The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 9, 1931, Page 4

a Page Four t Pufrisied by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., dally except Sunday, at 50 East 18th Street, New York City, N. Y. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: “ Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 18th Street, New York, N, ¥. AIWORK.” nail ave: JAPANESE IMPERIALISM AND THE CHINESE REVOLUTION By M. JAMES, = Japanese royal parasites, Prince and Princess Takamatsu are coming to the United States on their “honeymoon” tour around the world. The visit of Prince Takamatsu this time, differs from the previous visits of other Jap- anese royalties. It is the first “official” visit to the United States Government. That is, he of- ficially represents the Japanese government to American imperialism to work out plans for one hing, af least, a united imperialist attack on the Soviet Union and the Chinese Revolution. Japanese Interests fn China. Japanese imperialism has good reasons to sup- press the Chinese revolution. Her interests are too great for her to be neutral or indifferent. fter seizing Korea and Formosa, Japan actual- turned Manchuria into her colony by the Treaty of 1905 after the Russo-Japanese War. ‘aking Manchuria as a basis for further ex- pansion and exploitation, Japan extended her influence over Inner Mongolia, Shantung, and en Provinces, securing railway, mining and ht This territorial expansion does “spheres of influence” of Japanese ‘The Han Yelping Iron Works. the “Bethlehem Steel Corporation of has been dominated by Japanese finance capital. Other regions of China are also deeply penetrated by Japanese imperialism. While the gle for domination in China necessarily brings about sharp conflicts among imperialist: Jar in suppressing the Chinese Revolution. Japan's Role in Smashing the Chinese Revolution. In addition to the ruthless and super-exploita- tion of the Chinese workers and peasants, Japan has played an important role in the effort to destroy the Chinese Revolution, During the Great Revolution in 1925-27, before the Kuomin- tang betrayed the national revolution, Japan united with American and other imperialists to bombard Nanking and helped the reactionary militarists to defeat the Nationalist Army. After Chiang Kai-shek and his ilk turned their back against the Revolution, Japan and other imperialist powers have given financial nd military support to the Kuomintang mili- ists to murder the Chinese masses and even rendered direct attacks on the Red Army and the Soviets. Japanese imperialism helped the China Chinese militarists to drown the Canton Soviet | in a river of blood in 1927 and cooperated with other imperialists to defeat the Changsha Soviet last year. The Japanese army repulsed the Chinese Red Army twice from Tayel and at- d the Soviets along the Yangtze Valley. The Nanking Government and Japanese Imperialism. While the Nanking government is essentially a tool of Yankee imperialism, it has managed to maneuver with Japan to present a united front against the Chinese Revolution. Taking only into account the recent developments, the Nanking government has made a number of concessions to Japanese imperialism. Mills in Shanghai were sold to Japan. Heavy indemnities were paid for the Japanese lives and properties destroyed during the Nanking bombardment. n unites with her fellow imperialist powers | the question of the wireless station. Permission was given to Japan for military drills in Man~- churia. Mass movement against Japanese and world imperialism has been ruthlessly suppressed by the Nanking government. Last Dec. the General Staff of the Japanese government declared that “If the Chinese masses show the signs of anti-Japanese activi- ties, the Imperial government should urge the Nationalist Government to suppress them.” The Nanking Government has been utilized by Jap- anese and world imperialism to suppress the Chinese Revolution. Japanese Imperialism Intensifies War Preparation. Japanese imperialism is feverishly preparing for war. The delegate of the Kyogikal (Jap- anese Council of Trade Unions) reported last year that “War industries were working con- tinuously.” A huge plan for military expansion is now being put forth. In order to turn Man- churia into a military basis and highway to launch attacks on the Chinese masses and the Soviet Union, many Japanese army garrisons in Manclturia have been reinforced. New military camps and stations have been built up at Yin Kow and other strategical places. More police have been sent to station along the South Manchurian Railway. Recently, the Mukden and the Nanking mili- tarists permitted the Japanese army to stage sham battles along Lio Yang, Changchun and other places. All these military preparations prove clearly that Japanese imperialism is armed to the teeth to slaughter the Chinese masses and attack the Soviet Union. The Chinese Fast- ern Railway provocation, the shooting of the Soviet commercial attache in Tokio and the closing down of the Soviet bank in Japan bear witness to the increasing war danger against the Soviet Union. The