The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 6, 1931, Page 4

18th Street, New Published by the Comprofaily Publishing Co. York City, N. ¥Y. Telephone Igonquin 7956-7, Cable: “DAIWORK.” Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker. 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. Free the Imperial Valley Priso ners! [EE Tmeerial Valley prisoners, five of whom enced to terms of “Three to Forty- | are ser | five years” and three sentenced to terms of | “Two to Twenty-eight years,” have been re- | and pledges of solidarity from | 1 over the world. | for these terrifically lifornia criminal syn- roa last year. at they were active organizers of the | Ox Joited Mexican, Filipino and American in the Imperial Valley. The kers into | { messages received was that No, 4, of Kirensk, Siberia, Soviet Republics. To these Spector, one of the 45 kes answer in the name of all the Im- ley ‘oners, as follows (in part): | ee er aie ‘We regret that because of es we have only recently re- s. However, we are most ession of solidarity with | ley prisoners, as well as your the astounding achievements of S. R. Proletariat. he tremendous accomplishments of U. S. S. R. serve as a billiant example to workers, the world over, and speak eloquently of what all | h in their own lands. | tes of America the workers e deeply stirred by the col- | | In the United farmers 4 antic capitalist system of pro- nds of workers and poor farm- tion or commit suicide in poor ‘Thousa of sta But capitalism—like Nero— iddles while Rome is burning. The masters ne luxuries and throw to the s crumbs from their tables—in the lousy soup charity. Such conditions about the rapid awakening of the mighty an proletariat—who long slumbered un- bosses’ poisonous “prosperity” propa- form of ric der the all over the land from ic to the Pacific, are responding to the of the Communist Party of the United States of America to battle for bread and work and agai: exploitation and inhuman speed-up. Hardly a day passes without strikes and dem- , in which the workers battle with | the police. A rain of terror now sweeps the Lin which murder, blackjack and prisons | the bosses’ reply to the workers’ demands | bread. There is no longer a play in “democ- nds of toiler onstrs in its place is ruthless fascism, sup- | ported by the socialist party and misleaders of | \e. American Federation of Labor, But the workers are growing bigger as they mighty counter-attack against the the leadership of the Communist f the United States of America. Part of Class War. ‘The Imperial Valley struggles, as a of which eight militant workers are now ving long sentences in California prisons, is a result | | chapter of the American class struggle. In this | ser- class battle were engaged thousands of Mexican, Filipino, Negro and native American agricul- tural workers, who fought against terrific op- pression, The California bosses thought that through the imprisonment of leading workers they would smash the California district of the Communist Party of the United States of America and the Trade Union Unity League. But they are badly mistaken. The Communist Party here grows despite the terror, as it grows all over the country. Of the group, six are in San Quentin and two in Folsom. In San Quen- tin there are besides ourselves seven more class war prisoners, includirig Tom Mooney, Jim Mc- Namara and Mat Schmidt, who have served al- ready fifteen, nineteen and sixteen years, re- spectively, In the name of these and other workers who now serve smaller sentences in California jails—also in the name of all class- conscious prisoners here—we greet the Mopr and through it the entire U. S. S. R. Proletariat. | We pledge, together with toilers in all other lands, to lay down our lives in defense of the Oe Si Sate Hail New Communist Party. The Imperial Valley prisoners’ greetings to the newly organized Filipino Communist Party are, in part, as follows: “The Imperial Valley group, together with | the class-conscious Filipino workers here, have learned with great joy of the formation of the Communist Party in the Philippine Islands. From behind the walls of capitalist dungeons we send, through the Daily Worker, our hearty revolutionary greetings to the young Communist Party in the Philippine Islands. In launching the Communist Party in the Philippine Islands | the Philippine toiling masses have served no- tice upon Wall Street and its lackeys—the mis- leaders, Roxas, Osmana, Quezon and company— that, side by side with other toilers of other lands, oppressed by Yankee imperialists, the workers and peasants of the Philippine Islands | will wage a militant fight until the imperialists | are driven out and a workers’ and peasants’ gov- ernment is established. “That the imperialist jackals fear the grow ing fighting mood of the Philippine masses, under the leadership of the Communist Party, is seen by the terror now waged and expressed in the arrests of the working-class leaders, Evangelista, Manahan and Embrieno, and the murder of Antonio Ora, who was hounded to death. “I the Imperial Valley struggle the Philip- pino workers have proven themselves a most | ers’ government. | QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Question: Do the Russian workers go to work in the factory barefoot (shoeless)?