The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 7, 1931, Page 4

Page Four Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., dally oxcept Sunday, at 59 fast 18th Street, New York City. N. Y. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7, Cable: “DAIWORK.” Address and mail all checks to tne Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥ ( SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months. $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx. New York Ctiy. Foreign; one ¥ $8+ six months, $4.50. Murder Frame-Up ot Five Textile Workers in Paterson, N. J. By S. D, LEVINE. EHIND the bars of Passaic County jail at Paterson, N. J., five textile workers, 4 men an, are being held without bail. A e is framed up against them and ave their way, these workers, is their loyalty to the work- y face the electric chair of capi- of the state of New Jersey. accused workers are charged with the f Max Urban, a silk mill owner. Ben- Hinda Gershanovitz, Louis Harris, i 1 won Louis Ba + and Albert Katzenbook, all of them e active members of the National Textile Workers’ Union at Paterson, ly Worker has already written about ch appears to be another Sacco- me-up on a larger scale. It is not of the lives of five innocent t stake, but it is the system- ich the capitalist class is now st the militant section of the o dare to protest against un- ions which the bosses impose them. Just a brief sketch of the workers’ ns in the city of Paterson where these were framed up. Paterson is called Manufacture of silk is the main ‘y of the town. The working conditions nills are the worst in the country. There uit to working hours. Ten hours is con- e normal working day, but quite often aches eighteen. In the dye houses conditions are still worse. The work is very injurious to the health of the The chemicals used in the dyes pene- trate: ito the bodies of the workers, doing their deadly work and thus shortening the lives of these workers. Wages are very low. $18 a week to $42 for weeks is an average pay. The workers are being exploited in the most inhuman way and any attempt on their part to better their con- ns is being fought against bitterly by the greedy boss Paterson has seen many big strikes in the past. Many attempts have been made by the workers to better their conditions and in all cases they had to fight the combined forces of the mill magnates and New Jersey “justice.” The mill bosses of Paterson have begun to use the present economic crisis to cut wages, in- crease speed-up and lengthen the hours of labor. The A. F. of L. unions and the Muste organiza- tions are doing nothing to fight against these ditions. They believe in class collaboration the b S are quite satisfied with those Unions.” The only organization that fights against the wage cuts and organize the workers for struggle is the National Textile Workers’ Union. The N. T. W. U. is the-only hope of the loited masses and is a thorn in the eyes of bosses. To break this militant union, so they can more easily carry out their wage uts has become thé goal of the Paterson bosses. It seems that Max Urban’s, mill was the first one chosen by the bosses to start the wage cut. he N. T. W. U. answered with a strike which protested against the wage cut and demanded cent increase for the night workers. The picketed the mill and the workers were determined not to surrender until they won their demands. The bosses used gangsters to fight the pickets. In spite of that picketing continued for the workers were determined to win. On the 18th of February a fight occurred near the Urban mill in which many participated. It a “free for all fight” and the boss Urban wounded and one month later died. ho attacked this boss, no one knows. Whether it was the boss gangsters, or some personal ene- mies who took advantage of the strike for re- venge, as some think, no one seems to know. One thing is certain, workers in jail had nothing The Di Ss case—Ww a he th to do with it and are absolutely innocent of the charges made against them. Two of the ac- cused ones were not even near the place that day, nor were the other three in the fight. But the bosses framed them up because they are known to be devoted workers for the National Textile Workers’ Union and active in labor or- ganizations. Lieb participated in strikes against the bosses in 1924 and 1928. He is a tireless worker for the union and for the labor movement. He joined the revolutionary movement as a lad of 14 and now at 46 remains a ceaseless worker for the working class movement. He is a member of the National Textile Workers’ Union, a mem- ber of the bureau at Paterson, and a local repre- sentative of the Morning Freiheit and is known to everybody in town. .He was a striker in the Urban mill. Hinda Gershanowitz, 42 years old, is also a member of the N. T. W. U. She is known in the city for her activities in women workers’ organ+ izations. As a result of her being confined to the police dungeon, she is sick and may have to be taken to the prison hospital. Louis Bart is another striker of the Urban mill and is also an active member of the union. He was, active