intensified war preparation is set on the background of a deepening economic crisis in Japan. More than fifty per cent of factories have been closed down. Export for the year 1930 decreased more than 30 per cent in com- parison with the previous year. The govern- ment income decreased by half a billion dollars in 1930. Over two million workers are unem~- ployed. Fascist methods have been used bar- barously against the workers, farmers and the toiling masses. Demonstrate Against Japanese Imperialism. The deepening economic crisis, the rising revo- lutionary movements of the Japanese workers and toiling masses, together with the uprisings of the natives in Formosa, the high wave of national liberation movements in Korea, the revolutionary upsurge in China and the success- ful socialist construction in the Soviet Union. accentuate the preparations of Japanese imper- ialism for war against her rival imperialists, against the Chinese and other colonial peoples, and particularly against the U. S. S. R. The tour of Prince and Princess Takamatsu is an imperialist tour. It is an offensive against the international working class. All workers | must join in the demonstrations against. Japan- ese and world imperialism, to show international solidarity with the Japanese oppressed masses, to fight against imperialist war, to defend the Japan was given privileges in | Chinese Soviets and the Soviet Union. More Workers Repudiate Lovestoneism 7 among the petty-bourgeois leadership of the Lovestone renegades, disintegration is taking place in the form of a number of them openly aligning themselves with the Muste group of the American Federation of Labor fake “pro- gressives” and in the form of internal squabbles as to whether they should come out against the Soviet Union and against the Communist Par- ty of the Soviet Union openly, or to continue this fight under some camouflage or other; among their rank and file adherents and mis- led workers there has been developing for some time a recognition of the counter-revolutionary character of Lovestonism and a desire to return into the ranks of the Commnunist Party. And the Party has not closed its doors to them; but after being convinced of their sin- ceriay in repudiating Lovestonism, in accepting | fully the line and policies of the Party, and in promising to carry them out in every respect, including unreserved fight against Lovestonism, the Party has re-admitted quite a number of them in the past. Just now the Central Control Commission has dealt with three such cases of applications for re-admission. Irving Green, of Buffalo, New York, was re- admitted on six months’ probation. He denied ever having been associated with the Loveston- ites, although he had attended a meeting of Lovestonites in 1929, and had refused to make a statement at that time aeainst Lovestonism, and for the C. I. address. Now he is definitely against the Lovestonites and for the Party line and policies, and his re-admission was recom- mended by the District Control Organization. Alice Horowitz, a needle worker of New York City, was re-admitted upon the recommenda- tion of District Control Commission of District No. 2. In her application she stated that she had broken completely with the Lovestone ren- egades soon after she was expelled from the Party in 1929, when she realized that she had been misled; that she then became active in the International Labor Defense, and in the Union, fully supporting the Party line; and that she now realizes the counter-revolutionary role of the Lovestone group which must be fought against. E. Koppel, a machinist from Brooklyn, N. Y., who was well known in the Party, begin- ning with the left-wing fight in the old social- ist party, and who was a candidate to the Cen- tral Committee of the Party just before his ex- pulsion in the fall of 1929, made his application for readmission in the following statement ad- dressed to the Central Control Commission: “In this period of sharp class struggles and the deepenig crisis all over the capitalist world, with a large mass unemployment in all capitalist, countries and the war preparations against the working class and against its vanguard, the Com- munist International and its Sections — the Communist Parties everywhere, the so-called “oppositions,” with their leaders, the Brandlers and Lovestones, are helping the capitalists and fascists and Mensheviks, against the Commu~ ism and their struggle against the Com- munist Party, does not represent the working | class: it represents, like all Mensheviks, the pet- ty-bourgeois intellectuals with their petty indi- vidualism and opportunism. “At the time of my expulsion I was wrong in fighting the Party and the Communist Interna- tional, The factional outlook, which I had ac- quired through the years of bitter factional fights, prevented me at that time to see the correctness of the Comintern Address and of the new line laid down in it. “I did not quite agree with the line of the Love- stone group from the beginning. I began to fight against it about nine or ten months ago, when in the municipal election campaign