—Battle Creek, Mich. A worker who has just returned after spend- ing a year in the Soviet Union tells us, “The only plaee I have ever seen barefoot people in the Soviet Union is some on the farms in the sum- mer time. I visited in 1930 the most important industries throughout the Soviet Union, and not in a single instance have I seen one industrial worker barefoot.” Stories about shoeless workers belong with the falsehoods about forced labor, nationalized wom- en, and similar slanders directed against the So- viet Union. The capitalists and their newspapers are afraid to have the oppressed of other coun- tries find out how well the Soviet workers are | | getting along, afraid to have the toilers of other countries realize the great advantages of a work- Therefore the capitalist papers print such outright lies, Because they fear the Soviet power and want to overthrow it they try | by all means possible to make their readers be- militant portion of the agricultural workers who | rose against existing slav It is no incident that together with other workers, sent up to long prison terms, the Imperial Valley bosses likewise imprisoned Danny Roxas—a Philippino worker who was in the thick of the struggle, side by side with his brothers—Philippinos and Mexican and other workers. That speaks loudly the fact that the Philippino workers have wn in revolutionary consciousness and are ady, with the toilers of other lands, to battle under the banner of the Communist Interna- tional. “Wwe join with the Imperial Valley prison- | ers in adding their voices} to the demand for immediate release of Comrades Evangelista, pino fighters.” PARTY LIFE Building the Militant Unity of Employed and Unemployed Workers By G.P. HE campaign for signatures for the Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill presented an important organizational opportunity which has not even yet been sufficiently realized. It gave us a splendid means to get valuable contacts in the shops, factories and mines, and in the A. F. of L. and Railroad Brotherhood Unions, rallying the left wing workers around the Signature Com- mittees against the reactionary union official- dom and laying the foundation of real shop or- ganization in the industries. But the presenta- tion of the bill to Congress on Feb. 10th should not have meant any slackening of our efforts in using the tremendous issue of immediate un- employment relief to gain many new contacts in ihe shops and factories, and in building the left wing in the workers’ mass organizations, On the contrary. the struggle should become much more intensified. Organizing Committees. ‘This means that we must develop the forms of organization best fitted to get more contacts and to organize these contacts into functioning organizations at the point of production. To do this we must clarify the role of the indus- trial league form of organization as a coordinat- ing center of the “organizing committees,” each with its own concentration point in an impor- tant industrial plant, mill or mine. These “or- ganizing committees” composed of both em- ployed and unemployed workers serve to unite the struggles of employed and unemployed in a fundamental way. To a great extent, the un- employed workers. drawn into the Unemployed Councils can also be readily drawn into the actual organizing committees. - To set up signature committees for our Un- employment Insurance Bill in the factories should have been an important function of the organizing committees. The size of these com- mittees depends on the size of the plant con- centrated upon. For a shop of 200 a committee of at least a dozen is necessary, with an or- ganizer and a “Labor Unity” agent. In the large departmentalized industries, such as pack- ing house, railroad, auto, mining, etc., the or- ganizing committees should also work on a de- partment basis, assigning sub-committees to con- Conducted by the Organization Department of the Central Committee, Communist Party, U.S.A. Unity” must be regularly on hand. In addition, it is important that the unemployed workers on the committee should have no difficulty in func- tioning at distant shops through lack of carfare. In the case of the Soo shop, when this was remedied, the first result was a big sale of “Labor Unity,” “Daily Worker” and other litera- ture and the obtaining of many new contacts. Thus