in many workers’ organizations, co- operatives, Freiheit singing society, I. W. O. and other organizations. Albert Katzenbook is a member of the execu- tive of the house committee of the union and is known in turn for his activities among the Russian-speaking worke Albert Harris is only 25 years old, but hasbeen active for ten years in the labor movement and devoted to the National Textile Workers’ Union. They are all intelligent class conscious work- ers who are devoted to the best interest of their class. They are builders of this union the bosses fear so much and this is the reason the bosses want to get them out of the way, so as to ter- rorize the workers who will fall easy victims to the planned wage cuts and exploitation. These five victims of the Jersey capitalist jus- tice were first arrested on the order of the bosses ond charged with assault for which they were let out on bail. When Urban died they were rearrested and are now held without bail for the grand jury. The prosecution would want to make it a first degree murder charge. The capitalist newspapers of Paterson are carrying&\ on vicious propaganda against these workers | and are preparing’ the population for the rail- roading of these defendants to the electric chair. The workers of Paterson are in sympathy with the arrested workers. They know them. They know the conditions in the factories, the greed of the bosses.and what the bosses are capable of doing in order to squeeze more profits from the workers. A large mass meeting was held last Friday with Comrade Foster as the main speaker and a defense organization was formed last Sunday at a conference of labor organizations. Resolu- tions were adopted in which the delegates ex- pressed their conviction in the innocence of these workers; that they are victims of a vicious frame-up and pledged support for their defense. The five workers sent a message to the meeting calling upon the workers to strengthen the Na- tional Textile Workers’ Union, to fight against wage cuts and worsening conditions. sage was received with cheers at the meeting. The International Labor Defense has engaged capable lawyers to defend the case. The ‘grand jury has not acted as yet, but the bosses will surely see that the charges are made as heavy as possible in order that they should be able to get rid of these active militant workers. The workers throughout the country must be on their guard and will not allow a second Sacco-Vanzetti case on a larger scale to be re- peated in Paterson, N. J. More Wage Cuts in Shoe Industry By S. GOLDBERG 'HE days of 1929-30 during which period the Brooklyn amd New York Shoe Manufacturers with the direct aid of the U. S. Labor Depart- ment, Grover Whalen, the then police Com- missioner of New York City with our well known “Finest,” the under-world, and not less the trai- torous Boot and Shoe scab Union officialdom which is part of the A. F. of L, have made their attack on organized shoe workers and their union, the Independent Shoe Workers, .Union which fought all the enemies of the Working class, is still fresh in our memory. The future historians who will write the his- tory of the struggles of the working class in America, will not fail to mention the heroic struggle of the shoe workers during the period of 1929-30. At that time, when the group of Shoe Manu- facturers made their well known lock-outs against their workers, there was also the firm of Philipson and Lockwood. ‘The firm at that time was located in Long Island. Due to the militant resistance of the workers against the open shop campaign and injunctions, the above shoe comapny was forced to move its shop to New York, reduce its manufacturing capacity and change its name to Philipson Shoe Company which is located at 138 West 28th Street. As it 8 already known, the strike which the-shoe work- ers led against the onslaught of the Shoe Manu- Jacturers was lost because of the direct inter- vention of the U. S. Department of Labor, the police, the underworld, capitalist courts and the scabbery. of the Boot and Shoe Union. All the efforts of the bosses, the police, and the courts, to railroad and imprison the fighting shoe work- ers, did not stop the militancy of the workers. The Philipson and Lockwood Shoe Company succeeded to mobilize a small group of scabs for which it payed a very dear price, as already men- tioned it had to move its plant to New York City and reduce its manufacturing capacity, pay enormous sums for police and gangsters for pro- tection and so on. Now. something happened at this company which is already well known to all class conscious workers as an old scheme of the bosses. The scabs whom Mr. Philipson suc- ceeded to recruit at the time of strike, are now paying the price of their scabbery. The inevitable diseases of the capitalist system: unemployment, starvation, wage cuts and etc. are constantly taking on wider forms. One of the methods of the bosses to keep the workers enslaved and fill their coffer with profits, is, to cut the wages of those who Mr. Phil- ipson is no exception. He also ps on cutting the wages of his slaves, so he kept on cutting untill