in New York they came out openly against the Party. “When, recently, Lovestone returned from an international opposition conference in Germany, where they made decisions on how to fight the Communist International and the Party, in his verbal report he said: ‘We cannot fight the Sov- iet Union openly, because then we would be licked like the Trotsky opposition, when they took up the fight against the Soviet Union, but we must fight the Communist International and the Par- ty” This proves how they have turned against the working class, and how they have lined up with all reactionary forces. “I spoke to other workers in the Lovestone group, and I appeal to them and to all workers now,—at this time of unemployment and strug- gle, we cannot remain neutral, because it would be helping the capitalist class in its fight against the workers; we must unite against our common enemy, the bosses; we must join the ranks of the Communist Party, which is the only leader of the working class, “I am convinced that the Communist Party, under the guidance of the Communist Interna- tional, will overcome all its enemies. I am con- vinced now that being a member of the Love- stone group is helping to fight against the Party and the Communist International, is helping to fight against the Soviet Union, is helping the cap- italist class against the working elass. “Therefore, I declare that I dissociate myself from the Lovestone renegades, and I wish to be re-instated in the Communist Party which is the vanguard of the working class.” Upon this, taking into consideration the fact that Koppel’s crime against the Party and against the working class was the greater, be- cause he was occupying leading positions, but considering also his proletarian status and his having opposed the Lovestone line for some time past, the Central Control Commission has postponed final decision on his re-admission for 3 months, with the provision that in the mean- time he shall be given opportunities to work in sympathetic non-Party organizations and to prove in deeds his agreement with the line and policies of the Party and his willingness to fight unreservedly against the Lovestone renegades, CENTRAL CONTROL COMMISSION, LYNCH JUSTICE ~~ A. F. of L. Leaders Betray Tom Mooney This is the final installment of Mooney’s | Posure of the A. F. of L. leaders, assistance in the frame-up of Mooney and Billings, and their sabotage of the long struggle to free these two workers. In the lines below, Mooney sums up what he has said before and draws conclusions. These articles are a reprint of a pamphlet issued in January, 1931, through the Tom Mooney Moulders Defense Committee of San Francisco. . . . CONCLUSION The limited space of a pamphlet is inadequate to describe in greater detail all the putridness, | all the amazing corruption and treachery of the A. F. of L. leadership. Under the circumstances only a brief exposure is possible, and it is hoped that the contents of this pamphlet will be an important addition to the already voluminous literature which rips the mask off the face of these scoundrels who in leech-like fashion sap the life-blood of the American organized labor movement. This pamphlet deals with a parti- cular phase of treachery of the A. F. of L’s bureaucrats—that of actual aid in the ghastly frame-up of Mooney and Billings. Nevertheless, the purpose of this pamphlet will not be achieved if it fails to point out with unmistak- able clearness that the betrayal of Mooney and | Billings by the A. F. of L. leadership is but a part of the history of their betrayal of the American workers. The whole world is at present undergoing a terrible economic crisis which is. shaking Wall Street's rule to its very foundations. The rich- est land on earth—the United States of America —has not escaped the iron law of capitalist development. The crisis in the U.S. A. is more acute, more wide-spread, because of the greater peak reached in industrial growth in this coun- try. Over nine million (9,000,000) jobless work- ers are today starving with their families, and Wall Street offers them contemptible crumbs in the form of charity, in place of genuine unem- ployment relief or work at living wages. Capital does not propose to bear the burden of the crisis; it loads its weight upon the toilers and finds the A. F. of L. leaders willing tools who do their utmost to help crush labor and hammer down its standards of living. In every struggle of the workers against brutal exploita- tion and political oppression, the A. F. of L. leadership acts as an open strike-breaking force —true to its role—the mortal enemy of labor within its own ranks. They act thus in the Mooney-Billiggs case in which they are no less scabs than they are in most struggles of the workers. The fiftieth convention of the A. F. of L. held in Boston clearly demonstrated the bankruptcy of its leadership. The close alliance with Hoover, the Republican party and Big Business was openly admitted by the A. F. of L. leaders. It hhas become a commonplace to say that this A. F. of L, convention was “one of the most re- actionary assemblages