie. We see for instance in m lic Steel, in Warren, Sparrovy more, the Metal Workers’ Industrial League wing, but the majority are foreign born wo Why? Because the majority in those mills are foreign born workers. Our members say also “that you cannot do thing in the shops.” But after conside: and new methods introduced, we find to- in the above mentioned plants that all our leaflets and bulletins are being widely distributed like the Repub- Point, in Balti- is orl | in the plants without the bosses ‘discovering the uilty” ones. In the International Harvester Co, in Chicago, the Daily Worker is being .sold by our comrades. In Warren, Ohio, in the Re- | public plant, the leaflet issued by the Metal | Workers’ Industrial League appears the same time the company announces a wage cut. Wherever these foreign born workers have been given Concrete suggestions as to how to carry on work and how to recruit members into the Party and the tnions and Leagues, the re- sults have been very good. Now a word on our language organizers. In ; Mgst cases, our various districts are visited by language organizers, agents for the language press, ete., once a week. In Pittsburgh, in the If we | tant- | s ‘to the building of revo- | lutionary unions, it is necessary to propose a | Our answer must be that the | heart of the steel and coal industry, where | mostly foreign born workers are employed, I haye seen as many as ten language organizers pass through in one week. What has been their work? In most cases, they had splendid meet- ings, made long speeches, made good collections for Radnik, Rovnost Ludu, etc., and then beat | it to the next town to do the same thing. In one, case, a comrade working for the Radnik reported proudly that he had a splendid meet- | ing in Donara, Pa., with some 27 South Slavic | workers, all working in one steel plant, present. Hie took a collection of some $25 for the Radnik, but when asked what about organization—that is when nothing happened. It never occurred to the comrade that he must at the same time be an organizer for the revolutionary unions and the Party, that among these 27 workers who are willing to support the official organ of the Party in the South Slavic language, there would be at least a few willing to join the Party, and most likely, all of them could be recruited into a shop local of the Metal Workers’ Industrial League. In Youngstown, a South Slavic Club arranges mass meetings, as well as social af- fairs, attended by as many as 600 workers, mostly working in steel mills. Our South Slavic organizers again make long speeches, take col- lections and again nothing happens organiza- tionally! In Farrell, we have a fraction of Party mem- bers who through their efforts and work have secured control of the Croation Benefit Society. They have also organized a substantial left wing group there, but when the representatives of the Metal Workers’ Industrial League request the floor, as the majority of the workers are in the steel mills, our own comrades are against hay- ing Comrade Cush speak, as this may result in the state troopers breaking up.the meeting. In Farrell, probably the crassest example of wrong and long speeches can be cited. Our comrade representing the South Slavic National Bureau, giving a lecture, speaks over two hours and an- swers questions for another hour and a half dealing with everything under the sun, but again nothing happened organizationally, We can take numerous examples like this and as a result every language organizer becomes a specialist for getting subs for the paper but for- gets all organizational problems of the Party. In this way ten language organizers spend time in all steel centers in the Pittsburgh District but none of them brought a single member into either the National Miners’ Union or the Metal Workers’ Industrial League. Only occasionally and accidentally a member of the Party. It is here of greatest importance to have meet- ings with these language organizers and the re- spective union organizers, as well as the District Organizers of the Party, when they are going into the field, in order to link up the work of the whole movement more efficiently. This organizational weakness also effects our language press which certainly does not reflect the conditions of the workers in the shop. When we pick up any language paper, it is still having the major portion of articles on the political situation in Europe, International news, me- chanical translation of articles from the Daily Worker, but very little news from the workers in the shops dealing, for instance, with the strug- gle of the steel workers in Youngstown, Pitts- burgh, etc, and also articles dealing with or- ganizational problems. Let us here remember Lenin’s conception of a newspaper, “The collective organizer of the work- | | Wall Street Desolution Adds to Earth- | quake Misery in Nicaragu Hoover and Stimson are rubbing # | their hands with joy over the re- cent earthquake in Nicaragua which razed Managua, the capitol city to the ground and killed 2,000, Now the capitalist newspapers can pic- ture the marines in a new fune- tion, as “angels of mercy,” by |. means of which they cover up the | imperialist drive in Nicaragua. 