even the scabs could no longer endure it, 2 t Recently Mr. Philipson announced an other wage cut of 10 per cent. The lasters refused to accept any more reductions, threatened with a walk- out, so he told them that he will not cut their wages. The same day he prepared himself with other lasters, and one nice morning he notified his lasters that they shall take their tools away, because their places have been filled by other men. When they came up to take their tools and asked him if this is the reward they are getting for their scabbery he told them if they are willing to accept a 20 per cent reduction he will employ them instead of the newly recruited men. This is not the only case, the epidemic of wage cutting is being practiced by all bosses, the methods may be different. I. Miller has a dif- ferent method of cutting the wages of his slaves. His office sends out telegrams to workers who have been working there sometimes before, or from others who have been looking for work at his plant, left their addresses, When they come ready for work, the hiring manager takes away the telegrams and sends the workers up to the various departments, so that the workers work- ing there shall see them. The foreman then comes over to the telegraphed workers and tells them that he is very sorry, he has no more place for them. All machines and benches are taken, Til send for you when I'll need you. This scheme gives the bosses a chance to come over to the workers in the shop and tell them: “You see there are plenty of workers out’ of work, they are willing to work for any price.” Then comes a reduction. At the present day the workers in Haver) Massachusetts are preparing to fight stint Jow wages and speed-up. This also includes the I. Miller plant in Haverhill. The I. Miller firm therefore is planning to close the Haverhill plant and have the work done in the Long Island City Plant. This scheme besides trying to make the New York workers to scab on the Haverhill shoe workers, is also telling the workers to accept a bones oe so they will have more work. other method of the bosses to secure cl labor, is the following: mo The Board of Trade, an organization of the Shoe Manufacturers together with the Board of Education is maintaining a school to teach the workers not in the industry and shoe workers the various branches of the trade, There are shoe workers who sometimes like a change and learn a new section of the shoe making, so, this school is for this purpose. One of the bos- ses who use this school as an agency from where to get cheap labpr, is the Hannan and Son Shoe Company which has its shoe stores almost in every big city in the United States. The fors lady of the fitting room in their Brooklyn and The mes- | | PARTY LIFE Conducted by the Organization Department of the Central Commitiee, Communist Party, U.S.A. How To Spread the Daily Worker Comrades: An up-to-date, necessary and almost self } sustaining auxiliary is the Red Builders News | Club and its score and a half branches scat- tered over the country. The Red Builders Clubs are at the present time in a day to day strug- gle with an ever-increasing Party problem, that of mass distribution of the central organ of our Party—the Daily Worker. In this work we are already meeting with greater successes on all fronts, factory sales, house to house routes (18 cents per week), street sales and subs. And yet we cannot be satisfied with these gains! Haven't we the basis for it? ‘The present crisis, over 10 | millions unemployed, millions starving, evictions by the thousands daily, the demand for a real Ex-Service men’s bonus! There is a growing demand for our “Daily,” yet we see that where unemployed workers or | individual comrades have the initiative to build Red News Clubs, they exist. We do not exag- gerate when we say that 95 per cent of these sellers are non-Party workers, showing that our Party unemployed workers are not active in this work, especially the women comrades. The districts down to the units are not show- | ing the necessary responsibility and initiative in the work of establishing new functioning clubs (especially in towns away from the center) and developing a strong core of leadership in each of them. This club does not by any means take the place of the Party unit (Paterson stepped its bundle when a group of Pioneers organized a club.) On the contrary, it is only the task of the Party and the T. U. U. L. to storm the fac- tories with Daily Workers. Each Party unit should bring into action the slogan of “Party units, become leaders in your factory and ter- ritory!” There is hardly a better method than to have comrades from your factory and ter- ritory write often to the Daily Worker on the problems of the workers there and to sell these Daily Workers on every important corner in your territory. One unit may have as many as 5 | corner sales besides house to house routes within | 3 months. This can be done in the following manner: A unit picks out a good corner’ for con- centration—a comrade each day at the same time every day until there is an actual demand | for the “Daily” there which may take about 2 | weeks. Then a “Red Builder” is brought to that | corner. The same can be done in house to house routes (this should take in most of the unit). ‘There is enough to be said on why the Y. C. L. should sell.the Daily Worker and how to cooper- ate with the Party in building the Young Work- | er and Daily Worker to write another article on | this alone. Comradely, —J. R. QUESTIONS AND] ANSWERS Question: A Bishop Wade spoke here in the Methodist Church. He said in Soviet Russia after childbirth the child is taken from the mother, placed in a state nursery and regarded as property of the state and the mother is al- lowed to see it occasionally. I am wondering if this man is a liar?