in its history.” That trait, indeed, has come to be taken with an almost fatalistic certainty. The Boston Convention did not seem to be illuminated with the faintest ray of light. The burning problems of the American workers, crying out for solution, were either en- tirely ignored or else treated with a cold, dead hand. Increasing millions of workers are unemployed in this country, suffering intense misery, starv- ing in these United States—the golden store- house of the world—though surrounded by im- mense quantities of food they cannot obtain. The only loud voices raised on the subject of unemployment and relief were those ‘of the re- actionaries who, like Green, considered it pref- erable fo. the workers to starve in the streets, than they should ask for unemployment insur- ance. Like servile footmen, the A. F. of L. “leaders” are more concerned about the inter- ests of their masters than are the masters them- selves. How else can their stand on unem- ployment insurance be explained? The National Association of Manufacturers is broadcasting a “warning” against the “menace of unemploy- ment insurance” and the leaders of the A. F. of L. lustily chorus, Do they know better and lie to the workers? Or don’t they know any better? It is certain they are not doing a single fundamental thing to prevent acute distress among the masses, They have done nothing about raising wages, the five-day week, six-hour workday, redistrib- “degrading — humiliating.” A restlessness and discontent is permeating the American Workers. They are beginning to awaken from their “prosperity days” illusions. They are not only feeling the scourge of unem- ployment but the radical lowering of their stand- ards of living in a dozen different forms: Wage- cuts, lengthening of the work-day, intensifica- tion of labor, “stagger systems” and the like. The bureaucracy of the A. F, of L. and its whole conservative machinery, are pillars of the American bankers and industrialists. Without the Greens and Wolls thé sééurity of thé em- ployers would be considerably diminished, for the function of the A. F. of L. leadership is to fool the workers and maké them amenable to the employers. What the present situation demands is @ vig- orous denunciation of the whole A. F. of L. leadership and those who serve it in the labor movement. Workers must no longer tolerate these betrayers — the labor leaders who have grown fat upon the misery of the toilers. The rank and file in the A. F. of L. must realize that capitalist development through the rapid introduction of machinery and various forms of efficiency is rapidly crowding the skilled work- ers out of production and reducing them to the position of the vast masses of unskilled, un- organized workers. The interests.of the or- ganized and unorganized—the skilled and un- skilled—are alike, therefore, they must organize powerful industrial unions, and pit their com- bined forces against the employers and their servants, the treacherous leaders of the A. F. of L, The Mooney-Billings case has always been and must always be, a vital part of the general struggle between the workers and the employers. Mooney was saved from the hangman’s noose only through the mass protests and pressure of the workers of Russia and the rest of the world. The workers and all sympathizers of labor must again be aroused, and in brotherly solidarity they must demand the pardons of these two in- nocent workers. Tt is not evidence that has kept Mooney and Billings in prison for 15 years. Capitalist class justice in our sham democracy has done it through the frame-up, aided’ by Perjury, Bribery, Prejudice, and class hate super-charged with general corruption. ‘The betrayal of these two trade unionists by the very men supposed to lead labor to victory, the labor leaders, is the most damnable, most disgusting single factor in the entire cesspool of depravity responsible for the frame-up. For 15 years demands for pardon have fallen upon deaf ears. In California, Justice is like a corpse that stinks and offends the nostrils of the entire world. The Governor, the Legislat- ure, the Supreme Court of California are the tools of the respectable Big Business elements— the Bankers, Industrialists, and the Chamber of Commerce—who are the real rulers of the State. They hold Mooney and Billings in prison to ter- rify other workers; as an example to all milit- ants who might become too active in the labor lives, are a vital and inseparable struggle. If they are ever to gain their f1 of Tom Mooney. up on its hind legs” and roared. Big Business listened, gave President Wilson orders and Wil- strike been called in 1917 it would have changed the outlook of many people, especially the work- ers. For the power of the workers of this na- tion has never been given the suprenie test. That supreme test would be the joining of hands of the employed with the unemployed, the SUBSCRIPTION RATES: everrwhiere? ‘One year. $6; six months. $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs Manhattan and Bronx, New York Ctiy. Foreign; one year, $8+ six months, $4.50. * By BURCK News Item:—Nine