3 | More marines are being sent to Nicaragua, under the cover of the | earthquake to establish Nicaragua as an absolute possession of Wall Street. The uppore picture, letf, shows the impoverished masses. Be- low, left, is a detachment of ma- rines arriving to add murder to ruin, and on the left (lower) is the | U.S. Ambassador Hanna, who real- | ly runs ‘things for Wall Street. The map shows Lake Nicaragua, thru ( which the imperialists intend to © build a new canal as part of the war preparations. f The Street Without Sunshine (Prince Takamatsu and his wife are now in the United States, plotting with the American imperialists for war on the Soviet Union. Cries of “Down with the bloody murderers of the Japanese workers!” greeted them when they arrived in New York, These two mem- bers of the ruling family, representing the imperialist butchers of Japan, will visit the slums of New York. They will be wined and dined by the American parasites, while mil- lions of Japanese and American workers starve. The following sketch is taken from a novel entitled “The Street Without Sunshine,” writ- ten by the Japanese worker, N. Tokunaga. The novel is based on the big strike of the Kyoto Corporation, one of the largest printing establishments in Tokio, It lasted from Jan- uary to March, 1926. The writer took an ac- tive part in the strike. The scene printed here is the first part of the novel. The strike was finally broken by brutal police terror and murder of the strike leaders and the treachery of the “socialists.” The novel is an excellent description of the life of the Japanese workers. In succeeding installments we will translate parts of life in the slums or dramatic scenes from the strike —Ed.) ee We The Leaflet, The street cars stopped, the brakes of the automobile creaked—trucks and side-car motor- cycles, which &@ moment ago had raced through the streets, stopped and stood in one long row. “What's happened?” “What's the matter?” The glaring sun that broke through the street dust burned into the faces of the massed crowd. The people streamed in from the back like tadpoles, “A parade! The prince regent with his court is going to the seminary.” ‘The news was whispered on all sides with lightning rapidity. The automobile drivers cut off their motors, the noise stopped. The crowd took their hats off. After about fifteen minutes those in the front row saw behind the gold-braided uniform of a police lieutenant and the saluting hands of the cops five automobiles which passed soundless as in a movie. The golden chrysanthemum, the imperial coat of arms glittered on the black carossery and, reflecting the sun, dazzled the eyes. But those in the back rows saw only the caps of the policemen. The cordon was broken up. stream, “The devil, watch out,” yelled at this moment @ man who was wearing a Japanese shawl. An- other one who was wearing a yellow raincoat had kicked and pushed him, “What do you want?” Some of the crowd kicked and yelled also. The man in the Japanese shawl grabbed the other one at the tail of his coat. “Arrest him!” yelled the latter, who had thus been attacked, and stretched his arm over the crowd. “Arrest him!” He yelled and, almost swimming through the crowd, tried to reach the assailant. At this very moment a mass of white leaflets fluttered overhead and fell slowly groundwards. “It was this worker—he must be arrested!” organs not only for agitation, but must also serve as an organizational organ giving concrete direction to its readers on how to organize, We will not doubt, if the line of the Party Conven- tion is carried into practice, also increase the readers of the press, consolidate the financial sit~ uations in these papers, and at the same time involve these foreign born workers into the gen SIRE gall ‘The human waves broke the sluices like a _ yelled the man who looked like a police com- missioner. The one in the Japanese shawl re- leased the other one’s coat in surp ; but a uniformed ‘policeman jumped forward and gave him a kick. He screamed. ‘The crowd pushed around them. Pigeon tripped ov: fallen bi the crowd fell over him. The: “A Korean!” “No, a Socialist!” Policemen and detectives pushed the masses back. find the worker. “Did you confiscate the leaflets that were just thrown?” asked the man in the yellow coat of the policemen. “I have not seen any more of them.” “Nor have I.” “Impossible! Stupidity!” He turned around, mad and disappointed. “Ah, here is one!” An old woman who had fallen, wanted to clean her clothes with the paper. “Here it is!” People crowded around the unsuspecting woman. A detective pulled the leaflet from the woman's hand, “To the dear citizens of the administrative district of Koishikawa and to all citizens of Tokio: “We, 3,000 striking workers of the Daido printing office, with our 15,000 dependents, have already fourgt for 50 days against the big capitalist, Okawa, who has fiendishly dis- missed 38 type founders in order to destroy the best forces of our printing union and to starye the 15,000 members of our families. We shall fight, with the strongest support of the Hyogikai, the council. of revolutionary Japa- nese trade unions and the other workers’ or- ganizations, unto victory against Okawa’s big finance block, and shall defend unto death our bulwark which is standing in the front line of the Japanese labor movement. “Citizens of the administrative district of Koishiwaka and citizens of Tokio, we believe that you stand on our side and that you will support the right of the strikers, “Okawa, for his private interests, let 15,000 people starve, and drove the dealers of the Tosaki, Hisakati and Hakusangeton streets into misery. Okawa, who is not ashamed of this condition, must definitely be beaten. “We beg you in the name of justice to help put out of the way this shameless guy by your support to us and by your public opinion and to stand up for our victory. “October, 1926. “The meeting of the striking workers of the Daido printing offices. a “The Commission of the syifipathizing citi- zens of the administrative district of Koishi- kawa.” The ‘stool- cle and some of elled: ran around and But they could not Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Conimunist Party U. 8. A. P. O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. Ny Please send me more information on the Com- munist Party. Name . | the By JORGE Couldn’t Because Didn’t The District Attorney of New York, Mr. Crain, now being “investigated” by other attorneys who are equally crooked, admitted that he “could not stop racketeering.” The investigating attorneys say he couldn’t because he