—Grand Rapids, Mich. This story is a lie, parents in the Soviet Union ean keep their children. The facts are that only in the workers’ republic is the working mother given the care she needs before and after child- birth and the proper provision for nursing the baby during the following months. Maternity in- surance, for unemployed if there are any, as well as for employed working women, is paid for 8 weeks before and 8 weeks after confinement, to the full amount of the wages, from the first day of the vacation. Special provision is also made for workers’ wives who work at home. A sum for nursing is given to all working women and workers’ wives, for seven to nine months after childbirth. A day nursery in connection with the factory means that the mother can have her child near the place where she works. Regular periods are allowed for the mother to leave her work and nurse her child. Such stories as this show the workers that preachers, religious representatives, and the church are against the workers’ government, the Soviet Union, and are continually using all means in their power to fight and spread slan- der about it. They support capitalism, and the continued exploitation of the workers. Enlist Women In Jobless Activities Win the wives of unemployed workers and unem- ployed women workers for the neighborhood branches of unemployed workers. Enlist them in struggles against high food prices, against high rents, for free meals for school chil- dren, for unemployment insurance. The heroic fight of the women in Chicago against high bread prices and their par- tial victory should be a lesson to all neighborhood branches. only shoe manufacturing plant is one of the in- structors in that school, she is teaching the young girls how to operate on the fitting room ma- chines also on the folding machines. So when slve notices that a girl is capable of doing the work fairly well, she the forlady takes them to the Hannan and Son Shoe Company where she is employed as a forlady and pays the girls star- vation wages. These girls replace the men qual- ified shoe worker who are forced to walk the streets. The workers, men and women must organize, in order to combat the constant attacks of the shoe manufacturers. The workers have to Jearn from these schemes of the bosses, The unemployed shoe workers should organize in the unemployed councils and fight for unemployed insurance. Those who are still working should organize shop committees, and get in contact with the Shoe and Leather Workers Industrial Union, which is under the leadership of the Trade Union Unity League. It is in the interests of the shoe and leather workers to build a powerful National Shoe and Leather Workers Union in America. Fight wage cuts! Unite your forces with all the shoe workers! Fight for better wages and conditions! Organize and fight against depor- tation of foreign born workers! ‘ g f A. F. of L. Leaders Betray Tom Mooney By TOM MOONEY Ix the last installment of‘ the exposure of the American Federation of Labor leaders treachery in the Mooney-Billings case, Tom Mooney shows how the machine in the Team- sters’ Union and in the San Francisco Cen- tral Labor Council corrupted the secretary of the Tom Mooney Moulders Defense Com- mittee, and caused her to shield Mooney’s enemies, the governor of the state and the labor fakers.. Now read on, | . . . WHY A PARDON—NOT A PAROLE? INSTALLMENT 22 Paul Scharrenberg knows that should Mto- ney and Billings accept a parole, they coutd never become active in the labor movement. ‘That is why, he, and the other labor leaders, oppose their demands for an unconditional par- don, but are willing to help them obtain a pa- role. On parole they would be helpless, for if they even tried prominently to identify themselves in the struggle between labor and capital, they would be violating the conditions of parole. - The parole laws of California would effec- tively keep Mooney and Billings in sight of a police station at all times. A brief summary of the “conditions, restrictions and regulations” of parole will show why both prisoners so strongly object to parole. For the remainder of their lives they would have to: 3 1. “Remain at place of employment until per- mission be given to go elsewhere.” Would the parole officer ever give them permission to change employment so that they might become active in the labor movement? NO! 2. “Obtain written consent to change employ- ment, residence, or leave the county where em- ployed.” At all times they would be under sur- veillance. 