Negro youths are being held in Scotsboro, Ala., on a framed-up charge while a lynch-incited crowd of 8,000 waits outside the courtroom. PARTY LIFE Conducted by the Organization Department of the Central Committee, Communist Party, U.S.A. For A “Western Worker”! Some time ago a worker from Los Angeles wrote an article to the Daily Worker pointing out the importance and necessity of having a western paper, similar to the Southern Worker in the South. So far nothing has been done about it. Why is it important to have such a paper? By the time the Daily Worker comes to the west coast it is five days old. The workers have read of the current events in the capitalist press and have been somewhat impressed. Then comes the Daily Worker trying to break down opinions al- ready formed. Today with the fascist terror of. the capitalist class in the western states—smashing up meet- ings, demonstrations, workers halls, raiding homes, beating up workers, arresting militant workers under the vicious criminal syndicalism laws, or for deportation (Imperial Valley, Los An- geles, San Francisco and Seatle, etc.). The work- ers are being faced here with speed-up, daily wage cuts, strikes of agricultural workers, etc. The bosses here are also carrying on war ma- neuvers and preparing workers for the coming war (naval base at Sunnyville, etc.). If these events could be gotten to the workers @s soon as they occur, the Communist Party could gain much more organiaztional results. As Lenin said, our press should be “the collective agitator and organizer.” It can and must be made such. Whereas the Daily Worker must be used in all our campaigns, such a paper (west- ern paper) would help tremendously. A drive for funds should be started and a committee put in charge with sub committees in all cities of the west where there are workers’ organizations in existence. The workers here are ready for such a move and will support it. Let’s hope that the Party will wake up to the possibilities of organizing the workers of the west and utilize one of the best weapons—the workers’ press, For a Western Workers’ Paper! stricken should they see thousands of workers pour out into the streets, milling around and demanding the immediate pardon of two inno- cent members of their class—Mooney and Bill- Attitudes of prayer will not avail. Petitions and pleas, it is demonstrated, go for naught. Unorganized and undisciplined, the workers are unprepared for action. Leaflets and pamphlets sketching the course of capitalism must be printed and circulated by the million. Weekly and monthly papers and journals, giving work- ing class news and views, must be supported and distributed far and wide. The underlying principles back of the real causes of hard times and unemployment must be carried to the people, and the hypocritical palavering and meaningless platitudes of subsidized capitalistic apologists— the labor leaders—must be exposed. Liberals must become radical and radicals must grow re- volutionary as capitalism develops to its cli- max. Education and organization of the work- ers must proceed continuously, relentlessly and without fail until the collapse of capitalism gives the signal for the final forward march of the new social order. That should be the answer of the militant trade-unionists, and of the liberal and radical forces to the infamous decision of the Cali- fornia Supreme Court. That is the only effec- tive answer men and women of spirit can make if they want adequately to reflect the will and wish of Tom Mooney. If anywhere in America the old fire of social protest is still burning now is the time to start a conflagration in behalf of human rights that shall set the world ablaze with agitation for the unconditional pardon of Tom Mooney. If labor is.not altogether lost to the challenge of this decision into the teeth of the courageovs few who are trying to lead the workers, it now must. come forward with . program of action that will end the dictatorsip of plutocracy. If ever sacrifice was needed on the part of workers and sympathizers of labor the world over now is the time to make it. The deliberately studied insult to the workers of the world flung in their faces by the perfidy of the California plutocrats must not go un- answered: spmpbalienged or unavengedt | ee . THE END Ny By JORGE come Musical Notes We see from the N. Y. Journal of April 7, that - the Soviet Cultural Products Trust is buying 5,000,000 phonograph records this year—and not a single one of them will be jazz. No less than 100,000 portable phonographs, not the scratchy wool-shirt variety, but good ones costing $25 each, are being made. From this you will know that those unhappy “forced” laborers whose healthy smiling faces shine out of every Soviet picture (even those put out with lying captions telling how utterly mis- erable they ought to be), are going to do some singing. So, we are told, are a lot of workers here, All unknown to our omniscience, it appears that right here in New York, where working class culture has all too often run to trying to get as tipsy with either moon or jazz as the dillet- tante