many factory gate meetings can be held as part of the organizing plan, the unemployed taking a leading part in the outside work while the inside contacts can make good use of the agitation and propaganda, carried on outside the factory by the unemployed. Selection of Methods Important. Many times workers who attend the shop gate meetings want to buy literature or join the TUUL union or league but do not sign the ap- plication cards (even when these are on hand) because of the presente of stool-pigeons, foremen or bosses. Therefore we must arrange our com- mittees so that some can function a block or two away from the shop or factory gate in order to lessen the danger of exposing workers willing to line up, and to encourage as many workers as possible to take the actual organization step. By quickly and systematically following up our newly-gained contacts with regular visits at their homes by committees (two of those who have become familiar to the workers at the gate) we can still further increase our membership and literature ‘sales. It is important that such com- mittees be well informed of the conditions in the plant and: the industry and approach the visited workers on those lines. Grievance and Shop Committees. ‘Where we have established Signature Commit- tees or gotten contacts in the Signature Drive, these can give us valuable information about the particular grievances of the workers in the plant, which, with the immediate, concrete demands to meet these grievances, should form the main body of our leaflets, bulletins, etc. These par- ticular grievances, wage cuts, increased speed- up, lay-offs, bad sanitation, poor ventilation, lack of washing facilities, etc., short lunch per- iods, slave-driving foremen, lack of safety de- vices, etc., make it possible to set up committees in the factory or in a department of the fac- centrate on particular departments, The com- mittees must be large enough to take care of the various entrances, to follow up contacts in house visiting, which must be done immediately, but not so Jarge that it becomes unwieldy and in- active. However, if well-organized, size is no handicap, but permits better and faster work. Unemployed Active Organizing at Shops. From experiences at the Railroad Shop in Minneapolis, it was found that a committee of at least 12 was necessary to carry on work in a department of about 200 workers. Where con- ‘acts inside are established, the proper coordina-~ tion of inside and outside work is very impor- tant, This means that the plant must be vise ited regularly (daily visits are best) and lter« ature given and sold to the workers, “Labor tory, based on these grievances. But it would be a mistake to simply urge in general the formation of a “grievance committee.” The most unbearable grievance should be selected and we should seek to organize a committee around the fight against that particular grievance, such as, for example, where acid fumes and metal dust endanger the health of tha workers, a “Safety Committee” or a “Sanitation Committee.” We can succeed in quickly setting up such commit- tees in many cases where we would not succeed directly in forming a general grievance com- mittee or permanent shop committee. From com~- mittees organized to fight against particular paypmantie chemin died ag. oink a AN committee, which upon assuming a0 sfocther crane becomes an actual shop | Manahan and Embreino—and all other Philip- | | the ward politicians of the bosses’ lieve that conditions are bad there, while in reality the Soviet workers have conditions far be- yond improving. In contrast the lot of workers under capitalism grows worse and worse. Question: Does the Finnish Hall permit Ne- gro workers into its club?—Asked at the Yo- kinen trial. It is reported that there are no restrictions against Negroes. Negro workers are given the same rights to use the hall and premises on the same basis as other workers. But these “rights” will remain more or less abstract, in the air, so | long as some of the members display white | chauvinism, race hatred and prejudice, toward the Negroes who use the club. They will be- come real rights in actual life when those mem- bers who now have race prejudices, have elimin- ated all traces of white chauvinism from their actions and minds. It is the duty of the Com- | munists, and also all other class conscious mem- bers of the club, to carry on an active cam- paign against all manifestations of race hatred and prejudice in the club. committee, with its department sub-committees. Thus from the fight around a particular griev- ance, we create the basis for the industrial union. The Neighborhood Unemployed Council—Organ- izational Reservoir. Through the neighborhood Unemployed Coun- cils valuable shop contacts can be obtained. This chin be done best by providing at least