3. They would have no civil rights until after the expiration of their parole, in their case — death. They could not enter “into any contract, engage in business, marry, assume any trusts, authority or power.” 4. Until their death they would be in the legal custody and control of the “State Board of Pris- on Directors.” Should they at any time fail to | comply with the requirements of the Board or Parole officer, they would be returned to prison. | These “requirements” are thé coré of thé Pérole Law. The labor leadéts through their allies, the politicians on the Parole Board; would con- trol, restrict, and totally déféat the efforts of Mooney and Billings to expose them. All they would need to do would bé to have thé Parole Board order Mooney and Billings to remain si- lent about the labor leadérs and keep away from unions, or be declared patole vidlators and re- turned to the penitentiary. 5. They could not drive a motor vehicle. Hay- ing no civil rights the State is responsible for the paroled man’s actions and refuses to accept responsibility in case of accident, so it prohibits the paroled prisoner from driving a car — this in the year of 1931! . 6. In all matters “not covered by the parole rules,” they would be “governed by instructions of the Parole Officer.” Participation in the labor movement is not covered by the parole laws. What instructions would the Parole Officer give Mooney and Billings? Stay away from the unions. The State Board of Prison Directors, with cun- ning subtleness concludes the admonitions re- garding the conditions of parole with: “The foregoing regulations are not mere meaningless words. They have been carefully prepared and must be precisely followed.” Mooney and Billings are innocent. By accept- ing a parole they would automatically admit guilt, for innocent men sre not paroled; they are pardoned. A pardon is a remission of the judgement. It has no “strings” attached to it. The pardoned man cannot be shunted around by the police as an “ex-convict.” The pardon is the act by which the State recognizes its mis- take and unconditionally releases the victim wrongfully imprisoned. That is why Warren Billings says: “I will not consider a parole. I would prefer to remain in the penitentiary to that. I want complete vindication.” And Tom Mooney emphatically writes: “I will rot and die within the walls of San Quentin prison before I will accept a degrad- ing and humiliating parole that would make me a conditional prisoner, subject always to being returned to prison for life for the infrac- tion of any’ one of the many rules governing parole, most of which are not actual violations of law. Parole is for the guilty. I am abso- Jutely innocent.” Marx On Karl Kautsk Below we reprint an extract from a letter which Karl Marx wrote fifty years ago to one of his daughters in reference to Karl Kautsky. ‘The important role that Kautsky played in the international socialist movement, his position as the leading Marxist theoretician for decades prior to the last war and his betrayal of the working class following the outbreak of the war lends special importance to Marx’s opinion of Kautsky expressed in this letter. From leading Marxist theoretician, Kautsky developed into one of the worst counter-revo- lutionary slanderers of the Soviet Union. The recent revelations of the counter-revolutionary Menshevist interventionists called forth Kaut- sky's tremendous fury against the Soviet Union and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Today, Kautsky in spite of his advanced years, is one of the leading theoreticians of social fascism. It is significant that already fifty years ago Marx recognized Kautsky’s real character: While Marx's letter to his daughter, Jennie, written on April 11, 1881 had never really been printed in full, part of the letter was published in Russian translation ingthe May, 1899, issue of the legal Marxist Journal, Nachalo, Marx’s opinion of Kautsky, however, was omitted from this translation. : It was only after the recent trial of the coun- ter-revolutionary Menshevists that the original of this letter was discovered in the Marx-Engels _no “representative of labor wanted to be quoted.” Prominent lawyers, clergymen, editors and the other leaders of public opinion bitterly assailed the Supreme Court of California when Warren Billings was again denied a pardon December 1, 1930. John Haynes Holmes, eminent New York cler- gyman and author, indignantly stated: This is a monstrous offense which should make American citizens bow their heads in shame and then lift them again in angry pro- test. But William Green, president of the Ameri- can Federation of Labor, did not utter a word of protest. George Gordon Battle, nationally known law- yer, attacked the California Supreme Court rul- ing, and said: It is a fearful thought that men may be put in prison for years because of their opinions. ‘The fight for the pardon of these men must go on. But Mattmew Woll, vice-president of the American Federation of Labor, member of the American Bar Association, acting