didn’t. And that he ignored evidence, There is no question but that he is a strategic | link in the chain of Tammany graft and cor- ruption which rules New York. But Tammany was created and grew up under capitalism. It is only when capitalism is overthrown and under a workers’ government that graft and corruption can be fought, But, great Scott, how the American capitalist class howls—if you ever heard a Fish howl—when the Soviet Gov- ernment, as it did recently, catches some crooks who for money caused filth to be mixed in canned meats and so on. In the Soviet Union they are not “unable” to stop such things. They take the racketeers, even when they call themselves noble “social- ists,” out and shoot them pronto, And when they {\catch Fish they fry ’em. All out to demonstrate for a workers’ government! All out May Day! Plucking the Eagle Something is wrong. The U. 8S. Post Office Department, which—probably for the same rea- | sons that it leases post office buildings at their total value for a year’s rent, is in the steam- ship business—has been making “explanations.” It seems that for reasons of State, of course, and not ‘because the amount of mail justifies it, the Post Office runs steamships across the Atlantic. And they wear the American. flag. And get a fat, subsidy for the private company which runs them, from the government which cannot feed a single hungry child. : So far, so good. But on the other hand we see that “President Hoover and members of his Cabinet and other prominent men and women” sponsored a pilgrimage of children organized in the “United States Flag Association,” to visit Europé ts make the folks believe that American imperialism is quite harmless and that if there is a war, Wall Street, of course, is not to blame. But the “President General” and organizer of the United States Flag Association, naturally wanting to take the children on boats flying U. S. flag, found out that the U. S. Steam- ship Lines, the company mothered by the U. S. Government, refused to reduce rates for the “pilgrimage.” And. so, much to his regret, the U.S. Flag Association is going to Europe under the French flag and is coming back under the British flag. Because it’s cheaper. In short, the flags of capitalist countries are a shelter for capitalist profit grabbers. And flag worshippers can make the best of it. os heer Common Soldiers “ “Mr. Guggenheim, the U. S. Ambassador to Cuba, offered his services as a mediator to Pres- ident Machado, who accepted them,” says & Hayana dispatch to the _N. Y. Times of April 10. And as a result, the headline over the whole story, commenting upon the truce arranged by the representative of the U. S. Government be- tween President Machado and the Cuban capi- talist “oppositionists” who have been trying to assassinate Machado with bombs, remarks: “Cuba Frees Officer Accused in Bombing; President Machado Signs Death Sentence for Private Tried With Major Espinosa.” A A beautiful illustration of how private soldiers, pay, and with their lives, for what their officers, who are usually from the capitalist class, do. The common soldier usually comes from the work- ing class, and if anybody is made the goat, he is it, Which reminds us that “Black Jack” Pershing, s king at Baltimore April 9, accepting an hon- orary membership in the Maryland Academy of Science (why, we don’t know, unless Pershing is r.eckoned as a “scientist” because he directly ordered more Aimerican workers to their death than anyone since General Grant), got off a few words of palavar about American soldiers. “There are none better when it comes to the actual test of battle,” said Pershing. Which is all very well, if we understand that It is said to make the buck private who joined the army because he couldn’t find a job, believe that he is unkillable, in order to get him where he is to be kilied—for Wall Street. But, good fighter that he may be, the American worker who, inside a uniform, finds out that he is supposed to kill workers who are fighting against capialism and its starvation and misery, is possibly—as was proven by their mutinies when sent to fight the workers and peasants of the Soviet Union during 1918-1921, just as good a fighter for the working class. As long as common soldiers fight for the capitalist class, they can expect to get the same dirty end of the stick as the Cuban private soldier did. That’s certain. ee Pickles, Radios and Illiteracy Well, I guess that the very last of contribu- tions to our Daily Worker radio fund is in, with the dollar sent in by Marie Kreidler of Chicago, who states that it was given by a kind-! man who decided that he likes the Daily that he likes dill pickles. While on the subject, the radio on Wednesday brought us the speech of Secretary Wilbur illiteracy, Really a confession. From what we hear coming out of the loud speaker but admission that in the whole ten yeats 1920 to 1930, the number of illiterates had been reduced only 147,158—or at the rate of some 14,700 per year, the total number of illiterates being 1,160,781 in 1920 and 1,013,613 in 1930. Quite properly, Secretary Wilbur anticipates that it would take seventy years to eradicate illiteracy at this rate. And meanwhile, take note, that capitalism, by child labor everywhere and by oppression of the Negroes, particularly in the South, is creating illiterates. This will be increased, especially by child labor, as a result of the crisis. Yet look how differently the workers’ Soviet Government goes about it! Inheriting a popu- ag8s Jation from capitalism with a majority of the . population illiterate, it has been teaching illit- erates by millions to read and write, No less than 7,500,000 adults attended classes last year. Address And by the end of the Five-Year Plan in Edu-- cation, it is expected that in the towns every= body from 16 to 40 years of age will be able to read and write. But more important is the fact that under \