one meet- ing a week in the evening and inviting both em- ployed and unemployed workers to attend. At such meetings we build the unity of employed and unemployed. Mahy employed workers can be organized directly into the industrial leagues or unions of the Trade Union Unity League and assigned to their proper organizing committee. | In this work also, we must use the greatest care | to protect our contacts against the spies and | stool-pigeons of the bosses. Ward Unemployed Councils Center Fight on Bosses’ Politicians, As far as possible it is well to organize the neighborhood Unemployed Councils in the cities on a ward basis, This brings out the role of parties and exposes them as enemies of the workers, opposing all demands for immediate re- lief and unemployment insurance. This is being done in the newly-organized “Twelfth Ward Un- employed Council” in Minneapolis, which is the stronghold of “Farmer-Laborism.” While the starving workers in this ward are organizing in unemployed councils to fight for immediate re- lief, Nellermoe, “farmer-laborite” elected from the district including this ward, proposes in the State Legislature a resolution accepting $400,000 from the Rockefeller, Carnegie and Spellman foundations “to study unemployment.” As was found in this ward in Minneapolis, when we penetrate into the neighborhoods, con- tact. with many groups of workers outside the movement can be obtained. As a general rule, few of these workers attend the meetings held at the center of the city, particularly the work- ing women and housewives, In intensifying our neighborhood activity, we can also reach many more youth and Negro workers. While at first only a garage could be found to hold meetings in, in the third week of existence, this ward council showed enough vitality to branch out to the other end of the ward, and is opening up another meeting place to launch another Unem- ployed Council. At such mixed meetings of em- ployed and unemployed, very good results can be obtained in getting subscriptions for “Labor Unity” and organizing a “Labor Unity Brigade.” Building Labor Unity Builds the TUUL, In the entire unemployed work, “Labor Unity” plays a large role. While each organizing com- mittee and unemployed council should have its Labor Unity agent, it would be too mechanical to set up immediately a “Brigade.” In the Un- employed Council this can often be very quickly done, but in the Organizing Committees to do so at once will often bring a complete duplication of organization, meetings, etc. Each organizing committee should appoint a “Labor Unit agent who must see to it that each member of the committee gets and properly disposes of his quota of Labor Unity, Then as the commit- tee is enlarged a regular “Brigade” can be formed, This does not mean that the “Brigade” should substitute for the activity of the other members of the committee, each of whom con- tinues to use “Labor Unity” regularly not only as a newspaper, but as an organizer. The “Bri- gade” specializes in leading the building up of the cfrculation of “Labor Unity” in the neigh- borhood, the factory, among both employed and unemployed. In all this work, the importance of careful, planned work, the setting and carrying out of specific, detailed tasks, cannot be too much stressed. To get the best results, the high point of every meeting should be the particular task, either an anti-eviction demonstration, present- ing demands to local authorities, assigning com- mittees to neighborhoods or to factories, etc. At all meetings of unemployed, employed or both, we must strongly emphasize the role of the Un- employed Councils as part of the Industrial Union structure. The fight for Unemployment Insurance and Immediate Relief is the fight of both employed and unemployed workers. By welding the employed and unemployed together in this struggle, we create the necessary soli- darity which in strike struggle, against wage cuts, speed-up and other grievances, unites employed and unemploved im Ange, ASR RR the. plcknt-ling, iy political | i wll tas Bao cis In the above cartoon printed in the New York Herald-Tribune, the cartoonist unwittingly brings out one of the greatest contradictions of capitalism—without informing his readers that it is the capitalist sys- begins to draw about them. tem that brings about a condition where the masses starve in the midst of plenty—a condition not known even in barbarism and savager, Like the usual capitalist dope-peddler, he does not blame capi or points out the necessary destruction of such a system, but merely calls the capitalist a “producer” and the worker a “consumer timates that it is the fault of neither. degeneracy are becoming so glaring that even a capitalist cartoonist alism , and in- The facts of capitalism and its A. F. of L. Leaders Betray In the last installment