president of the National Civic Federation, did not utter a word of protest. The American Civil Liberties Union telegraph- ed thus: All of us pledge to redouble our efforts to get the facts of the frame un before the coun- try and to bring all possible pressure to bear on the new California administration to see that you men are pardoned.” But the Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor did not utter a word of protest. The twenty-five Scripps-Howard newspapers stated that “Prejudice sti!l rules the California Supreme Court,” and asked: | What is Governor Young going to do about it? What is the National Commission of Law observance and Law Enforcement going to do about it? )What is President Hoover going to do about it? . .. So long as Mooney and Billings are kept in prison by prejudice. even though that prejudice sways six justices of the Supreme Court, they must not be forgotten. The fight to pardon them, of course, must go on. But the chief journal of the American Federa- tion of Labor, “the American Federationis*.” did uot print one word of protest about this “mon- strous offense.” Harry Elmer Barnes, world famous historian and sociologist, called the California Supreme Court decision “plainly a defiance in the rest of the country and world.” He continued: The message of the Supreme Court is “to | hell with the rest of the United States; we will administer justice in the good old Cali- fornia way.” But Paul Scharrenberg, secretary treasurer of the California Federation of Labor, did not ut- ter a word of protest. He “did not wish even to be quoted.” United States Senator Thomas Schall from Minnesota stated: That six judges have allowed prejudice to blind their eyes does not exculpate the Gov- ernor of California from blame if these two innocent men longer remain in prison. Be- cause some men refuse to see the glaring ir- regularities of that trail, can fail to see the chief witnesses were perjurers, can close their minds to an almost perfect alibi for each of the men, these things only make the duty more imperative upon clear-headed honest men to keep up the fight. But Frank McDonald, president of the Cali- fornia Building Trades Council, did not utter a word of prétest. The two evening San Francisco newspapers, the “Daily News” and the “Call-Bulletin”, have contempuously referred to the decision of the Supreme Court as “a burning disgrace,” and as a terrible “miscarriage of justice.” Both papers have printed front page editorials that have come close to being “contempt of court.” The Daily News stated: It is the failure in California’s legal pro- cedure, depriving the Appellate Courts of the power to correct injustices, that entiles both Billings and Mooney to the status of men who have been both grievously wronged by the state. And for the justices who well know this limitation to assert that the judicial ma- chinery had already functioned adequately in Billings’ case is unfair to the point of misrep- resentation. But the Labor Clarion, official organ of the San Francisco Labor Council, and its editor, James W. Mullen, did not print a single word of protest. In the city of the frame-up, in the city where every worker and sympathizer of la- bor knows Mooney and Billings are innocent, (TO BE CONTINUED) Institute in Moscow. The trial of the Menshe- viks exposed Riazanoy, until recently director of the Marx Engels Institute as directly helping the counter-revolutionary Menshevists. For this Riaz- anoy was expelled from the Russian Communist Party and removed from his position as Director of the Marx-Engels Institute. Marx's letter was discovered in the Institute after Riazanov’s removal. The letter had been carefully concealed by Riazanov who had re- ceived the original in 1925 from the well known Menshevist, Lydia Zederbaum-Dan.—Ed. ~ Here is how Marx characterized Kautsky: Naa Fa “. . . Engels also sizes up this “Kautz” much more mildly since he has proven himself a great expert in drinking.. When this beauty first came to me—I mean the little Kautz—the first ques- tion that came to my lips was: ‘Do you re- semble your mother?’ ‘Most decidedly not,’ he assured me, and I silently congratulated his mother. He is a mediocrity with a petty out- look; he is overwise (only 26 years old); he is @ self-confident know-it-all; in a way he is in- he is a rather decent fellow in ft him as much as possible onto friend Engels” ” By JORGE eenreemeeeen Not Like Bill Haywood! “Seattle:—Doc Brown is a ‘soélalist’ \who turned democrat to become mayor of Seattle. Doc made his opening campaign speech for the coming municipal election, with a speech on ‘Unemployment’ recently at the ILW.W. Hall in Seattle, and under I.W.W. auspices. The I.W.W. carries on war to the death against: ‘pdliticians,’ but the only ‘politicians’ they really War against are the working class politicians whovare leading the class struggle. “The wobbly fakers snatch a phrasé“here and there out of Marx and Engels, but they pass up the point in the Communist Manifesto that says — But every class struggle is a politica) struggle.” “Further, on page 27, Marx and Engels state: ‘The “dangerous class,” the social scum, that passively rotting mass thrown off by. the lowest layers of old society, may, here and.there, be swept into the movement by a proletatian revo- , lution; its conditions of life, however; prepare it far more for the part of a bribed tool of re- actionary intrigue.’ 