bourgeois pigs who hang around the e of the movement, the Cultural Committee of the Bronx Cooperative, cooperating with, the Workers International Relief, has undertaken the formation of a real workers’ Symphony Or- chestra of excellent directing talent. On next Sunday at 4 p. m. this Committee is putting on an All-Children concert at the Audi- torium of the Cooperative, located at 2700 Bronx Park East, with admission to all being only ten cents. This is quite promising, especially as we are informed that the effort is being made in this polyglot city to organize large workers’ choruses in English, And while we're about it, we may note with pleasure the work on the dramatic field of the Workers’ Laboratory Theatre. Personally, we don’t like that word “laboratory,” it sounds stuf- fy, isolated from life and struggle. But we viewed a little skit there (131 West 28th 8t.) re- cently, and the comrades engaged are not deal- ing with things in a “stuffy” or isolated way. We hope to correct the idea which some com- rades have that denies the workers the right to cultural things and forgets the totality. of social life that extends beyond the shop, But we also caution cultural workers that thelr work must extend inside the shop, and all currents must flow into the tumultuous sea of proletar- ian revolution or be worthless. A a A President Gets Insolent “Then wander forth the sons Of Belial, flown with insolence and wine.” So wrote Milton in Paradise Lost, But then, Milton is not the Associated Press correspond- ent in Nicaragua. Which complicates matters. In Nicaragua everything is now charged up to earthquakes. The story as told by the AP. on April 6th lacked all intelligence in the reg- ular capitalist press, but we got hold of a Spanish language paper which was not. properly censored, so we hooked up with the following: It seems that at the ruined city of Managua, a certain lieutenant of the U. S. Marines, happily bearing the name of Pigg, who for reasons known to Hoover and with the consent of Sen- ator Borah, is—or rather was—co! an armed force of another country, to wit, the Na- tional Guard of Nicaragua, was on what is jocularly known as “a bender” last Saturdad night. In the dispatches, this Pigg’s condition is set down as due to “severe tension due to thé earthquake,” doubtless because there were many unbroken and unemptied bottles remaining among the ruins. Anyhow, he was admittedly a little “off center” as the machinists say. And in such unseaworthy condition, Pigg be- gan to “reprimand” the native soldiery of his command—which is the inherent right of all marines to all natives, as General Butler will testify. One paper admits, inadvertently, that the reprimand was said with a service revolver. Anyhow the native soldiery replied with a well- placed bullet and Lieutenant Pigg was fathered unto Abraham’s bosom—providing Abraham can stomach Pigg. His remains were also gathered unto a nearby house—which had remained standing despite the “severe tension” which so affected Pigg. And this house happened to be occupied by none less than the “president” of Nicaragua, Jose Moncada. A Marine Lieutenant Commander, William Hetfield, who, it is stated, acts as a surgeon, heard the shots and, rushing around to the door of the presidential residence, encountered there the Acting Minister of Foreign Relations and another gent who draws pay as Minister of Public Works. They refused to allow the Lieutenant Commander of U. S. Marines to enter. Whereupon he, also, it is stated, affected by the “severe tension” of the earthquake, kicked them out of the doorway as befits a Marine of- ficer, and stalked inside. But here again, a pesky earthquake, heedless of the dignity of @-U. 5S. Marine Commander, had so went to the head of the President of Nicaragua, that Jose Moncada, who owes his election to the Marines, up and said: “I, senor, am President of Nicaragua!” Such insolence! The President of a Central American republic talking back to a U. 8 Marine officer! It was unprecedented! And precisely because it was unprecédented, the officer didn’t know what to do, He even for- got to reach for his revolver! So in remorse at having forgot to shoot until too late, and in demonstrative protest at the injury to his dignity and to the entire United States Navy, Lieutenant Commander Hetfield threw up his job of “civiliz- ing” Nicaragua for the National City Bank, and took an airplane to the coast. ‘Thus it happens that an “investigation” is be- ing made . And we are certain only of one thing. That is, that the Nicaraguan soldiers who shot U. 8, Marine Lieutenant Pigg, or who hereafter shoot any more Piggs, will not be for- given by pleading that the “seyere tension due to the earthquake” had got them all excitea. Questions and Answers A CORRECTION A phrase was left out of the answer to th first question on April 6th. As printed it read: “, +. the Soviet workers have conditions far be- yond improving.” “It should have read: “... the Soviet workers have conditions far beyond what they previously had, and which ase soatinually Bee, improving” Cn ane are a RAR CNCRRy pA