of Tom Mooney’s exposure of the treacheries of the A. F. of L. labor leaders in the Mooney-Billings case, he tells how Michael Casey, misleader in the ‘eamsters’ union sent a henchman named George Kidwell to subvert Mary Gallagher, sec- vetary of the Tom Mooney Moulders Defense Committee. This was in 1930. INSTALLMENT 21 Se ne YY a process of cajolery, flattery, and craftiness Kidwell gradually won Mary Gallagher's com- plete confidence. Constant attention to her wants, subtle compliments, invitations to the theatre, to dinner, to “parties,” extended motor trips, convinced Mary Gallagher, who was har- rassed from overwork caused by the many diffi- cult problems confronting the defense, that George was a trusted friend, and that his policies were the most sagacious and should be followed. Thus it was the labor leaders, through Kidwell, succeeded in superseding Tom Mooney as director of the Defense Committee with following results: | 1, ‘The agitation against Governor Young was discontinued. It was Tom Mooney’s firm con- viction that Governor Young had no intention to pardon’ him, and that the policy of the defense should be to denounce him for his cowardice. Mary Gallagher refused to do this, and for months the work of the committee was at a standstill. Finally Tom Mooney insisted that she either follow his instructions or resign. At last she agreed to comply with his wishes. It was decided that an editorial from the Baltimore “Sun,” March 21, 1930, which strongly attacked the Governor for his failure to pardon Tom Mooney, should be inserted in the pamphlet “Pardom Tom Mooney—innocent.” Using every possible subterfuge, she deferred printing the revised edition of the pamphlet for many weeks. Almost all the major California labor leaders supported the Governor, and it was their, advice that the defense should follow the same policy, and disregard the instructions of Tom Mooney. 2, Pamphlets were not sent to the voters. The primary task of the defense was to educate all the citizens of California regardng the frame-up. That was the main reason the pamphlets were printed. It was the hope of Tom Mooney that every voter in the State would receive a pamph- let, as he felt that the data thus given the voters would so clearly prove his innocence that public clamor would compel the Governor to issue a pardon, The pamphlet strongly attacked the Governor for his subservience to Big Business, so Kidwell and the other labor leaders prevailed upon Mary Gallagher to send very few to the voters. Jagher knew that the only hope of Mooney and Billings to secure a pardon was predicated on the assumption a majority of the citizens of the State would strongly insist that the Governor pardon them. Obviously, such a demand could only come if there was general knowledge of the frame-up, and by witholding the pamphlets con- taining this information, solely to protect the interests of the labor leaders, the two prisoners were irremediably injured. 3. Support of the most generous contributor lost. Aline Barnsdall, the most generous donor to the Defense Funds, considered the distribu- tion of the pamphlets of ,such importance, that she donated a large sum for this specific purpose. When she learned the pamphlets were not being mailed to the voters, she withdrew her support from the Tom Mooney Molders Defense Com- mittee, and organized a special committee in Los Angeles for the sole purpose of issuing the pamphlets. Miss Barnsdall assumed all the fin- ancial expenses and mailed thousands of these pamphlets to the voters before the State primary. 4 No fight against Governor Young during primary. The morning after Tom Mooney’s first pardon application was denied, he strongly de- nounced the Governor. In a statement issued from the Warden's office, he urged the voters to defeat him in the coming primary. Immediately Mary Gallagher upbraided him, and another ser- ious dispute began regarding the policy of the de- fense. It was Tom Mooney’s definite instructions that the committee devote all its energy and re- I sources to defeat Governor Young in the primary. But, this was in direct conflict with the inter- ests of the large majority of the major labor ‘This was gross betrayal, for Mary Gal- | Tom Mooney Mary Gallagher's promise that the Defense Com- | mittee would disregard Tom Mooney’s orders. She absolutely refused to have the defense print a special leaflet containing the editorial of the Baltimore “Sun” and a resolution passed by the Typographical Union of Merced, California, which declared that the unions should make the demand for a Mooney-Billings pardon a cam- paign issue, and asked all the friends of Labor to defeat Governor Young whom they branded as unfit for the high office he held. is certain the labor leaders did not wish such a leaflet. circulated—they were doing their utmost to help the jailer of Mooney and Billings. 