3 “I am convinced that in incorporating the above paragraph in the Communist~Manifesto, | Marx and Engels had a long range view, for they re do put fakers like Ellis, Thompson and | other ‘social scum’ on the spot.—A worker.” The social fascist degeneracy into which the I.W.W. officialdom generally has fallen is -not, of course, due to any special genius for evil of individuals, but a logical development of their anarcho-syndicalist theories. Nevertheless, it is nauseating to meet wobbly “leaders” of 1917, who, one after another, have become actual valets, and contented ones, to rich parasites; who are rotten with ‘cynicism; who have gone into bootlegging or “legitimate” busi- ness. Others, trying to cover up their forsaking of the rcvo"1\cionary path, have become the slimiest! sort of A. F. of L. labor skates, or cheap mer- cenaries for the boss class as professional at- tack: 2 Communist Party, hiding their dishonesty under the otherw':e honest authority of a dirty shirt. Recently in New York, Masquerading under the name of “The Unemployed Union” (imagine the “industrial union” of those outside indus- try!), the L W. W. has organized. @ sort of “revolutionary” beggars’ association, with the general idea that the workers who are jobless can get more by begging capitalists than by fighting them and forcing more relief and un- employment insurance. "By teaching this degenerate idea to the work- ) | ers, the Wobbly “leaders” hope to get some sup- port for their fight against the Communists, both from the workers they delude, and from the capitalists. Naturally, for such service, they expected the aid of the capitalist police and ac- tually called the cops to help them in, York, against the Communists. New York-eops don’t like Communists, but even they despise wobblies Who scab on the cops, which is:Awhy wouldn't help. = ea That Matter of Our Songs From Dalbo, Minnesota, comes a letter from, Comrade G. O. A., protesting at the protest of a “Cleveland Worker,” because the latter con- demns the singing of the “Marseillaise,” becausd it is the official national hymn of the French imperialist government and the French bour- Beoisie. : “How about the French masses?” asks G. 0. A.” We'll tell you, comrade, that they regard it just as we do the Star Spangled Banner, and they sing either the Internationale (which, you say you've never heard) or, for their own French flavor, they sing “The Carmagnole”—and how they sing that! cdl Your concern as to whether er” knows the English words is beside the point, Anyhow, why not sing the numberless stirring and inspiring songs given us by: tlie Bolshevik revolution? Indeed, why not make some of our own?, In Germany today, the most popular revolutionary song is that commemorating the street battles of May First in the ‘Wedding Dis- trict of Berlin in 1929, “The Red Wedding,” it is called. x Then there is the fine song “Auf Zum Kampf” in memory of Liebknecht and Luxemburg, and for sauce, the old 1848 song “Blut Muss Fliessen!” In fact the Germans turn out new ores all the time. And we American revolutionists? We are so culturally poor that we borrow and steal —and usually half know some wobbly parody of @ mournful old church song. In fact“our move- ment has not learned to sing, We are a lot of dumb animals! This is utterly intolerable, and heré and now Red Sparks opens a campaign to encourage an/ incite revolutionary music and singing! We selves translated the “Carmagnole,” the 1 “Bandiera Rossa” and the Russian Funeral eight years ago. But we've never yet them sung by masses or chorus in the Engl words we furnished! About 1923 the Young Communist. " lished these and dozens of others, ong a It is now out of print. But the ¥./C. L. has been singing some new songs in a kind of hit or miss fashion, recently. Until recently, the Youth seemed to think it was undignified to sing. Let's hope it gets completely over that fool notion. The movement which does not sing is alive! f And let's demand that the Y. C, other organization right now get and popularizing the splendid songs that now exist and encouraging new words that come out of the heat of struggle and heart of the American proletariat! . Down with Wobbly parodies. of. “Cleveland Work- of the Marseillaise tunes! Pass resolutions, write in your demands Personally to us or to the or the ¥. 0. L# Let's start something! sara: . 6 Hyde to Hang Himself! “If I thought prices in general would go any lower, I'd hang myself,” said Secretary of Agri: culture Hyde, of agricultural marketing condi. tions. So said a dispatch Wednesday. The prospect is inviting. However, you will Notice that the rascal did not say that “if prices would go lower.” Oh, no! He sald—if I THOUGHT prices would go lower.” Hyde is a careful liar, F TT S2@eshteoveoseo Serv evandanrst seturec Pa on ae A as fi: tinal de pe oe ot