5. Follows insidious advice of labor leaders. Mary Gallagher positively refused to issue a statement to the voters in the name of Tom Mooney Molders Defense Committee asking all the yoters in the name of the Tom Mooney Mol- ders Defense Committee asking all the friends of Tom Mooney to defeat Governor Young. In- stead, on advice of Kidwell and his friends, she gave the press a statement to the effect “that Tom Mooney would prefer to see Governor Young reelected because of his long study and familiarity with the case, and that if a new Gov- ernor was elected, there would be another long delay until Governor Young's succedsor had stud- ied all the evidence.” This was a deliberate mis- representation. Tom Mooney never authorized such a statement. He knew that it was import- ant that Governor Young should be defeated as an object lesson to his suce 's, who might also be minded to disregard the wishes of almost the | entire labor movement. Governor Young denied Tom Mooney’s appli- cation for pardon July 8, 1930, and five days later, July 13, Paul Scharrenberg, Michael Casey, John O'’Connel, Frank McDonald, John Me Laughlin, George Kidwell and most of the other major labor leaders endorsed Young for re-elec- tion. Mary Gallagher knew this, she also knew that these men had never sincerely helped the defense, but she was so under the influence of Kidwell and others, that her judgement was warped. By aiding them she totally disregarded the best interests of the Defense Committee. John Mooney, Tom's brother, attacked Paul Scharrenberg on the floor of the San Francisco Labor Council immediately after the first par- don denial. ter Governor Young denied the pardon, Schar- renberg announced he would support him, and that John Mooney was justified in his defense. Her experience during the early days of the re- organization of the defense proved that Scharrenberg was a bitter enemy of Tom Mooney nevertheless, shestrongly condemned John Moon- ey for publicly telling the truth, 6. No efforts to secure funds. Without funds there can be no defense. September 4, 1930, Mary Gallagher took a trip East and attended the Convention of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters as a guest of George Kidwell. She did ,not even make a request that this very wealthy International Union give a donation to the de- fense. Neither did she ask that a resolution de- manding the pardon of Mooney and Billings be passed by the convention. As Secretary of the defense it was her duty to make at least two requests. Was it because she was in the com- pany of the virulent enemies of Mooney—Daniel Tobin, Michael Cassey, John O'Connell and John McLaughlin—that she failed to do her duty? A few days after the Cincinnati Teamsters Convention, she visited Clarence Darrow in Chi- cago. He promised to introduce her to some wealthy liberal minded persons who might be in- duced to donate funds for the defense. But the constant companionship and poisonous influence of Kidwell and other labor leaders so undermined her interest in the defense that she did not even make an effort to visit Mr. Darrow’s friends. 7. Defense Committee Disrupted. From June to December 1, 1930, there was such constant and serious disputes concerning the policy of the Defense Committee that its activities were par- alyzed. During this very critical period of the case, Tom Mooney did not know that the labor leaders had secured a strong ascendancy over his trusted Secretary, He did not know about George Kidweil. He did not know that Paul Scharren- berg was in close consultation with Mary Gal- lagher regarding the defense policy, Neither did he know that she attended meetings of the San Labor Council in the company of Schar- +_Sihle wpe. comp Agmavien that then It | Mary Gallagher knew that soon af- | | By JORGE emcee | Take Notice, London! Liverpool! Hey, you British workers! You are going to receive a visitor, and if you get around to it, we hope you'll receive him in style. His moniker is Joseph P. Ryan, the “P” stande ing for “poison,” and he will come unto you bearing Fraternal Delegate credentials from the A. F. of L. to the British Trade Union Congress which will conyene in Liverpool during Septem- ber. We're notifying you a long time in advance, because you might have trouble finding him a scab hotel to stop in, as all A. F. of L, officials are accustomed to patronize at their congresses here, This bird, Ryan, is president of the Interna- tional Longshoremen’s Association, also presi- dent of the Central Trades and Labor Council of Greater New York and vice president of the New York State Federation of Labor. In these capacities he has done his damnedest. to put over wage cut agreements on the Phila- delphia waterfront, to break the New Orleans dockers’ strike, to smash up the Needle Trades Union in New York City, to fight against un- employment insurance in N. Y. State, and every other variety of treachery with which Havelock Wilson made you familiar. He is a faithful follower of Tammany Hall and Cardinal Hayes, who is the real Mayor of New York. He is called to our attention now be- cause the official paper of the N. Y¥. Central Union Label Council is announcing that he is to be given a “bon voyage” dinner at one of the most expensive scab hotels in New York,, “The Commodore,” on April 25. And we are told—“Tickets will be $10.00 per person.” Think what this means when city of- ficials adit there are 750,000 unemployed in the five boroughs of N. Y. City proper, and 1,000,000 all told in Greater New York—with not a penny of unemployment insurance! Try to give hn a warm welcome to the Pool, buddies, and we'll try to do the same for any like him your T. U. C. sends over. After the Nobel Prize There is more than one way of winning the National Nobel Prize, as we are reminded from the following letter sent to us by Sinclair Lewis, who remarks that it “might interest your read- ers, particularly at this time of unemployment.” The lettter, addressed to Sinclair Lewis, by the real estate corporation called the Berlock Com- pany, says: My Dear Mr. Lewis:—We have for rent a most gorgeous and unusual duplex furnished penthouse apartment (Park Avenue—midtown office build- ing), which I thought might be of interest to you. “It really is beyond description—fourteen rooms and five baths. Entrance hall is a high domed room in Spanish tile, about 50 by 20. Very large drawing room. Beautifully panelled dining room. Charming solarium—tw> large master bedrooms, three colored tile ba” *’ bar on first floor of duplex. Very large t vr rounding the entire apartment which * uly furnished and can be seen by appoint: ly. “Asking $25,000 a year, but I believe it can be had at a slight reduction. Hoping I may be of service to you, I am, “Very truly yours, Berlock Company, Inc. By Agnes Harnett.” The letter is abominably written, and we have had to correct the spelling to make it intelli- gible. But no doubt, the Berlock Company fig- ures on getting about half of the 1930 Nobel prize for literature. were cooperating. Tom Money did know, after the defeat of Governor Young in the primary, largely due to his efforts, and in spite of Mary Gallagher and the labor leaders, that she delib- erately disregarded his instructions, and that on account of her attitude the work of the commit- tee was at a standstill. When, after much fore- bearance, he discharged Marry Gallagher as Sec~ retary of the committee, she removed all the re- cords, mailing list, and other equipment from the Defense Headquarters. She also tied-up the bank account, so that is was impossible for her successor to continue the work of the defense, On December ‘1, 1930, when the Supreme Court announced the second denial of Billings’ pardon plea, Mary Gallagher's successors could not write a statement for the waiting newspaper men— even the stationery had been removed from the headquarters. Was it because Paul Scharrenberg knew Mary Gallagher was paralyzing the activities of the De- fense Committee that he made his insidious ate tack on Tom Mooney and the Defense Committee at the Marysville Convention of the California, State Federation of Labor? Scharrenberg chos' the time when Mary Gallagher was in Cincinnati at the Teamsters’ Convention to insinuate tha‘ ! the defense was demoralized, if not corrupt. He} could say this, for had he not helped to bring this situation about? It is one of the real tragedies of this case that so splendid a woman as Mary Gallagher should have been so evilly influenced by the degraded, corrupted and degenerated labor leaders. It is on account of their deliberate, subtle domination over Mary Gallagher that the Defense Commit~ tee became demorallized. Mary Gallagher, who possibly does not yet realize that her conduct is the result of a calculated plan by the labor leaders to have her betray the best interests of Tom Mooney, still follows their advice. She is making various untruthful statements about Tom Mooney, such as, that he is “impossible and in- sane,” and by her refusal to return the moneys, records, equipment and property of the Tom Mooney Moulders Defense Committee to her successor, immeasurably increases the difficulties of the Defense Committee. Within g short time, the work of the Defense will proceed with renewed vigor through Aline Barnsdall's quick cooperation at a crisis, and Tom Mooney will again be able to feel that his in- terests are fully protected, The added pain, the gricf and the harm caused by the mistaken course of his former friend can hardly be esti- mated. More than ever does he mistrust the la+ bor leaders, reer eeh poner hed senor crmbat nen